From the very beginning of its history, Russia maintained close political ties with the countries and peoples of the Caucasus. According to the author, initially these relations were carried out within the framework of an alliance with the Khazar Khaganate, but with the defeat and fall of the latter in 969, Russia pursued an independent foreign policy in the Caucasus. The allies of Russia during this period were, as a rule, Derbent, the Alans and Sarir.

Keywords: Ancient Rus, Caucasus, Russian-Caucasian relations, Khazar Khaganate, Shirvan, Derbent, Arran, Alans, Asy (Yases), Kasogh, Lezghi, Barda'a (Berda'a), Sarir, Kaitag (Haidak).

CAUCASIAN CONTRACTORS OF KIEVAN RUS' DURING THE NINTH-TENTH CENTURIES

Rus' already in the early period of her history supports very close political ties with the countries and peoples of the Caucasus. According to the author, these bonds initially implemented through an alliance with the Khazarian Khaganate, but after the latter s defeat and fall (in 969), Rus' conducts an independent policy in Caucasus. Allies of Rus' in this period were Derbent, Alans and Sarin

Keywords: Ancient Rus', Caucasus, Russian-Caucasian relations, Khazarian Khaganate, Shirvan, Derbent, Arran, Allans, Ases (Yases), Kasogs, Lezgies, Barda'a (Berda'a), Sarir, Kaytag (Khaydak).

The topic of the foreign policy of Ancient Russia was first raised in the well-known monograph by V. T. Pashuto [Pashuto, 1968]. Subsequently, some details of this problem were raised by other researchers.

From the very beginning of its history, the ancient Russian state maintained quite lively trade relations with the Caucasus. African dirhams arrived in Russia precisely through the Caucasus region (Fasmer, 1933, p. 477; Bykov, 1974, p. 57; Kropotkin, 1979, p. 113; Fomin, 1982, p. 12-13; Kalinina, 1986, p. 79; Melnikova, Nikitin, Fomin, 1984, p. 39-40; Konovalova, 2008,p. 40). p. 97-98 et al.]. Apparently, brass objects or ingots came to Russia from the Caucasus (or via the Caucasus from Asia Minor) [Non-ferrous and precious metals..., 2008, pp. 156-157]. Trade interests in this region were probably responsible for the foreign policy actions of Russia, the analysis of which is devoted to this article.

KULIKOVA Olga Igorevna, olga.i.kulikova@yandex.ru.

Olga KULIKOVA, Makhachkala, olga.i.kulikova@yandex.ru.

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In the "Tale of Bygone Years", the formation of the Old Russian state is presented as a multi-stage process: Rurik, who was called to rule, settled in Novgorod, after which he sent Askold and Dir to Kiev, where they created another Russian state [Tale of Bygone Years, 1978, p. 37], usually referred to in modern historiography as "Southern". Russia"; later, in 882. Oleg killed Askold and Dir and annexed Kiev to Northern Russia [The Tale of Bygone Years, 1978, p. 39].

Among the foreign policy partners of Ancient Russia in the Caucasus in the IX-X centuries. The sources include the Khazar Khaganate, Shirvan, Derbent, Arran, as well as Alans, Aesir, Lezghi, Kasogi.

Khazar Khaganate. On the eve of the formation of the Old Russian state, the largest early medieval state in South-Eastern Europe was the Khazar Khaganate. Political contacts between Russia and the Caucasus for a long time, until the defeat of Khazaria by Russia in 969, were carried out mainly through the territory of the Khazar Khaganate (Yakubovsky, 1946).

First of all, it is necessary to briefly address the question of the time and circumstances of the formation of the Khazar Khaganate. The most common point of view is that the Khazar Khaganate was one of the fragments of the disintegrated Turkic Khaganate. Thus, M. I. Artamonov drew attention to the fact that the first information about the Khazar Khaganate appears in sources in the second half of the seventh century, i.e. immediately after the fall of the Western Turkic Khaganate, and attributed the date of its formation to approximately 651 (Artamonov, 1962, pp. 170-171). This hypothesis was supported by L. N. Gumilev, Ya. A. Fedorov, G. S. Fedorov, A.V. Gadlo, P. B. Golden, and I. G. Semenov [Gumilev, 1967, p. 238; Fedorov Ya. A., Fedorov G. S., 1978, p. 202; Gadlo, 1979, p. 136; Golden, 1993, p. 219; Semenov, 2010(1), p. 7; Semenov, 2010 (2), p. 66-76].

