Libmonster ID: U.S.-1856

(Theoretical aspect of the problem according to the data of archeology and historical ethnology)

The aim of the study is to correlate the theory of historical ethnology with archaeological sources that reflect the development of the phenomenon of military power, i.e., the power of military leaders, in their symbolism. For this purpose, the prestige of burials with weapons from the Neolithic - early Bronze Age periods is analyzed based on materials from the Danube, the Caucasus, and southern Eastern Europe. The paper briefly presents the theory of ethnology on the classification of wars of the pre-state period, i.e., the actual primitive and for the extraction (real). On the basis of ethnological studies, the author notes the different position of military leaders in societies and their rapid path to the top of power with the development of wars for production and the acquired right to distribute spoils of war. An excursion into the theory of ethnology is directly related to the analysis of archaeological sources, as well as works of art, mythology, which reflect the growing prestige of people associated with the military sphere, i.e. those who exercised military power, by the symbolism of weapons, related items and plots.

Key words: ethnology, archeology, war, mining, power, weapons.

Introduction

In this paper, an attempt is made to reconstruct the process of development of the phenomenon of power associated with military operations in pre-state societies. This multi-faceted phenomenon is considered on the basis of historical ethnology and archaeological sources of the Neolithic - early Bronze Age. Such research has its own characteristics. On the one hand, they consist in illustrating theoretical propositions with concrete examples from ethnography. On the other hand, the conclusions are based only on indirect evidence from the materials of archeology, since for the studied regions there is no ethnological information about the time of the Neolithic - Bronze Age. Archaeological sources on this topic are the forms of weapons and the complexes in which they are found, including other equipment accompanying weapons, personal costume decorations, if we encounter data from burial practice, as well as works of art with scenes of struggle and images of weapons.

Naturally, in a short article it is impossible to cover all the situations related to the stated topic, to touch on all models of development of primitive society on the way to statehood and civilization. Therefore, we consider it only as an opportunity to present the outline of the necessary reasoning, based on many fundamental studies in the ethnology of the primitive era. To illustrate the conclusions drawn from the archaeological context, we selectively use mainly materials from the cultures of Europe, the Caucasus, and the Middle East.

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Etymology of the word "war" and typology of wars

We will begin our consideration of the phenomenon of war with a brief analysis of the word itself in the Russian language. Judging by the etymology, it is purely Indo-European. Similar-sounding words are found in many Slavic and other ancient European languages [Ivanova, Chakhoyan, Belyaeva, 2010, p. 539]. In the language of the Avesta there is a verb " vay "(vay) - "to drive". The Indo-European word pravaiana is synonymous with the term "shepherd's crook" (Preobrazhensky, 1958, p.90, 91). Thus, the etymology of the word "war "takes us back to ancient times, when the concepts of" hunting "and" war " did not differ significantly in meaning. Ancient people associated such an occupation with chasing, rounding up, foraging, and shepherding as a branch of the economy, associated with the constant threat of attack and capture of livestock. But the object of attack in military operations was no longer animals.

It is noteworthy that the word "war" does not affect the etymology of the Slavic word "death" (Latin morte). Consequently, the ideas of the ancient Slavs about war and death in ancient times were not at all unambiguous. The war was not waged to kill the enemy, its goals were different. Wars constantly accompanied the development of primitive society and were an essential part of progress.

Many of the provisions of this article on wars in the primitive era are contained in the works of prominent historians and ethnologists (Morgan, 1934; Averkieva, 1974; Davey, 2009; Ritter, 1968; Yadin, 1963; Makhlayuk, 2009). Among the works of Russian scientists, special attention was paid to the research of I. M. Diakonov [1983, 1990, 1997], I. I. Potekhin [1951], Yu. I. Semenov [1993a, b, 1995], S. Sozina [1969], and V. Shnirelman [1986, 1988, 1994]. Based on their works, we can briefly touch on the theory of the problem, without claiming to be original in our conclusions. War, in our understanding, is a conflict state of society and the sum of actions aimed at a group armed clash with the enemy, leading to its physical destruction or capture. The purpose of wars is not the extraction of protein food, in the latter case, the concept of "hunting"is used. The concept of "militarization"is associated with war. We do not use the foreign word "militarization" in relation to pre-state societies, because this term is clearly connected with modernity and is highly politicized.

