The turn of the XVII-XVIII centuries was one of the turning points in the history of the Crimean Khanate. The port increasingly pacified the" warlike impulses", i.e. raids, of the Tatars. After the Treaty of Bakhchisarai (1681), the Ottoman Turks pushed Crimea away from the khanate's solution of "their" problems in relations with Moscow. The actions of the Sultan's court to implement the Treaty of Constantinople of 1700 (which, among other things, limited Tatar invasions of Russia and eliminated the "wake") caused serious objections in the Crimea, which were expressed in the rebellion of Devlet Giray II [Sanin, 1993, pp. 275-279], who was exiled to fr. Rhodes. The state of uneasy relations between the suzerain and vassal was also influenced by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which in 1684 even proposed that Crimea secede from the Porte (Artamonov, 2003, p. 65).

The end of the 17th century was marked in the history of the Crimean Khanate by another remarkable event - for the first time, the Kettlebell found new subjects in the person of several hundred Orthodox Slavs, mainly Cossacks, natives of the Don [Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of Biology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, f. 178, op. 1, d.12366, 12449, 12450, 12348].

Keywords: Old Believers, Kuma River, Agrakhan River, Crimean Khanate, Cossacks, Don, Kuban, North Caucasus regions, Azak.

As early as the end of the 17th century, a group of Old Believer Cossacks left for the North Caucasus. Subsequently, the Zaporozhye Cossacks became subjects of the Khans (the beginning of the XVIII century) [Mshchev, 2006], and at the end of August 1708, a large group of participants in the Bulavinsky uprising moved to Kuban, which received the name Nekrasov in history. At the turn of the XVII-XVIII centuries, the Kuban Cossacks became a powerful force, whose military traditions, having passed the formation on the Don, were developed in the North Caucasus. There is a well-known case when the Crimean Khan resorted to limiting the activity of these subjects, refusing to supply the Cossacks with guns. I would like to emphasize that a significant part of this community are Old Believers, most often referred to in Russian documentation as "schismatics" or "Akhreyans". The exodus of the Cossacks to the territory of the Crimean Khanate was definitely of a family nature [RGADA, f. 111, op. 1, d. 11, l. 1 vol.], marking qualitative changes in their perception of the lands of the Girei state as "normal", and not "God-defying". Once in the Kuban (in the possessions of the Girei in the Western Caucasus), the Cossacks "beat the forehead of the Crimean Khan to accept them into servitude. And the Crimean Khan accepted them... with great love he bade them live... Kazyeva ulus Tatars (the area between the Kuban and Laba rivers, where they roamed. - D. S.). And vred... The Cossacks expect many Cossacks to come to live on the Don" [Archive of the SPBIII RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12348, l. 1].

The Cossacks who settled in the Caucasus (areas of the Kuma and Agrakhani rivers, from where they almost completely became subjects of the Girei in the early 1690s) develop relations

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with the Ottoman Azov. The words that the "apostate Cossacks ""constantly come to Azov" were heard in January 1691 in Moscow, where the "light village" of the Don Cossacks arrived. The Donets then reported on the intention of the Nogais and Kalmyks, together with the" God-walking "Kuma Cossacks," to proceed to the island in a larger assembly soon " [RGADA, f. 111, op. 1, d.2, l. 4]. In the early 1690s, a group of Cossacks-subjects of the Crimean Khan - arrived in Azov. Intercessors then beat the head of the Bey of Azov to give them a "Russian priest" [RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 178]. The nature of the bey's negative reaction at that time is curious - he did not have a priest at his disposal that was so necessary for the Cossacks, and it was generally not a question of a negative attitude to the request of the "kafirs". At about the same time, the khan ordered the Azov Tatar Kubek-aga to be sent from Azov to the Kuban "to take care of those roskolschikov", so that the Nogai and other hordes "did not fix any insults with those roskolschikov" [RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 178].