According to K. Zukerman, the Khazars in the 660s, having advanced from the Samara Luka region to the south [Zukerman, 2001, p. 328; Zukerman, 2002, p. 525], defeated the Volga Bulgarians, after which the leader of the Khazars assumed the title of khagan around 670 [Zukerman, 2001, p. 325, 329, 331 Zuckerman, 2002, p. 524].

Another hypothesis concerning the formation of the Khazar Khaganate was proposed by A. P. Novoseltsev. He relied on the statement of Michael the Syrian that the "khaqan of the Khazars" was an ally of the Byzantine Emperor Heraclius (610-641) in the war with Iran, as well as on the fact that al-Ya'qubi and al-Kufi, telling about the events of the 640s-650s, call the ruler of the Khazars a khaqan [al Ja'qubi, 1883, p. 194; al-Kufi, 1981, p. 10]. On this basis, A. P. Novoseltsev concluded that already in the first quarter of the seventh century the Khazars had their own ruler, the Yabgu Kagan, who only formally recognized the supreme power of the Turkic kagan, and in the 630s the Khazar ruler assumed the title of kagan (Novoseltsev, 1990, p.89). A critical analysis of the hypotheses of K. Zuckerman and A. P. Novoseltsev is presented in the works of I. G. Semenov [Semenov, 2008, pp. 118-127; Semenov, 2010(1), pp. 8-9].

It seems that at some point Southern Russia put itself in opposition to the Khazar Khaganate [Kirpichnikov, Dubov, Lebedev, 1986, p. 189; compare: Nazarenko, 2012, p. 32], as evidenced by the title " khakan "("khagan"), under which the ruler of the" Ross " appears in the sources, since the 830s. ("Vertin Annals" and medieval Arab-Persian works) [Novoseltsev, 1982, p. 152-157; Konovalova, 2001, p. 117]. It has been suggested that the Khazars, in response to these actions, undertook a trade blockade of Russia [Artamonov, 1962, p.23; Kirpichnikov, Dubov, Lebedev, 1986, p. 285; Semenov, 2010 (3), p. 4]. This point of view is based on the materials of archaeological numismatics: starting from the 830s, the flow of Arab dirhams (silver coins) to the Middle Dnieper region, i.e. to Southern Russia, ceased [Petrukhin, 2005, p.172]. However, K. Zuckerman suggests linking this phenomenon not with the Khazar blockade, but with the migration of Hungarians to the western part of the Northern Black Sea region, after the temporary break in their alliance with the Khazars [Zuckerman, 2001, p. 66; cf.: Komar, 2013, p. 188].

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Ibn Khordadbeh's report on the participation of Rus merchants in trade with the Arab Caliphate dates back to the 9th century. According to him, the Russ, having paid a 10% duty to the Khazars, passed to the Caspian Sea and could land there "on any shore". Mention of this trade is preserved in the work of Ibn al-Faqih, but its participants are referred to as Slavs rather than Russ [Ibn al-Fakih, 1885, p. 270-271; Ibn al-Faqih, 2009, p.35]. Probably, these Russ were connected with Southern Russia by their origin, since this text of Ibn Khordadbeh itself refers either to the 830-840s [Zakhoder, 1967, p. 34; Konovalova, 2006, p. 12-17], or, at the latest, to the 870s [Semenov, 2014], and between Meanwhile, Northern Russia was formed several decades later.