According to historical ethnology, there are several types of wars. The first group consists of primitive wars for primitive survival, connected with the seizure of territory necessary for the existence of an ethnic group, and not caused by other economic reasons. They are a consequence of migrations caused by famine, climate change, and the movement of herds of commercial animals. The population, forced to seek better territory, did not pursue the goal of seizing enemy property or other loot. This group also includes wars due to violation of the boundaries of hunting grounds. They have been characteristic of hunter-gatherer communities since ancient times. The second group is primitive wars not for economic reasons (because of witchcraft, the evil eye, corruption attributed to the enemy, because of women, blood feuds, initiation with the blood of a foreigner, etc.). Wars of both groups are characteristic of pre-state societies and as a relic survived until the Middle Ages. Their main feature is ignoring loot as trophies. Frequent cases of cannibalism should also be mentioned. Disdain for war trophies is noted even among the Germans during their wars with Rome [Okshot, 2004, p. 65, 66].

The third group is mining wars. It is a difficult but important task to determine the boundary when the primeval wars reached this stage. We know from the historical examples of the Middle East and Europe that this happened at different times: in the Neo / Eneolithic era (Egypt), at the beginning (Mesopotamia) or at the end (Greece, Mycenaean culture) of the Bronze Age, in the Middle Ages-from the time of migration of peoples up to the Viking age, etc. of course, they did not disappear, but the wars for mining began to occupy an important place, and sometimes to dominate cross-cultural relations, sometimes disguised as ancient motifs, such as the Trojan War.

Historical ethnology shows by many examples that the transition from the primitive communal system to state formations took place as a process of incessant wars and transformation of the expression of the main branches of government. In this regard, we will be primarily interested in the military authorities. It first emerged as the power of a leader professionally directing military operations (Korenevsky, 2011b). In ethnology, such a leader is often called a military leader. The specifics of the war required special knowledge, training, skills, equipment from its leading leaders, i.e. the set of skills that would reflect specialization in the military field. In order to judge it from the data of archeology, we will first consider such a phenomenon from the sources of ethnology.

Military professionalism and its reflection in archeology

In the era of primitive wars in raids and tribal skirmishes, according to ethnology, took part in the participation of the majority of the population.-

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This is the entire male population. In general, military specialization for men was as natural as in hunting and cattle breeding. Regular warfare required the development of appropriate skills and equipment. So there was a special weapon, the shape of which can be determined by archaeological finds. Possession of it also required special skill.

According to ethnology, war is primarily a matter of young people in the prime of their physical fitness. With the development of mining wars, those who wanted to participate first took part in them. But with the transformation of war into a profitable area of the economy, people with professional training began to engage in it. The Romans perfectly understood the role of military training of young people. They taught their soldiers to apply a piercing blow to the enemy in hand-to-hand combat, which was more effective than a chopping one [Vegetii, 1940, p.234, 238].

Thus, for the pre-state period, the concept of "professional warrior" is a person who regularly engages in military operations and possesses appropriate special weapons. The earliest forms of such weapons include the well-known stone bell-shaped axe and mace, copper and bronze axes, maces, daggers, swords, and spearheads. To emphasize the prestige of the owner, elite weapons have appeared. According to archeology, it was usually decorated with ornaments and decorated with gold.

Squad

Military power in the society of the pre-state period is the power of not only one military leader, but also his support, the squad as a military elite (specializing in war) stratum of society. There were several options for its formation. The first is related to the tradition of men's unions, and then men's military houses. Among the Iroquois, such a house was called "all friends" in translation, just like among the Slavs - druzhina.

The second option reflects the creation of a military squad by a bigman (a particularly significant person in a society with a prestigious economy) from people dependent on him, slaves, outsiders. The latter owed much to their leader, since the position of a vigilante dramatically increased their social status. It was the squad of outsiders that served as the support of the military leader among the population related to him, because it was personally obliged to him and was an alien element in society. The use of Varangian vigilantes in the Old Russian state is very close to this [Istoriya..., 1988].

The third option is mercenaries. The usual idea of a professional warrior of the ancient era is a person who fights for a fee. Before the advent of money, the payment for participation in war was war booty (Sozina, 1969).

The fourth option is associated with the emergence of a military aristocracy and hierarchy. It stemmed from the structure of the military organization of the society. It reflects the organization of military affairs "by regiments", in which men from 20 to 40 years of age served, among the Zulus of the Shaki chiefdom (Ritter, 1968). In the Matabele (south-east Africa, the Nguni people), the entire class of warriors was divided into four categories. The lowest were conscripts, young people, the second-unmarried young soldiers who do not have military merit, the third - married soldiers, veterans, guards, the fourth, the highest-commanders of units of troops, managers of individual territories, assistants to the leader (Potekhin, 1951).

The fifth variant of the development of the military estate is associated with the caste system. It is illustrated by the history of the Aryans of India. In their society there were castes of brahmins (priests), kshatriyas (warriors), vaishyas (commoners), sudras (servants, hired workers). The essence of the Aryan caste system during the Rig Veda was that it consolidated the highest military and economic power in the military stratum of society, putting it in a religious form, as a natural consequence in explaining the creation of the world and human society. The highest military leaders of the Aryans were chosen only from the Kshatriya caste. Only kshatriyas were legally entitled to a deep knowledge of military affairs [Elizarenkova, 1989].