The Cossacks began to receive salaries from the khan and the Bey of Azov, and also successfully appealed directly to the Khan [RGADA, f. 119, op. 1, d. 9, l. 4], sending groups of their "poslytsikov" to Bakhchisarai - and the requests of new Giray subjects are very quickly considered in the Divan. According to data for 1697, among the Kuban Cossacks there was a "priest of belaya" from Medveditsa, "yes, the Chernets chlvk z dvattsat live with them as Cossacks especially kuren, and those Chernets say that they left in order to be forced to believe in a new way" [RGADA, f. 119, op. 1, D. 9, L. 4]. And in 1702, the Cossacks who lived in Eski-Kopyl at that time sent through the Crimea to the Seversky Donets River "howling Cossacks to the roskolschik Avil to take evo to their town and took a travel document from the khan about passing through the Crimea" [Usenko, 2000, p. 74]. The episode with Avil is significant, it characterizes the state of relations between the Kuban Cossacks and the Don Cossacks. It turns out that on the Don, the Cossacks revered Avila for a saint, "because de that Avila to them, the Cossacks, who of them will come to him about what to ask, prophesies" [RGADA, f. 371, op. 1, part 1, d. 291, l. 38]. Rumors about his arrival on the Don, allegedly from Jerusalem, quickly spread among the Don residents, with whom the Cossacks, subjects of the Khan, were in contact.

Thus, in the sphere of expectations related to religious aspects of adaptation, there is every reason to believe that both the Ottoman Azov and the Crimean Khans draw the same line, aimed at further systemic social adaptation of the Cossacks of the Crimean Khanate. It is noteworthy that neither then nor later did the Cossacks in any way hesitate to make such requests to their supreme overlords - the Crimean khans, almost without exception finding effective support. Attention is also drawn to the fact that the Kuban Cossacks already at the end of the XVII century. began to receive regular salaries - "in Azov at the Bey and in the Crimea at the Khan... "[RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 128]. In turn, the appearance of the Cossacks in the North-West Caucasus entailed another consequence - the transformation of the system of checks and balances, which is hardly formed by Russia in the Caucasus, in the Caspian region, in the Don region (expression of disloyalty to Moscow on the part of the Don people, increased danger to the position of some Russian fortresses, etc.).

At the end of the 17th century, the Kuban Cossacks began to play an active role in new crossings of the Donets to the Caucasus, raids by Nogais and Turks on the outskirts of the Russian state, and finally, in the general increase in the attention of the Crimea, the Ottoman Empire,and Russia to the Cossacks as an important factor in the Wild Field and adjacent territories. The example of the early history of the Kuban Cossacks perfectly illustrates the idea of F. Barth that by changing identity (for example, on the grounds of citizenship), "a person can, by doing exactly the same thing, get a much higher result, measured according to a different scale that becomes relevant in this case" [Barth, 2006, p. 30]. The restriction of the rights and privileges of the Don Cossacks, initiated by Russia, can be considered another factor that contributed to the actualization of the plans of the Don Cossacks to change their citizenship. On the contrary, if a number of conditions are met (optional

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by changing their religion), the Cossacks had every chance both in the Crimea and on the territory of the Ottoman Empire to preserve their usual way of life, faith at the cost of less losses than in "Nikonian Russia". It is not without reason that in the first quarter of the 18th century the Kuban possessions of the Girei became a permanent place of refuge for Russian fugitives, including Old Believers.

Developing the provisions of previous works [Sen, 2006; Sen, 2008 (1); Sen, 2008 (2), Sen, 2009 (3)], the author supplements them with new data. The Cossack communities of the Western and Eastern Caucasus (established and formed on the Kuma and Agrakhan rivers) emerged as a result of a fierce struggle within the Don Cossacks themselves in the 1680s. In fact, we can talk about the beginning of a qualitatively new stage in the history of the Don Cossacks, when the movement of the Old Believers " resulted in the first fratricidal war in the history of the Don Cossacks (emphasis added - D. S.) in 1688-1689, when it came to the total extermination of Cossack settlements by the Cossacks themselves "[Mininkov, 2006, p. 34]. The schism in the Church (more precisely, its "regional" aspect) in the Don Army itself caused several directions of withdrawal of the Cossacks from the Don, which were usually not considered earlier in historiography in their typological connection: The Crimean Peninsula, the "heart" of the Crimean Khanate (and probably Bakhchisarai itself); the Kuban possessions of the Girei in the North-West Caucasus; the basins of two rivers in the North-East Caucasus - Kuma and Agrakhani, where powerful Cossack "communities"were formed-communities, the Ottoman fortress of Azov.