Northern Russia emerged at the junction of the most important trade routes of its time - the Volga-Caspian route and the river route through portages to the Baltic region. Apparently, Northern Russia maintained good relations with the Khazar Khaganate, and, as can be assumed, its rulers did not call themselves khagans [Semenov, 2010 (3), p.5]1. The participation of Rus in trade through the Khazar Khaganate during this period is indicated by the report of Ibn Fadlan about Rus heading down the Volga through the city of Bolgar [Kovalevsky, 1956, pp. 141-146].

The development of trade relations between Russia and Khazaria is impossible to imagine without close political relations between the two states. As noted by a number of researchers, by the tenth century the Rus already had their own colony in Itil, which, apparently, was quite impressive in size, since, according to al-Mas'udi, the Russ and as-sakaliba (Slavs)were used to deal with lawsuits A special judge was assigned there [Zahoder, 1967, p. 162, 163; Konovalova, 1999, p. 111].

The Rus, unlike the Khazars, had a long-standing practice of building and using battle and trading rooks. On these ships, the Russ sailed to the Caspian Sea and could land on any shore, and not only for commercial, but also for military purposes. Russia's attacks on the Caspian regions from the sea were new to the local population. This gave the Rus significant advantages in military conflicts in the Caspian region and turned them into an important military and political factor in this region [Kulikova, 2014, p. 55].

Numerous sources testify to the military campaigns of the Rus to the Caspian Sea. So, a Persian author of the XIII century. Ibn Isfandiyar, in his History of Tabaristan, reports on the events that took place between 864 and 884. the Rus ' attack on the city of Abeskun [Ibn Isfandiyar, 1941; Aliev, 1969, p. 317; see also: Ibn Isfandiyar, 2009, p. 165 (further all references to Ibn Isfandiyar's work are given from the translation by S. M. Aliev)]. According to the same author, another Russian campaign took place in 909. It was also sent to Abeskun [Aliev, 1969, p. 317]. A year later, in 910, "the Russians arrived in large numbers", burned the city of Sari (the administrative center of Tabaristan province, in the south-eastern part of the Caspian region), took prisoners, but on the way back they were defeated by the troops of Gilyanshah and Shirvanshah [Aliev, 1969, pp. 317-318].

Persian authors report on another campaign of the Rus, which took place in 299 AD (911-912): the Rus attacked Sari and went to sea with a large booty; then part of this detachment landed in Gilan (south-west of the Caspian region), but was defeated there; the surviving Russ went to Shirvan on ships, but Shirvanshah Warned by the Gilyans, he prepared an ambush and defeated the Rus [Aliev, 1969, p. 318].

The next Russian expedition to the Caspian region is described in detail in one of the works of al-Mas'udi [Macoudi, 1861-1877, p. 18-24; Al-Mas'udi, 2009, p. 114-116]. The author dates it to the time "after 300 AH" (912-913) [Al-Mas'udi, 2009, p. 114]. According to A. P. Novoseltsev, this raid dates back to 913-914 (Novoseltsev, 1990, p. 213). B. N. Dorn, V. F. Minorsky, and I. G. Semenov shared a similar point of view [Dorn, 1875, p.302; Minorsky, 1963, p. 84; Semenov, 2010(3), pp. 7-8].2
1 For the chronology of naming the ruler of the Rus as a kagan, see [Golden, 1982, p. 87; Konovalova, 1999, p. 118; Zukerman, 2001, p.57].

2 For another point of view on the dating of this raid, see [Aliev, 1969, p. 321].

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According to al-Mas'udi, during this campaign, 500 Russian ships set out on a campaign through the land of the Khazars. They went to the Khazar outpost, "communicated with the Khazar king" with a request to allow their flotilla to enter the Caspian Sea for plunder, offering him in return half of the captured loot. According to al-Mas'udi, the Khazar bey, unable to resist the Rus, was forced to allow them to go to the Caspian Sea, after which the Rus ' ships sailed up the Don, then were dragged by a drag to the Volga and through the mouth of the Volga entered the Caspian Sea. There they plundered almost all the Caspian regions under Muslim control-Gilan, Deylem, Tabaristan, Abeskun, Balasakan, and Shirvan (Al-Mas'udi, 2009, p. 115).