Among the ancient peoples of the European continent, the epic did not preserve the reflection of caste structures. A vigilante could come from a very broad social background. According to ancient Russian epics, Ilya Muromets is a peasant son, Alyosha Popovich is a representative of the clergy, only Dobrynya Nikitich was a boyar-a noble vigilante.

Military professionalism and economics

In the formation of military professionalism, it seems that two stages can be outlined, reflecting the level of militarization and the economic development of society. The first is related to the general arming of the population with relatively cheap and affordable weapons. Warriors who devoted themselves to their profession or were on the warpath for a long time did not have special, expensive defensive weapons that gave them a fundamental advantage over ordinary people. This stage falls on the pre-State period in the history of militarization. Of course, for-

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shield armor existed at that time. First of all, it was a shield. Bone armor is well documented ethnographically among the Chukchi (Nefedkin, 2003). The Iroquois had leather armor [Razin. 1955]. Protective weapons were known to the Papuans. It included a carapace made of dark rattan and a small round wooden shield (Miklukho-Maklay, 2011: 127, 173). However, Papuan warriors are often depicted without armor.

The second stage is characterized by the spread of effective special weapons for combat at medium and short distances and the appearance of metal protective armor, primarily a helmet. Its use reflects elite military equipment. This stage is associated with early statehood (mid-third millennium BC) [Yadin, 1963]. Judging by the materials of the Ur necropolis and the images on the standard from Ur, the soldiers of the Sumerian city-states wore copper helmets and sewed metal plates on their cloaks. A cloak wrapped around the arm could serve as a shield (Woolley, 1934).

Special defensive weapons of military leaders become very valuable. So, the armor of Diomedes-the hero of the Achaeans-cost seven bulls. Ajax's armor took eight bullskins. Apparently, it wasn't that expensive. Glaucus ' armor of bronze, trimmed with gold (referred to as gold), cost 100 bulls (Homer. The Iliad, VI, 235). The production of special weapons required high skill, possession of very complex technologies. Already in the pre-state period, weapons made of copper and bronze became the subject of extensive gift exchange operations and sacred hoards, the earliest of which originate from the territory of the Danube Eneolithic cultures (Vulpe, 1975). Weapons hoards have been recorded in the Caucasus since the beginning of the Arsenic Bronze Age (Prierevan hoard). Hoards with bronze axes are typical of the Bronze Age of Europe and the Caucasus (Banyabyuk in Romania, Privolnensky, Kostroma in the Ciscaucasia, etc.). The Borodino hoard contains weapons of both Siberian and Ural warriors and Caucasians. The Stublo hoard in Volhynia includes weapons of local tribes and a battle axe of mountaineers of the Central Caucasus brought hundreds of kilometers away.

Tactics of military operations

According to ethnology, in primitive wars, military actions were widespread in the form of raid, ambush, archery, duels at a distance, by throwing spears and javelins. Their leadership was kept to a minimum. Village leaders in ritual wars could plan military actions, but no more. The Bigmen kept to the rear, as killing them could lead to panic and general defeat [Shnirelman, 1994, p. 158, 159].

In the Middle East, the Caucasus, and Europe, the battlefields were dominated by foot formations until the third millennium BC. Professional warriors preferred close combat, i.e. hand-to-hand combat. It was she who brought the fastest decisive victory to trained soldiers who could stab. Weapons for stabbing in the era of copper and bronze were a bronze dagger, a sword and a spear with a bronze tip.

The appearance of heavy infantry armed with spears with powerful bronze tips is recorded from archaeological finds, as well as from works of art (stelae, a standard from Ur) in various places at different times. Thus, the earliest such arrowheads were found in Eastern Anatolia at the Arslantepe settlement in the VIA layer, which dates back to the period of the existence of the Jemdet-Nasr settlement near Babylon - the end of the IV millennium BC.They were also found among the tribes of the Maikop-Novosvobodna community of the same time (Korenevsky, 2011a). Images of warriors arranged in a row are found on the Ur Standard and the Stele of Kites of the third millennium BC from Southern Mesopotamia (Diakonov, 1983, p. 193, figs. 59, 60). Building infantry "shoulder to shoulder" is a convergent phenomenon. It was known not only in the Middle East. Such a construction is assumed in the tribes of the forest zone of Eurasia, carriers of the Seimin-Turbinsky phenomenon, circa the XVI century BC (Molodin and Khudyakov, 1998).