Such a large scale of territorial aspirations of the Don people is indicative, indicating their qualitatively changed attitude towards the Muslim world. All parties were ready to move to a new level of relations: Giray, Ottomans, Cossacks. Of course, not all Don Cossacks chose the path of changing their citizenship. It is important to note something else - such different social behavior of the Don people also indicates the internal heterogeneity of the Don Army itself, among which there were both half-caste Tums and Tatars, and Slavs of various origins.

The parties have been working to expand the historical dialogue throughout the XVII century. Moreover, the "Turkish mirror" influenced the features of the Don Cossacks to a greater extent than is commonly believed in historiography. For example, it is no coincidence that the Don Cossacks already realized in the 17th century their threatening thesis for Moscow about their readiness to go over to the side of the alleged "enemies of Christianity" (as it is sometimes presented in the "traditional" interpretation of the Cossacks ' relations with the Muslim world). So, already in 1626, the Don people, dissatisfied with the oppression of the tsarist administration in Astrakhan, declared their readiness to go "to the land of the king of Tours and learn to live with the king of Tours" [RGADA, f. 127, op. 1, d. 1, l. 336-337]. And in the late 1680s. representatives of the Don Old Believers again started talking about the fact that " ... we have our own bittersweet Crimea... better-de now Crimean, than our tsars in Moscow"...; " if rozzoryat Crimea, then de and ... them... there will be no life" [Druzhinin, 1889, p. 180, 182].

It is also appropriate to say that in 1689 or 1690, some part of the Cossacks left the Don for the Kuban-in the possession of the Crimean Khan Selim-Giray I, and some Cossacks-immediately to the Ottoman Azov [RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 176]. The bulk of the Old-Believer Cossacks came to Kuban in the 1690s, coming from both the Don and the Eastern Caucasus. There was another area that researchers almost always forgot about - the Crimea. Thus, according to the testimony of the former Crimean prisoner I. Glistin (1689) [Berezhkov, 1888, p. 360], there were several Cossacks in the Khan's army who had fled from the Don to the Crimea a year earlier and were "drugged"there. In response to the offer of Prince V. V. Golitsyn to hand over the fugitives, the Khan refused, referring to the fact that the Cossacks had adopted Mohammedanism "and therefore they were satisfied". It is interesting that the" transshipment base "for the" traitors " - A. Gusenko and Z. Timofeeva - became Azov. The Cossacks fled from Cherkassk in 1687-1688. "to Azov, and in Azov they became intoxicated... "[Search cases..., 1888, stlb. 938].

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Without dwelling in detail on the history of the Cossacks who came to Kuban from the Eastern Caucasus (see [Sen, 2008 (3)]), and the problems of the initial stage of their development of the Kuban, I will limit myself to just a few remarks. By the time of the arrival of new groups of Cossacks in the Kuban (1692), the Cossack community here was not numerous - a contemporary and eyewitness of the events of the early 1690s, Demka Bashmak, pointed out that the Cossacks then were "male who own a gun, about fifty people, and female, as well as children, their number was skolko... does not mention" [RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 177]. These figures quite coincide with the information of another captured Cossack, Demka Markov, who estimated the number of Kuban Cossacks at several tens of people [RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 176-177]. It is also valuable to point out that Cossacks moved to the Kuban from the upper Don towns and that most likely among the members of the Cossack groups that developed the Kuban in the early 1690s were not only Agrakhans, but also natives of the Kuma Cossack community [RGADA, f. 210, columns of Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 177, 178]. As a result of the replenishment of the ranks of the Kuban Cossacks, the number of the group increased to several hundred: "And now there are two hundred or more of their roskolshchikov living in the Kuban" [RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 177]. The first groups of Cossacks who settled in Kuban before 1692 (the exact date is unknown - B. Boak makes a mistake, referring to the data of the Russian State Academy of Agrarian Sciences [Boak, 2001, p. 32], which do not directly correlate with his version of the time of the first appearance of the Cossacks in Kuban - 1689 or 1690), most likely did not live in O. G. Usenko also writes that the original location of the Kuban Cossacks is unknown to us [Usenko, 2000, p. 63]. It is appropriate to recall the remark of V. G. Druzhinin that he could not find in the archives data on the time of the appearance of S. Pakhomov's Cossacks in the Kuban. It is therefore impossible not to take into account the data of an authentic source: the testimony of the Don Cossack D. Bashmak, who showed in 1694 that about four years ago he fled from the Don to Azov, and the pasha of Azov in the same year (1690?) sent him to the Kuban "to the same thieves' Cossacks to the roskolshchiks, who vouched for him before the Azov Tatars " [RGADA, f. 210, columns of the Belg. table, stlb. 1406, l. 176].