After "many months", having collected the loot, the Russ set out on their return journey and arrived in Itil. They "communicated with the Khazar king, who was sent money and loot, as it was agreed between them" (Al-Mas'udi, 2009, p. 115). But immediately after that, the Muslim guards of the Khazar bek, wanting to avenge their co-religionists, decided to attack the Rus. The Muslim guards were also joined by Itil Christians [Al-Mas'udi, 2009, p.115].

According to al-Mas'udi, the Khazar bey was not able to resist his guards, but, being bound to the Rus by a treaty, he informed them of the impending attack. Nevertheless, 30 thousand Russians died in the three-day battle. The surviving 5 thousand. They boarded ships and headed up the Volga River, but were finished off by the Burtas, and then by the Volga Bulgarians (Al-Mas'udi, 2009, p. 116).

By the 940s, there was another major Russian raid in the Caucasus, namely on the town of Barda'a (Berda'a) in Arran. Brief accounts of these events are preserved in the "History of the country of Aluank" (X century) [Movses Kalankatuatsi, 1984, p. 167], in the Syrian historian Bar Gebrei (XIII century) [Pigulevskaya, 1941, p. 345-347], etc. The latter dates these events to 945. A detailed account of this attack is given by Ibn Miskawayh (X-XI centuries), but he refers it to 332 AH (943) [Concluding Portion..., 1921, p. 62-67; Ibn Miskawayh, 2009, p. 101-105]. A. Kesrawi saw an obvious mistake in this: based on the mention of Ibn Miskawayh about the death of Emir Tuzun in Baghdad (August-September 945), which coincided with the campaign of the Rus, the campaign itself can also be dated to 945. [Kesravi, 1956, p. 32].

Ibn Miskawayh reports on these events as follows: "The army of the people known as the Russ went to Azerbaijan. They rushed to Berdaa, captured it and overwhelmed its inhabitants" [Ibn Miskawayh, 2009, p. 102].

Then, according to Ibn Miskavayh, the Russ marched across the Caspian Sea to the mouth of the Kura River and up the river to the former capital of Albania, the city of Barda'a (Berda'a; in synchronous Armenian sources it appears as P'artav). Having occupied Barda'a, the Russ "made an announcement, calmed the inhabitants of it (the city) and said to them: "There is no difference of faith between us and you. The only thing we want is power. We have a duty to treat you well, and you have a duty to obey us well." However, the situation in the city was unstable, and soon an uprising broke out against the Rus. Suppressing this protest, the Russ forced the citizens to pay each of them a ransom for their lives; those who paid the ransom were given " a piece of clay with a seal, which was a guarantee of the inviolability of their lives." In the course of these events, the leader of the Rus died. The situation of the Rus was aggravated by the outbreak of an epidemic. This forced them to leave the city. Under the cover of night, they reached Kura, where their ships were moored, and headed for their homeland. Their stay in Transcaucasia lasted for several months [Ibn Miskawayh, 2009, p. 102].

A. Y. Yakubovsky very cautiously suggested identifying the Rus 'leader who was killed in Barda'a with Helgu, the" tsar of Russia " (Yakubovsky, 1926, p. 89), who is reported in the Cambridge Anonymous or Schechter's Text (X century) (Kokovtsov, 1932, p.118-120). According to this source, Helga, at the instigation of the Byzantine Emperor Romanus I Lacapinus (920-944), captured the Khazar city

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S. M. K. rai (Tamatarkha, Tmutarakan) [Kokovtsov, 1932, p. 118] circa 940. [Polovoi, 1961, p. 99; Semenov, 2005(1), p. 328], but then it was blocked by Khazar troops. The Khazars forced Helga to conclude an anti-Byzantine alliance, with Helga to attack Constantinople.

The source says this in the following words:"...Roman [the villain] sent large gifts to HLGW( Helg. - O. K.), the king of RWSY' (Rusia. - O. K.), prompting him to his own misfortune; he came at night to the town of SMKRYY (S. M. K. rai. - O. K.) and took him in a thievish way, because his superior the leader of the army was not there then. When this became known to BWLSSY, i.e. Pesach HMQR, he went in anger to the cities of Romana and destroyed both men and women. And he took three cities, not counting a large number of villages. From there, it went to the city of SWRSWN [. and fought against it.