Military leaders

Military power was embodied by military leaders. As special leaders of society, they appeared in the era of the early primitive community, and above all where the military situation was most tense [Semenov, 19936]. Military power was a relatively young branch in primitive society. At first, it meant little, because the community valued generous donors more than glorious warriors, although they respected the latter. With the increasing role of wealth, the highest prestige and leadership in society ceased to be combined with military glory. Courage in battle among the Papuans meant nothing in the competition for a leading position in the community, if the warrior was poor, could not arrange a ceremonial feast and be a generous donor [Ibid., p. 400].

The pursuit of prestige and an honorable name was far from idle in the era of constant tribal wars, accumulation of wealth, and social differentiation in the era of a prestigious economy. They granted privileges in access to the public domain, primarily land, and the right to use the most valuable resources.-

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more convenient land, pastures for personal and family purposes. The claim of an Indian to a certain rank or status meant a claim to the right to own certain forage areas (Averkieva, 1974).

Among the nomads of the Comanche steppes, a military leader could only be one who succeeded in the military field, but the choice of a successor was always limited to the clan of the leader of the tribe. To be elected, a warrior had to demonstrate great generosity, which was worth considerable wealth. They could be obtained by having large herds of horses, income from military raids. Therefore, the Kiowa chieftains, for example, were not only military leaders, but also the richest people. Among the Comanches, the authority of a military leader depended on military talent, generosity, and justice in sharing the spoils [Ibid.; Morgan, 1934].

In the Aztec Confederacy, there was a division between civil and military power, but by the arrival of Europeans, Montezuma was recognized as the supreme leader. He received the title of supreme war chief and the title of speaker-speaker at the Council of the Confederacy, according to L. G. Morgan. The speaker opened the debate, was the first to have the floor and the opportunity to persuade the council, and could act on others. The title of nobleman (L. G. Morgan's term) among the Aztecs implied nobility of origin, i.e. belonging to the family of noble warriors or leaders; bravery shown in several battles; reaching a certain age and possessing huge wealth to cover the expenses that a person who was awarded such a high title had to bear [Morgan, 1934, p. 121].

War chiefs and military leaders typically figure in many types of chiefdoms and early states. The image of a military leader is associated not only with special military skills, but also with outstanding courage, courage, the ability to take risks and not be afraid to die in battle. Gradually, the code of honor of his inner circle is being formed. To abandon a military leader in battle means disgrace for his soldiers, loss of honor. The military leader's outfit takes on special characteristics that make it recognizable in battle (as a rule, it is a headdress).

There was only one way to achieve prestige, and that was to turn war into a means of obtaining the values that make up wealth. This was a completely new and unusual area of accumulation of prestigious wealth, associated with an unconventional environment of distribution and disposal. Peaceful power had nothing to do with it. The war created a new stratum of stewards whose prestige did not depend on the old ancestral nobility.

All sections of the male population, especially young people, were interested in the pursuit of military loot and military prestige, since success in the war, a military prize, could solve the main issue for them - the problem of marriage ransom. In this situation, the role of the military leader, the organizer of the campaign takes on an important quality - he becomes the manager of trophies. Everyone expects a fair division from him. The share of a warrior depended on his contribution to a combat operation, a feat on the battlefield. That is why the Indians developed the report card on military exploits so carefully. Bravery in battle now had an economic basis. Elder Neleus, a participant in the Trojan War, recalls his former youth and a successful raid that brought great booty. When dividing it, he "chose much for himself", and gave the rest to the people in an equal division - " so that no one would find resentment from him "(Homer. The Iliad, XI, 700). But this was not the case everywhere. For example, in the Gall and Amhara tribes, each participant in a raid received a share of the loot, but the lion's share went to the leader (Davey, 2009, pp. 112-114).

An unfair division of spoils could cause internal conflict in the army. However, the warrior society recognized the right of the military leader to his special, large part. The chief also had to be aware that an offense to the warriors in the division could cause serious complications. Agamemnon offended Achilles by taking away the prize he had won-a woman. In response, Achilles stopped taking part in the battles, and the Achaeans began to suffer heavy losses (Homer. The Iliad, I, 125-250; IX, 335).

One of the features of the era of the spread and development of the power of military leaders is the legendary feasts they set up for their comrades [Semenov, 19936, p. 570]. Norse myths mention Odin's famous feast in Valhalla, which every Viking warrior aspired to attend. Sagas and ancient Russian epics tell about feasts of vigilantes with the prince. The high prestige of the feast in ancient times reflects the funerary rites of the Maikop-Novosvobodna community of the Ciscaucasia (IV millennium BC). In her weapon complexes, the most prestigious items were bronze cauldrons the size of more modern buckets, made with a high, far from understood, art without a single seam, as well as dishes made of gold and silver [Korenevsky, 2011a].