Another addition to the ranks of the Kuban Cossacks occurred in the autumn of 1692, when the Kuban came Agrakhan Cossacks, defeated on the Sunzha river. When the Agrakhan Cossacks, retreating from the possessions of Tarkovsky shamkhal, headed for the Kuban, on the indicated river they were overtaken by a detachment of Kumyk murzas from Enderi ( Kumyk possession of Enderi in Northern Dagestan) - Murtazaley and Amirkhan, and the latter also attracted Chechens and Kumyks for this purpose [Acts of History, 1842, p.369, 370]. Sources differ in estimates of the number of Cossacks who managed to leave for the Kuban at that time. According to the terchanin F. Molchanov, "there were about a hundred and fifty of their Cossacks from the Agrakhani River, and about forty of their Cossacks left" [Russian-Chechen relations... 1997, p. 258]. V. G. Druzhinin logically believes that for such a number of Cossacks there was no need to build a whole town in the Kuban at that time, pointing to the approximate number of escaped fugitives of 200 people [Druzhinin, 1889, p. 211-212]. Finally, according to the Don Army, in September 1692 700 Cossacks went to the Kuban from Agrakhani, 200 of whom managed to reach the goal [Bok, 2001, p. 33]. It seems that in the autumn of 1692, the main forces of the Cossacks left Agrakhan, and led by their leader, L. Manytsky, i.e. several hundred people; it is not for nothing that considerable forces were gathered against them: no less than 450 men-at-arms from Astrakhan alone, the number of which eventually increased [Archive SPbIIRAN, f. 178, on. 1, d. 12316, 12317].

Even before the events on Sunzha, the Kuban Cossacks expressed their readiness to conduct the Agrakhan envoys to the Crimea, where they eventually ended up. I believe that the retreat of the Cossacks from Agrakhani to the Kuban was supported by the readiness of Khan Safa-Giray to accept the Cossacks as subjects. After another trip of the Cossacks from Kuban to Bakhchisarai (and the requests of the petitioners were considered in the Divan) their legal status is of high quality-

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Venno has changed. The Cossacks have added confidence in the future, and information about the imminent arrival of new "many" Cossacks from the Don to the Kuban has become very widespread. Complaining to the new Crimean Khan Selim-Giray (who arrived in Bakhchisarai in December 1692) about the Sunzha events, the Cossacks pointed out that the pursuers not only "plundered" their bellies, but also "took" their wives and children captive. Selim-Giray's reaction seems quite natural - messengers were sent to the" abusers " of the Cossacks with a demand to return the relatives of the new subjects of the khan, or he "will come to them for that war" [Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of Biological Sciences, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12348, l. 2]. Events, therefore, unfolded in this way that allowed the Cossacks to talk about the Kuban as a place from which they would "go to steal"...". In the same document, which dealt with the "servitude of the Cossacks", we find a strong confirmation of the interest not only of the Girei, but also of the Ottoman Azov in using the Cossack factor. It was from Azov that the Azov Tatar Kubek-aga was sent to Kuban "with all his nomads" [Archive of the SPBIII RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12348, l. 1-2], who is obliged not only to help the Cossacks in the arrangement, but also to command them directly. Another document expands our understanding of the motivational grounds of the Azov pasha, who decided to place the Cossacks under the leadership of Kubek-aga, "to protect those roskolschikov" from Nogai and other "hordes" [RGADA, f. 210, Belgorod table, stlb. 1406, l. 178].