[ ... ] and they went out of the land like worms [ ... ] [And] Israel, and 90 of them died. [He did not completely defeat them in battle], but he did oblige them to serve him. So [Passover] saved [kazar from] the hands of RWSW. He smote all that he found of them, [...m]yechom. And from there he went to war in HLGW; he fought [four] months; the Lord made him subject to Passover, and he went [on] [and n] ashel... loot that (HLGW) took from SMKRYW. Then he said (HLGW):"Indeed, the Novel encouraged me to do this." And Passover said to him, " If this is so, then go and fight against Roman, as you fought against me, and I will turn away from you, but if not, then I will either die here, or while I live, I will avenge myself." So he went against his will and fought against Constantinople (QWSTNTYN') on the sea for four months. And there fell his valiant men, for the Macedonians had defeated him by fire. He fled and, ashamed to return to his (own) country, he fled by sea to FRS, and there he and all his army fell. At that time, the RWS was subordinated to the Kazar authority" (Golb and Pritsak, 1997, pp. 141-142).

In this text, Shurshun (SWRSWN) corresponds to Kherson (Kokovtsov, 1932, p. 119), and the Byzantines are called Macedonians.

The above-mentioned point of view of A. Y. Yakubovsky was supported by N. Y. Polov, who gave a comprehensive substantiation of this hypothesis. In his opinion, these events preceded the unsuccessful attack of Prince Igor on Byzantium in 941. [Polovoy, 1961, pp. 91-95, 99], which is known from Old Russian and Byzantine sources. According to N. Ya. Polovoi, before the campaign to Byzantium, Igor concluded an anti-Byzantine alliance with the Khazars [Polovoi, 1961, p. 99-100].

Polovoi's argument was supported by M. I. Artamonov and other researchers [Artamonov, 1962, pp. 374-384; Artamonov, 1966, pp. 324; Semenov, 2005(1), pp. 328-332; Kulikova, 2014, pp. 57-58]. J. Shepard, S. Franklin, and K. Zuckerman share a similar point of view on this issue [Shepard, 1989, p. 264-283; Zuckerman, 1995, p.259-268; Franklin and Shepard, 2009, p. 189-191]. It should be noted that researchers have suggested that Helgu served as Igor's voivode [Dorn, 1875, p. 521; Yakubovsky, 1946, p. 469; Semenov, 2005(1), p. 331; Semenov, 2009 (1), p. 9-15; Semenov, 2010(3), p. 3-11].

According to the reconstruction of subsequent events proposed by N. Ya. Polov, Helgu spent the winter of 940-941 in the Crimea (Polovoi, 1961, p. 99), and in the spring, when kn. Igor marched with a foot army from Kiev to the Balkans [ibid., p. 90, 95], Helga went to Constantinople by sea. The successful actions of the Byzantines forced Igor to return to Kiev, while Helga landed in Asia Minor and fought there for three months against the Byzantines [ibid., pp. 91-92].

According to N. Ya. Polovoi, after Helgu was finally driven out of Asia Minor by the Byzantines, he returned to his Khazar allies, after which he launched a raid on the city of Barda'a [Polovoi, 1960, pp. 349-351]. Apparently, Helgu spent quite a lot of time with the Khazars. While preparing for the campaign, he supplemented his army with warriors from various peoples that were part of the Khazar Khaganate, including the Khazars themselves, as well as the Burtases, Alans, and others (Polovoi, 1960, pp. 345-347). Thus, the Khazars did not just allow the Rus to enter the Caspian Sea, from where they went to Barda'a [Polovoi, 1960,

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pp. 349-351], but they also took part in this raid. In other words, this campaign was a joint action of two allies - the Rus and the Khazars.