Military power - the way up

The confrontation between civil and military power swung the scales in favor of the supremacy of one or the other, depending on the specific situation. In order for military power to be at the head of society and at the levers of communal distribution, the moral support of the people and the army was needed. In this respect, the example of the Iroquois is illustrative. They had two types of supreme power in the tribe

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chiefs: peacetime elders, sachems, and warlords. Sachems were in charge of all the everyday issues of society and controlled distribution, worship, solving political problems, and storing mythological information. Important decisions for a community, clan, tribe, or tribal confederation were made in councils that included sachems of all clans or tribes. The Iroquois had no supreme leader. A simple community member could be heard at the council, but only through a speaker. The gens chose a sachem from among its members, and this position was inherited in the gens. The new sachem was chosen after the death of the old one. A big role in this process was played by women, they were the ones who selected a worthy candidate. The Council of Chiefs only agreed or rejected the candidate. Women were not allowed to speak on the council. They could present their views through a speaker.

The power of the sachems practically excluded women from making important decisions affecting the life of Iroquois society. But much has changed when the military intervened in matters of politics. The military leaders of the Sosna Men's Union (practically the union of professional warriors) have committed themselves to represent the interests of the common people and women in the councils of leaders. Thus, the military power, becoming a counterweight to the power of the sachems, enlisted the support of the widest circles of the population, since the army mainly consisted of not very rich Iroquois. This situation is observed among the steppe tribes of the Crow, who stopped going on military raids, preferring to breed cattle in their huge herds.

Military power was closest to the interests of a wide range of the male population, whose well-being largely depended on success on the battlefield and in the internal life of society. As a result, many Iroquois tribes have mostly military chiefs in their treaties with Europeans, and sachems are not even mentioned. It is difficult to say how this process would have ended. The Iroquois League ceased to exist under the pressure of the Euro-American civilization [Averkieva, 1974, pp. 239-240].

The military power, having gained the opportunity to lead in society, even in the pre-state period increased its economic power at the expense of tribute, taxes, and control over trade. Its primacy increased with the development of wars for production. It was not antagonistic for many reasons. Military power maintained order in society, carried out defense and income-generating aggression. So, in Africa on the lake. Nyasa was inhabited by a tribe of maharajas. His people lived in several villages, each with its own chief. The minor chiefs were subordinate to the chief, who was called rondo. Everyone paid him a tribute, or tax, consisting of one elephant tusk a year. For this, rondo had to protect his people and help them [Livingston D., Livingston Ch., 1948, p. 87].

Yu. I. Semenov, analyzing the economic processes in pre-state societies, came to the conclusion that power in them developed in two directions: bigmen and chifmen [Semenov, 1993a, p.59]. In the first case, the leader in society could be an unrelated but wealthy person, in the second-only a leader by blood. How was economic power combined with military power? Ethnologists, using the example of the history of Papuan society, note that Bigman rarely became a "great warrior", i.e., a military leader [Istoriya..., 1988, p. 236]. Apparently, under the Chifmen variant, the path to the highest economic and military power was more direct, especially if the latter was combined with the leader's ownership of land, as well as all the resources and lives of relatives.

Traces of the development of military power in the Paleometallic era according to archaeological sources in Western Asia, Europe, and the Caucasus

The Copper and Bronze Ages left virtually no traces in the ethnography of Europe and the Near East. Some information can be obtained from the history of pre-Columbian America. But still, the forms of special weapons of chopping or stabbing action on this continent are not easy to judge. The Athapascans, who were at the level of a rather primitive Eneolithic, had copper weapons. The tribes of Mesoamerica and Inca Peru, judging by the images of chroniclers, had elaborately carved stone axes-maces, clubs with inserts made of obsidian, spears, swords made of wood (?), bows and arrows [Vega, 1974].

Reconstruction of the process of militarization of pre-state societies of Fore Asia, the Caucasus, Europe and other territories before the appearance of writing is the task of archeology. It is very difficult to solve this problem, because archaeological sources can only indirectly reflect social relations. At the same time, based on the general properties of material production, the thesis that the emergence of certain forms of weapons always reflects a specific social order of the era can be accepted as an axiom. As practice shows, according to archaeological data, it is possible to catch the appearance, for example, of special weapons even from random finds and date them using the method of analogies. However, this does not mean that it immediately began to penetrate into the funeral rites and became widespread.

The area of funerary practice of ancient people is primarily the sphere of religious ideas.

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The attitude to weapons was different. According to some beliefs, he was put in the grave and could even be believed that his ancestors would guard the living with weapons in their hands. Perhaps there were other motives. Weapons could also ensure the status of the deceased and their privileged place in the afterlife. According to other ideas, the weapon was "unclean", it brought death and it has no place in funeral rituals. For example, the Maasai believed that weapons are a symbol of death, and the gods do not like bloodshed, although they themselves were a warlike people. The Wachagga tribes in the vicinity of Kilimanjaro believed that the power contained in metal, metal weapons, is generally hostile to peace [Cline, 1937, pp. 115-119].