The chronology of events is noteworthy : the Cossacks, almost completely defeated on the Sunzha River, came to Kuban in the autumn of 1692, and in April 1693 Kubek-aga was expected to join the Cossacks. The name of this aga ("foreman" for the Cossacks) is often found in documents relating to the history of the Kuban Cossacks, as an influential person who sometimes abused his powers. And yet, most often, the parties acted together: for example, in 1693, information was received about the impending attack of the Kuban Cossacks on the fish gangs on the Volga, " and with them is Kubek-aga, because de is given to him... the power of the Crimean Khan over them to be the ruler and built a small town for them in the Kuban " [Archive of the SPBIII RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12364, l. 2]. The Aga helped the Cossacks in building a small town (in the interfluve of Kuban and Laba), contributing to the dissemination of information about this among the Don Cossacks, who also intended to leave the Don [Archive of the SPBIII RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12449, l. 1] and go to the Kuban as a subject to the Khans.

An indirect confirmation of the absence of a newly built Cossack town before 1693 is the fact that the Agrakhan Cossacks were ordered to build a town between the Kuban and Laba rivers, which, according to some sources, was built by the autumn by the joint efforts of the Cossacks and Nogais under the leadership, presumably, of Kubek-aga. In other documents, for July-October (the deadline dates are July 27-October 17) of 1693, the construction of the town is referred to as a fait accompli [Archive of the St. Petersburg Research Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12364, l. 2; d. 12449, l. 1], and they emphasize the role of Kubek- agi, and the Cossacks themselves are once again called "roskolshchiki". In the late 1690s, the Cossacks decided to complain to the Khan about Kubek-aga, who "wanted to get a tenth share from those Cossacks in Pan, both in animal and fishing" - as Afonka Fyodorov, who served as an interpreter for the Kuban Cossacks, reported. Bought in the Caucasus mountains by the" military ataman " Savely Pakhomov, he ended up in the Kuban, where he began to live among the Cossacks. It is interesting that Afonka himself calls them "Agrakhan", determining the number of about one and a half hundred [RGADA, f. 119, op. 1, d. 9, l. 4]. As an eyewitness to the events, the interpreter reports that the Cossacks, dissatisfied with the aga, sent four envoys to the Crimea, who reached Bakhchisarai and managed to present a petition to the khan, "so that Kubek-aga would not receive any taxes from them." The results of the 18-day stay of the envoys in the Crimea can be called successful: "and the Crimean Khan from those Cossacks did not order them to do anything" [RGADA, f. 119, op. 1, d. 9, l. 4]. About a year later, the situation was typologically repeated - in the Crimea, Kuban Cossacks were again seen complaining about the same Kubek-aga, who plowed the land on which they grazed cattle. And again Selim-

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Giray took the side of his Christian subjects - Aga was sent a restrictive "list" for the right to plow the "Cossack glade" [RGADA, f. 119, op. 1, d. 9, l. 4].