According to a number of sources, Alans, Burtases, and Lezgians joined the Rus ' campaign against Barda'a in addition to the Khazars (Yakubovsky, 1926, pp. 70-71; Polovoi, 1960, pp. 345-347; Sakharov, 1980, pp. 206-207). Thus, according to Bar Gebrei, the allies of the Rus in this campaign were the Alans and Lezgians [see: Pigulevskaya, 1941, pp. 345-347]. Yehuda ben Barzillaya (XI-XII centuries) reports about the participation of the Lezgians in the Rus 'campaign against Barda:" ... Different peoples came out: Alans, Slavs and Lezgians and reached Azerbaijan, took the city of Berda " (Kokovtsov, 1932, p. 120).

It is known about the Alans and Burtases that during this period they were connected with the Khazar ruler by vassal-tributary relations. As for the Lezgs, their identification requires special consideration. In this connection, it may be recalled that the ethnonym Lezgi is usually correlated by researchers with earlier East Caucasian ethnonyms-late Antique lek/leg and medieval lekzi / lakzi, as well as with the pekan ethnotoponym of medieval Georgian sources [Yushkov, 1937, pp. 129-148; Trever, 1959, p. 48; Ikhilov, 1967, pp. 44-48 Abdullaev and Mikayilov, 1971, p. 215; Shikhsaidov, 1980, p. 117].

Most researchers believe that in the medieval period, the ethnonym Lezg (<<i>lazk <lakz <lak/lek) was a collective name for the Dagestani peoples [Minorsky, 1963, p. 134; Magomedov, 1960, p. 37-56; Abdullaev and Mikayilov, 1971, p. 13-16; Davudov, 1987, p. 45], However, according to A. R. Shikhsaidov, this ethnonym belonged to Proto-Lezgin tribes (Shikhsaidov, 1969, p. 32-33; Shikhsaidov, 1980, p.67). As can be assumed, in this case the term Lezgi is used in an extended sense, as a generalizing name for the Dagestani peoples, since the territory of settlement of the proto-Lezgin population, called Lakz by medieval Arab-Persian sources, was in the sphere of influence of Shirvanshah during this period. In my opinion, in the events under consideration, only those local peoples who were part of the Khazar Khaganate could act on the side of the Rus.

In this regard, it can be noted that the lengthy version of the letter of the Khazar King Joseph about the Khazar tributaries in this zone states the following:: "And also on the southern side-S-m-n-d-r at the end (of the country) T-d-lu, until the border turns to the" Gate", (i.e.) Bab-al-Abwab, and it is located on the seashore. From there, the border turns to the Azur Mountains, at the end of (the country) G-d-da, S-ridi, Kitun, Ar-ku... " [Kokovtsov, 1932, p. 100]. The toponym S. ridi here most likely corresponds to the early medieval state of Sarir (Kokovtsov, 1932, p. 104; Artamonov, 1962, p. 385; Semenov, 2005(2), p. 230-238; Aitberov, 1986, p.28). As for the term B. G. da, it is quite reliably identified with the toponym Haidak (Kaitag) of Arabic-language sources that are synchronous with the letter of Tsar Joseph [Semenov, 2005(2), pp. 230-238]. Thus, it seems most likely that the Lezgians, allies of the Rus in their campaign against Barda'a, correspond to the population of two Dagestani states-Haidak and Sarir [Kulikova, 2013, pp. 65-68].

Reports from various sources allow us to talk about six Caspian campaigns of the Rus, in which they acted as allies of the Khazar Khaganate. The first took place between 864 and 884, the second in 909, the third in 910, the fourth in 911-912, the fifth in 913-914, and the sixth in 945.

Two decades later, Russia's relations with the Khazars became hostile. In the "Tale of Bygone Years" it is reported about several military actions of Prince Svyatoslav Igorevich against the Khazar Khaganate. Under 964, the chronicle reports about Svyatoslav's raid on the Oka River in the land of the Vyatichi [Tale of Bygone Years, 1978, p. 79], which during this period were dependent on the Khazars, and under 965-about Svyatoslav's defeat of the Khazars and the capture of Belaya Vezha (Sarkel), after which he defeated the Yases and Kasogs [Novella vremennykh let, 1978, p.79].