Thus, the weapons placed in the burial are an area of special symbolism. It can reflect the level of militarization of society or remain indifferent to it. In archaeological practice, it has long been noted that weapons are often found in burials in combinations of things. In order to answer the question of what these combinations are, complexes with weapons should be analyzed using the methods of archaeological typology and combinatorics.

Military equipment could take a special place in funeral practice at a time when the field of religious ideas began to absorb and reflect the importance of the military stratum in society. Placing weapons in the grave was important for living relatives as a consolidation of the special status of the military stratum in ideology or for religious reasons related to the idea of the afterlife as identical with the real world with all its features.

The special prestige of the Danube region buried in the Eneolithic era was emphasized by gold in the form of ornaments and overlays-the decoration of percussion instruments. Among the peoples of the "near state", gold also served as a means of emphasizing a special layer of military people. So, among the Muisca of Mesoamerica, only the military aristocracy could wear gold jewelry, and the afterlife was represented as a copy of the earthly one. According to their beliefs, the souls of the dead descended to the center of the earth, where each has its designated place, according to what they had on earth (Sozina, 1969, p.165).

The symbolism of military equipment is particularly evident in the late stages of pre-state society and in early states. The graves of military nobility at this time are no longer complete without weapons, a military place in the afterlife becomes the most honorable. Among the Germanic tribes and Vikings, glorious warriors who have fallen on the battlefield find eternal pleasure at a feast in Valhalla. To do this, a Viking must die with a sword in his hand or be buried with a weapon (Meletinsky and Gurevich, 1987; Valhalla, 1987).

The above - mentioned problem of two ways of developing the highest power in society - Bigman and chifman [Semenov, 1993a, p.59] - is very difficult to solve according to archeology, since the archaeologist cannot determine who was buried with rich equipment, weapons-bigman or chifman. When determining the social significance of the buried, he has to rely only on the set of things in complexes, the typology of inventory, and select the most correct terms in interpretation. Analysis of the combinatorics of artefacts from such complexes is very important. Based on it, we can note several stable sets( models) for the time of the end of the VI-III millennium BC.These models characterize two centuries-old stages of economic development of the pre-state period, the essence of which can be expressed through the concepts of historical ethnology [Semenov, 19936]. One, earlier, was called "prepolitical". In addition to special economic relations, it is characterized by great importance for leaders of the prestige of labor. The other one was called "protopolitan" by Yu. I. Semenov. At this time, his employment did not play a special role for the prestige of a leader in the military sphere. The next period," political", is already related to the concepts of civilization or the state with the corresponding level of organization of power, development of the economy and computer science [Ibid.].

The military model is represented by funerary complexes with only weapons, for example, an axe or a mace. Most often, it is recorded in the Danube region. Here, graves with stone axes are associated with the Lendel culture (for example, the burial ground in Zengovarkon) (Dombay, 1960). Burials with shock weapons appear very early in the south of Eastern Europe. They are known, for example, at the Mariupol (Figs. 1, 1) and Khvalynsk burial grounds (in total, the end of the VI - first half of the Millennium BC). In the Ciscaucasia, this model existed for a long time, at least it is clearly recorded in the Middle Period of the Bronze Age and in the Precoban period.

The military production model is represented by funerary complexes with weapons (stone or bronze vtubchaty axe, klevets) and woodworking tools. Early examples of this model date back to the Hamanjia culture in the Danube basin (Durankulak, border 1036) (Figs. 1, 2), approximately the second quarter of the fifth millennium BC (Todorova et al., 2002, S. 42, Taf. 171). A set of copper axes and adzes is known from the Falciu complex (Govedarica, 2004, Tab. 8) (Figs. 1, 3).

Eneolithic underground burials of the Ciscaucasian and Volga-Don steppe zones mostly contain stone adzes, but without combining them with stone axes [Korenevsky, 2012]. The burial ground-

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1. Egalitarian models of burial complexes of the prepolithic period in southern Eastern Europe and the Danube region.

1-border 8 of the Mariupol burial ground, the end of the VI millennium BC (according to: [Makarenko. 1933]), - military model; 2-border 1036 of the Durankulak burial ground (Hamanjia culture), second quarter of the 5th millennium BC (according to [Todorova et al., 2002]), - military production model; 3 - destroyed burial in Falciu (according to [Govedarica, 2004]) - military production model.

similar sets of weapons and tools are known in different cultures. They became widespread from the beginning of the Bronze Age (i.e., with the spread of copper-arsenic alloys), primarily among the tribes of the Maikop-Novosvobodnenskaya community of the Pre-Kazakh region in the IV millennium BC. The military production model in the Caucasus continued to exist further among the carriers of the Alazani-Bedene culture in Georgia and among the tribes of Azerbaijan close to it in this symbolism first half of the third thous. B.C. [Museibli, Akhundova, Agalarzade, 2011]. It is also represented in burials of the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age period in the central part of the North Caucasus (the kugrana complex in the Andreevskaya Valley on the outskirts of Grozny and its analogues) [Markovin, 1994, p. 273, Tables 82, 10, 12].