Speaking about Russia's attitude to the Kuban Cossacks, it is difficult to agree with V. G. Druzhinin [Druzhinin, 1889, pp. 212-213] that the Cossacks who went to the Kuban ceased to pose a danger to both the Don Army and Moscow. The main troubles of the Russian administration in the Caucasus and the Volga region were caused by those Cossacks who were taken in by the Crimean khans. Moscow adequately assessed the danger posed by the new center of Cossacks, opponents of Russia, whose extradition was much more difficult to achieve than trying to bribe Shamkhal Tarkovsky. On July 18, 1693, Tsar Peter I ordered the Don ataman F. Minaev to destroy the Cossack town in the Kuban with a letter, warning at the same time that the Old Believers from the upper Don towns should not go to the Khan's Cossacks [Korolenko, 1900, p.14]. This hardly took place, because the activity of the Kuban Cossacks increased. So, on June 31, 1692, from the Nogai side of the Don, Kalmyks, Azov Tatars and "splitters" attacked the Cossack towns, striking between the towns of Reshetov and Veshki and repulsing the Cossacks "horse and animal herds"; then this group went to the interfluve of Chernaya and Belaya Kalitva [Materials on history..., 1888, p. 134]. In the summer of 1693, the Chernoyarsk voivode F. Speshnev informed the Astrakhan voivode Prince P. I. Khovansky about the information received from the Don Army: the Cossacks and Nogais who had settled in the Kuban under the command of Kubek-aga were preparing to attack the fish gangs, and, what worried him more, in the event of such an attack, Cherny Yar would be impossible to defend due to "sparseness" and lack of ammunition [Archive SPbIIRAN, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12364]. On June 6, 1693, the fortress of Cherny Yar was raided by Cossacks and Tatars. The battle was serious, the fortress consisted of several hundred people, armed, among other things, with squeakers, and cannon fire was conducted on them, which significantly emptied the "green treasury" [Acts of History, 1842, pp. 376-377]. Cherny Yar was not an ordinary "fortress", occupying a strategic position in the overall defense system of Astrakhan.

The Kuban Cossacks were not going to "limit" themselves in choosing the direction of attacks, operating over a vast area from the Don Region to the Caspian region, delivering pinpoint strikes here also on "internal" Russian lands (the Voronezh region). Therefore, we can disagree with O. G. Usenko that the Cossacks increased their activity in the Lower Volga region because of Russia's actions near Azov, reducing it in other areas [Usenko, 2000, p. 64]. Even the first Kuban Cossacks declared their readiness to " go to the cities of the great sovereigns for zipuna...". After the events near Cherny Yar, P. I. Khovansky sent 100 streltsy to Cherny Yar "la berezhenya", fearing the threat from the Crimeans and Cossacks - "schismatics" to go "to steal under the Tsaritsyn outpost to the Volga River... and the fish gangs..."[Archive of the SPBIII RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12367, l. 1]. On July 11 of the same year, 1693, "thieves' military people", among whom we see the "apostates of the split Cossacks", attacked a group of fishermen fishing below the Black Yar on 16 boats; 15 of them were hit in captivity [Archive of the SPBIII RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12371, l. 1]. Another case of this kind. M. F. Kereitov, head of the Astrakhan mounted archers and Yurt Tatars, was sent against the "thieves' people " [Archive of the SPBIII RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d.12352, l. 1-5]. In the "memory" addressed to him, it was recommended not to rush to actively pursue such "thieves" "and go carefully...". The same" handwriting "of the Cossacks (although, probably, we can also talk about the "late" Agrakhan Cossacks) can be traced in the joint raid of the "thieves ' Cossacks" and the subjects of Shamkhal Tarkovsky Budaya (Tatar-Yemanchi) on strugi, which stood at the mouth of the Terek River (May 1693) [Archive of the SPBI RAS, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12585, l. 1], the Attackers managed to capture strugi with grain reserves and"Streletsky junk".

We should agree with P. P. Korolenko's remark that it was precisely the scale of the Cossacks 'actions in the Caspian Sea and on the Volga that drew the attention of Tsar Peter I himself, since these "robbers" caused great harm to the "commercial and industrial activity".-

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natural resources of the Astrakhan region " [Korolenko, 1900, p. 14]. Probably, this is what can be connected with the sending of a letter (August 1698) from the order of the Kazan Palace to Voivode I. A. Musin-Pushkin with the order to continue the fight against "thieves ' people" and" schismatics " on the Volga and the Caspian Sea "[Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of Biochemistry of the Russian Academy of Sciences, f. 178, op. 1, d. 13165]. I would like to emphasize that the Kuban Cossacks were involved. It was they, consisting of 150 men, who attacked the Astrakhan Archers on the Caspian Sea in 1696, capturing some of the people [Bok, 2001, p. 34]. It should be said that the Caucasian feudal lords, the same Shamkhal Tarkovsky [Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, f. 178, op. 1, d.12585], were still interested in an alliance with the Cossacks, in whose possessions some of the Cossacks lived earlier.