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Ibn Haukal reports on the victory of the Rus over the Khazars (X century). He dates this event to 358 AH (968-969): "In Khazaria there is a region, in it a city called Samandar, it is located between it (the region) and Derbent. There were numerous orchards in it; it is said that they contained about 40 thousand vineyards. I asked about it (Samandar) in Djurjan in the year 58 from a recent resident, and he said: "There is a vineyard and a garden that was used as alms for the poor, and if there is anything left ,it is only a leaf on the stalk.". The Russ attacked them, and there were no grapes or raisins left in the city." And the city was inhabited by Muslims, groups of adherents of [other] religions and idolaters, and they left [all], but because of the merits of their land and their good income, before three years had passed, it was as it was. There were mosques, churches, and synagogues in Samandar, and these Russ made their raid all those who were on the bank of the Itil, from among the Khazars, Bulgars and Burtas, and captured them. The inhabitants of Itil sought refuge on the island [near] Derbent and fortified themselves on it, and some of them - on the island of Siyah Kuh, living in fear "[Opus geographicum auctore Ibn Haukal (Abu'l-Kasim ibn Haukal al-Nasibi)..., 1938-1939, p. 393-394; quoted translation by T. M. Kalinina: Ibn Haukal, 2009, p. 93].

"Siyah-Kuh Island" is traditionally identified with the Mangyshlak Peninsula. As for the "island [near] Derbent" ("Bab al-Abwab Island"), until recently it was identified with the Absheron Peninsula (see, for example, [Kalinina, 1976, p. 98; Novoseltsev, 1990, p. 228; Konovalova, 2003, p. 188]). However, A. A. Kudryavtsev and M. S. Gadzhiev are attracted by the report of Muhammad ad-Darbandi (mid - X-first half of XI century) about the "island of Ibn Sahla", which was clearly visible from Derbent. They suggest that we are talking here about a sand-stone spit, which relatively recently jutted out into the sea about 100 m, but after the transgression of the Caspian Sea, which began in 1978, turned into an island [Kudryavtsev and Gadzhiev, 2002, p. 398].

In this regard, the work of I. G. Semenov (with reference to the oral instruction of M. S. Gadzhiev) [Semenov, 2009, p. 305] provides information from the Persian geography "Khudud al -' Alam "(X century) about the Caspian islands: "In the Caspian Sea (daryd-yi Khazarau) there are two islands. The one lies off the Khazarian Darband and is called Jazirat al-Bab. It produced ruyan (madder, runas) exported to all the world and used by the dyers" [Hudud al-'Alam, 1937, p. 60].

Somewhat later, Ibn Haukal reports :" And there were no Bulgars, nor Burtases, nor Khazars left [because of] the Rus people, except for a scattered incomplete [part of these peoples], and [even] it was scoured [by the Rus people]. The goals and hopes of those who fled were to stay in the neighborhood of their regions. And it came to me that most of them returned to Itil and Khazaran with the support of Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Azdi, the ruler of Shirvanshah, and he helped them (the refugees) with his soldiers and his men, and they, hoping, asked that a treaty be made with them, and they would be submissive to them for the land the land on which they (refugees) will live" [Opus geographicum auctore Ibn Haukal (Abu'l-Kasim ibn Haukal al-NasTbT)..., 1938-1939, p. 397-398; quoted translation by T. M. Kalinina: Ibn Haukal, 2009, p. 94]. Apparently, we are talking here about a treaty under which the Khazars agreed to recognize the power of the Rus, and in return received the opportunity to return to their homeland.

Shirvan and Derbent. The name "Shirvan" becomes known in connection with the administrative reform of the Sasanian Shahanshah Khosrov I Anushirvan (531-579), which also covered the East Caucasian regions of the Sasanian state (Semenov, 2006, p.3-8). The original form of the toponym Shirvan was Sharvan (Minorsky, 1963, p. 13).