If the military model emphasized the military prestige of the deceased, then the military production model may indicate a particularly high social position of the buried person, who during his lifetime played a very significant role not only in military affairs, but also in the economy. The latter might have been bigmen or chieftains by blood. However, it is difficult to specify such a division according to archaeological data.

Gold can be found in the complexes of both models. Sometimes it is present in the form of one or two temporal suspensions, in other cases in a larger number (various decorations, overlays on objects). To assess the development of hierarchy in the social sphere of pre-state societies, the importance of gold and silver is particularly important. On the one hand, they were, judging by the mythology of many peoples, metals of the highest deities - the Sun and Moon. On the other hand, their use in the economy as universal equivalents of exchange led to the formation of statehood in Mesopotamia. For the initial stages of familiarization of ancient farmers and pastoralists with gold, burials with it can be considered as a reflection of a special elite ranking: the more gold items, the higher the status of the buried person [Korenevsky, 2004].

Gold is more saturated with complexes with a military-industrial set of things. People buried with gold objects can be considered not only as military leaders, but also as carriers of special sacred power.

Among the earliest complexes of the elite military model, pogr. 4 burial grounds is particularly interesting-

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Figure 2. Burial of a military and cult leader with a weapon and two golden spirals (second half of the 5th millennium BC) at the Giurgiulesti burial ground in Moldova (according to [Govedarica, 2004]) - an elite military model of the pre-political period.

2), which contains primitive weapons (a copper stiletto, as well as either a sword or a slingshot) and two gold spiral headdress pendants (Govedarica, 2004, p. 97, Abb. 30]. A more complex elite military production model is represented by well-known complexes, such as border 43 of the Varna Burial ground (Fig. 3) [Ivanov, 1988]. The most gold-rich burials with weapons of the Maikop-Nosobodnenskaya community contained bronze dishes and, in rare cases, gold and silver. As an example, you can specify the Maikop mound (Fig. 5 mound 31 with a sword in the tract "Treasures" at the station. 5, 3), Nalchik (Fig. 5, 2) and Kishpek (Fig. 5, 1) tombs with large bronze cauldrons [Korenevsky, 2004], border 18 of mound 1 of the Maryinsky-3 burial ground with a set of weapons and tools (Figs. 5, 4) [Kantorovich and Maslov, 2009; Korenevsky, 2004].

Under the influence of the Maikop-Novosvobodna community, the elite military-industrial model penetrated to the carriers of the yamnaya culture of the Don and Volga-Urals. An example is border 4 of mound 31 of the Pavlovsky burial ground in the Voronezh Region (Fig. 6, A) [Sinyuk, 1996, p. 58, Fig. 51, 6], border 1 of mound 1 of the Utevsky burial ground (Fig. 6, B) [Vasiliev, 1980]. In the Urals, the egalitarian version is also preserved, for example, a set of military equipment and woodworking tools from the border of 4 kurg. 8 of the Tamar-Utkul burial ground (Fig. 7) [Morgunova and Kravtsov, 1994; Morgunova et al., 2011, p. 63, Fig. 10, 8-13].

In the Middle East, the elite military-industrial model is recorded at the turn of the IV-III millennium BC at the Arslantepe hillfort (VTBI layer) in a rich T1 tomb with bronze weapons and carpentry tools, gold and silver ornaments [Frangipane et al., 2001], as well as in the burials of burial mounds III and IV of the Si burial ground- Girdan at oz. Urmia (bronze axes, dagger, adze, gold jewelry) [Muscarella, 1969, 1971].

3. Burial of 43 Varna burial grounds, mid-5th millennium BC (Museum of Varna), an elite military-industrial model of the prepolitical period.

1 - museum reconstruction; 2 - the situation when clearing the burial.

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4. The clothing complex of the Maikop mound (Maikop-Novosvobodnenskaya community, approximately the middle of the IV millennium BC) is an elite military-industrial model of the pre-political period.

A-bronze (1-7) and stone (8) tools; B-dishes made of silver (electro?) (1, 3), bronze (2, 4) and gold (5); C-jewelry (gold, silver; 11-variants of reconstruction of bull figures).

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5. Bronze cauldrons (1, 2) and a sword (3), tools and ornaments (4) from the complexes of the elite military-industrial model of the pre-political period.