In 1694, a large group of Kuban Cossacks led by L. Manotsky went in alliance with the Nogais and Kalmyks to the "eastern" cities of Russia: Rybny and Userd (near Voronezh). However, the raid failed, and the Donets, having defeated the "Kuban" on their way, captured 32 Cossacks-"Akhreyan" prisoners [Korolenko, 1900, p. 14]. In the same year, the Donets, sent against the Nogais, unexpectedly found several hundred Kuban Cossacks and Nogais in the steppe, transporting ships on wheels in the direction of the Volga. During their retreat, the Kuban Cossacks declared: "We learned how to capture on the Volga. Although you have taken the courts away from us, we will have the courts ready by the spring and will still go to the Volga. You won't be waiting for us!" [Bok, 2001, p. 34]. In addition to the art of horse riding, the Cossacks demonstrated the long-standing traditions of the Don people of ferrying boats over long land distances in order to use them for their intended purpose. This happened in 1694 and later, in 1697, when 13 Cossacks in the Kubek-agi group carried a boat with them, going from the Kuban to the Volga to take the "languages" [RGADA, f. 119, op. 1, d. 9, l. 7].

In the latter case, the Cossacks followed the instructions of the Turkish pasha (probably Azov), sent to the Kuban. As you can see, the Cossacks often acted together with the Azov Tatars, Nogais, Kalmyks, sometimes uniting in large detachments. For example, around 1692-1693, up to 150 Kuban Cossacks and Azov Tatars, acting under the command of Kubek-aga, "beat under Mayatskaya", taking there in full 17 people " [RGADA, f. 210, Belgorod table, stlb. 1406, l. 124.]. It is significant that the Kuban Cossacks freely sold their part of the prisoners in Azov, receiving 10 altyn for each, and then went to the Kuban. In the same area of the Seversky Donets, the town of Tor soon suffered, and again we see how before the raid the Cossacks arrive first from the Kuban to Azov,and then through it - back. One of the Cossacks, on his return from the raid, received a horse and one and a half rubles of money in Azov. In the case of Thor, one sees the purposeful activity of the Cossacks and Azovites, and not the blind prowess of a sweeping raid strike. The fact is that the second "name" of the specified town is Solyanoy, a town on the Torets River (Tor), where there were the richest salt lakes. It is no coincidence that "a large gathering of Russian people for salt" often gathered there [Korolenko, 1900, p. 10]. It also happened that the Cossacks themselves assembled the gangs; for example, the Cossack Demka Bashmak did this in 1694, gathering" roskolshchikov " Levka Stepanov, Savostka Ivanov, Ignashka Shlepin, Maksimka Belousov, Fetka Gorbun, Maksimka Gorazhanov, who, in conjunction with 23 Tatars, "went to war near the Ukrainian cities". From the Kuban, as the Cossacks themselves declared, it is also "worthy to go for theft".

One should not overestimate the degree of independence of such actions; after all, even to outside observers it was quite clear that the Cossacks were going to the Khan in "servitude". If we talk about the level of combat training of the Kuban Cossacks, then it can be confidently recognized as high. Constant mobility caused the improvement of training: the possession of a horse, the ability to manage "portable" vessels, cold and firearms. Among the elements of military equipment of the Kuban Cossacks, it is possible to accurately indicate squeaks and spears, and the Cossacks also wanted to acquire cannons. Going on a campaign (often under the command of Kubek-aga) was accompanied by the election of a marching ataman by the Cossacks with the display of banners (two, if the detachment was led by the ataman, and one,

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if the group was small), embroidered with red and white flowers [RGADA, f. 210, Belgorod table, stlb. 1406, l. 179]. The Crimeans and the Azovites also used the Cossacks 'excellent knowledge of the topography of the Don and other lands:" And they go by vatazhny agami with the Crimean and Oz Tatars for the war of the great sovereigns under the Ukrainian cities " [RGADA, f. 210, Belgorod table, stlb. 1406, l. 126]. L. Manotsky, for example, was the "leader" during the attack on the city of Mayatsky (Seversky Donets), and Demka Bashmak acted in the same capacity when the Azovites moved under the Don Mityakinsky town.