1-Kishpekskaya tomb; 2-Nalchik tomb (Dolinsky version of the Maikop-Novosvobodnenskaya community (hereinafter - MHO)). second half of the IV millennium BC; 3-border 5 of mound 31 of the Klada burial ground (Novosvobodnenskaya group MHO, mid-second half of the IV millennium BC); 4-border 18 of mound 1 of the Maryinsky-3 burial ground (Dolinsky variant MHO, ca. 3350 BC).

6. Complexes of the elite military-industrial model of the prepolitical period with monuments of the Yamnaya culture. A-border 4 mound 31 of the Pavlovsk burial ground, the second half of the IV millennium BC (according to [Sinyuk, 1996]): 1 - 3-copper, 4-silver; B - border 1 mound 1 of the Utevo burial ground, the end of the IV-beginning of the III millennium BC (according to: [Vasiliev, 1980]): 1 - 3, 5, 6-copper, 4-stone, 7-gold.

Fig. 7. Copper products from border 4 of mound 8 of the Tamar-Utkul burial ground of the VII yamnaya culture of the Urals, beginning of the III millennium BC (according to [Morgunova et al., 2011]), an egalitarian military production model of the prepolithic period.

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Often, all the above-mentioned models and their variations can co-exist within the same culture, as, for example, in the Varna or Maikop-Novosvobodna community.

Conclusion

Thus, the main conclusion from the above models is that, according to the archeology of the Eneolithic and early Bronze Age of the Caucasus, the Danube region, and the Middle East, military power, often in combination with high sacral power, in the V-IV millennium BC practiced in funerary rites the symbolism of weapons and tools together with the ranking of gold the prestige of the dead. Subsequently, the symbols of labor from the burials of the military nobility disappear, as a reaction to the change in the position of the military power in society and the foundations of social stratification, when the military class becomes the most significant and influential. Such changes are described in remarkable works of art, in which the greatness of military leaders is illustrated by their larger image, sitting posture, throne, lyre, expensive weapons. They include a silver cup from Karashamba (Armenia, end of the third millennium). BC, Trialeti culture) [Oganesyan, 1988] (Fig. 8), seals with images of a military and cult leader of the Uruk period from Southern Mesopotamia and Susiana named En (Fig. 9) [Schmandt-Besserat, 1993], as well as the famous standard from Ur mentioned above (Fig. 10) [Woolley, 1934]. The symbolism of labor for the supreme leader is preserved in the early state period of Mesopotamia. But it exists

Figure 8. Scenes on the cup from Karashab, Trialeti culture, late 3rd millennium BC (according to [Oganesyan, 1988]). Proto-political period.

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9. Seal impressions with images of the En-Uruk military and cult leader of Southern Mesopotamia (according to [Schmandt-Besserat, 1993]).

1, 2-En-warrior-leader; 3-En-great hunter.

10. Ursky standard: images of the military leader, the army and the defeated enemy. Early Dynastic period (according to [Woolley, 1934]).

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mainly as an indicator of sacred construction [Avilova, 2011, p. 168-178].

The strengthening of military power in society and its desire for domination and legitimacy are reflected in numerous myths about heroes and their military exploits, battles around the Tree of Life and its fruits. In the pantheon of mythical higher gods, military gods, including thunderbolts, appeared as recognized leaders and supreme rulers (Afanasyeva, 2007; Diakonov, 1997; Raeder, 1965).

Concluding our brief essay on the early stages of the development of the phenomenon of military power, I would like to emphasize that archaeological materials, as well as written evidence about the peoples of the pre-state era, can reflect different models of militarization. They help to characterize the historical transformation of societies influenced not only by technological progress, but also by the military factor, and make the overall picture of the development of historical processes more visual and concrete.

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The article was submitted to the editorial Board on 19.11.13, in the final version-on 02.12.13.

Abstract

The objective of this study is to correlate historical, ethnological, and archaeological sources regarding the symbolism of military power. For that purpose the status of Neolithic and Early Bronze Age burials with weapons in the Danube Basin, Caucasus, and southeastern Europe was analyzed in the context of ethnological theory. These data are discussed with reference to the typology of warfare in pre-state societies, contrasting primitive wars and later "true" wars (those involving fighting for spoils). Ethnological evidence demonstrates the dramatic rise of the status of military chiefs. Eventually, as fighting for spoils becomes more common, the chiefs rapidly rise to the height of power and acquire the right to distribute trophies. This tendency is documented by archaeological evidence, art, and mythology, indicating the developing symbolism of weaponry and military themes and testifying to the rise in the status of persons involved in warfare, specifically military leaders.

Keywords: ethnology, archaeology, war, spoils, power, weaponry.

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