The conflicts that occurred between the Cossacks, on the one hand, and the Nogais and Turks, on the other, were not of a fundamental nature (based on the principle of distrust, or unwillingness of the Cossacks to serve the Khan, etc.). The reason for disagreements was sometimes the activity of the Cossacks on the basis of actions that were not coordinated with the Tatars. This applied to small-scale raids that targeted prisoners. O. G. Usenko's opinion is correct that " apparently, slave ownership among the Kuban Cossacks was the norm. To sell the Yasyr, they were visited from everywhere - from Kuban Tatars, Nogai Tatars, and Kumyk Tatars. ...But the "Okreans" also sold slaves - to the same nomads, Armenian merchants, and maybe even to the Turks" [Usenko, 2000, p. 69]. The scientist cites the fact of a 4-year stay in captivity among the Kuban Cossacks of I. Alekseev, who fled to Azov in the summer of 1702. It also happened that the slaves accompanied the Kuban Cossacks during fishing on the Black Sea, where the Cossacks even arranged winter quarters [RGADA, f. 158, d. 142, l. 7]. The Cossacks took prisoners for "payback", receiving in the end a slightly larger amount than the "slave owner" demanded.

This is a continuation of the" traditions "of plenoproduction that still existed among the Cossacks on the Don and were preserved with the tacit consent of Russia, which allowed the Don people to collect "payback money", for example, in the same Azov (the end of the XVII century) [Doba Hetman..., 2007, p. 573, etc.]. Of course, this could be allowed not all of them are Cossacks, but the most affluent. Thus, the soldier V. Perenozov told in 1702 that, being captured by the kumyks, he was taken by his" master " Urazai to the Kuban and given "for the redemption of the town of Kopyl to the Cossack Yemelyan Ivanov for three rubles for five Rubles" [RGADA, f. 158, d. 142, l. 3-3 vol.]. In August In 1699, a group of Tatars from the Kuban arrived in the then Russian Azov with a letter from Shabas-Giray and a group of prisoners. It turned out that they were captured by the Cossacks-"Akhreyans", "koi who came from the Cossack towns of the Don... they live with them in the Kuban, but with them, of course, from the Kuban villages of Tatars and Chinese (we are talking about Khatai-Kipchaks - D. S.)... without the knowledge of Saltansky and Kubekov as a tyrant " [Doba Hetman, 2007, p. 577]. Since peace was concluded between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, Shabas-Giray ordered the perpetrators to be punished, and with the participation of Kubek-aga, two"Akhreyan" Cossacks soon found themselves "in irons".

No less dangerous was the Kuban Cossacks in that part of their "anti-Russian" actions, which concerned "luring" the Don Cossacks to Kuban. In October 1693, Endereevsky Murtazaley-murza reported on the intention of the Cossacks from two Don towns to go to the Kuban to join the schismatic Cossacks, where Kubek-aga built them a town [Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of Biology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, f. 178, op. 1, d. 12449, l. 1]. Alarmed, Prince P. I. Khovansky almost immediately reported this in his reply addressed to the tsar. And in 1703, a royal charter was sent to the Don about the adoption of measures by the Army to find "thieves" who were persuading the Cossacks to leave the Medveditsa River for the Kuban [Acts relating to..., 1891, pp. 204-205].

It was the Kuban Cossacks who, at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries, by their actions and efforts laid a solid foundation for the relations of the Girei with all subsequent Cossack groups that settled in the Kuban possessions of the Khans. The Turks and Tatars not only temporarily supported the "tsarist traitors" at that time, but were ready for systematic forms of support for the Cossacks, developing them throughout the XVIII century.

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