The administrative and political boundaries of Shirvan in the Sasanian period remain controversial.3 In the tenth century. Its territory stretched from the south-eastern spurs of the Main Caucasian Ridge to the Kura River. The political center of Shirvan in the period under review was Yazidiya (Shamakhi). On the Caspian coast of Shirvashakhi vla-

1 For an overview of various opinions, see Gadzhiev, 1998; Semenov, 2006.

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New Delhi and Baku also laid claims to Derbent (Minorsky, 1963, p. 35) (its Arabic name is Bab al-Abwab).

As noted above, in 299 AH (910) Shirvanshah together with Gilyanshah defeated a group of Rus who had previously attacked the city of Sari, and in 299 AH (911-912) ambushed the Rus who had plundered Sari and Abeskun. Apparently, Shirvan suffered greatly from a major Russian raid on the south of the Caspian Sea in 913-914. According to Ibn Haukal, in the 960s Shirvanshah Muhammad ibn Ahmad mediated peace negotiations between the Rus and the Khazars, who were defeated by them. This fact testifies to the high authority of Shirvan in the Caucasian regional politics.

Of course, after the defeat of the Khazars, the political influence of Russia in the Caucasus grew significantly, which was manifested, in particular, in the events in Derbent in the 980s. According to the chronicle Tarikh al-Bab (abbreviated by V. F. Minorsky as "The History of Derbent and Shirvan"), the war between Shirvan and Derbent was preceded by the death of Emir Ahmad (976) and the rise to power of his son Maimun (976-997). The Derbent Rais (Arabic, "chiefs"; representatives of the Derbent nobility) revolted and took Maimun under arrest. Maimun secretly contacted the Rus. In 987, they approached Derbent on a ship and, having landed on the shore, freed Maimun, but then they were attacked by the "people of al-Bab", i.e. the ordinary population of Derbent [Minorsky, 1963, p.68, 152-153]. Apparently, by this time the townspeople had already managed to conclude an alliance with Shirvanshah, which is reported in the chronicle under 378 AH (988), since otherwise it is difficult to explain the arrival of the Russian flotilla of 17 ships that followed the above events and its plundering of Shirvan, as well as the Muscat and Mughan regions under the control of Shirvanshah [Minorsky, 1963, p. 68].

Meanwhile, Maimun was fortified in the Derbent citadel, but the situation in the city was complicated by the arrival of Musa al-Tuzi, a theologian from Gilan. The latter demanded that the emir hand over the Rus, but he refused. Then Derbent residents began to storm the citadel [Minorsky, 1963, p. 68]. Soon, however, a truce was concluded; during the negotiations, Maimun agreed to surrender the citadel to Musa al-Tuzi, and he himself, along with the Rus, went to the neighboring region of Tabarsaran [Minorsky, 1963, p.51, 69, 153]. Musa al-Tuzi handed Derbent over to Shirvanshah Muhammad b. Ahmad. A few months later, while in Derbent, Shirvanshah was seriously wounded by Maimun's bodyguard. The latter occupied the city again [Minorsky, 1963, p. 51].

The growing influence of Russia in the Caucasus during this period is evidenced by the events of the next, XI century. According to the same "Tarikh al-Bab", in 1032 the Russ attacked Shirvan and plundered it. The Emir of Derbent, who was then also Shirvanshah, killed the attackers [Minorsky, 1963, p. 70; see also: History of Derbent, 2009, p. 162]. As suggested by A. P. Novoseltsev, in this case the Russ are identical to the soldiers of Prince Mstislav Vladimirovich, who ruled in Tmutarakan and pursued an active foreign policy in the Caucasus (Novoseltsev, 1987: 75, 76). In the following year, 1033, the Rus together with the Alans attacked al-Qarakh, but were defeated [Minorsky, 1963, p. 70].V. F. Minorsky identified al-Qarakh with the modern village of Ur-Qarakh, the district center of the Dakhadaevsky district of the Republic of Dagestan [ibid., pp. 129-130, 139, 140].

Alans and aces (yases). The earliest references to the Alans date from the middle to the second half of the first century AD. 4 During this period, sources record them in the Don region. Around 371 AD, the Alans were defeated by the Huns, after which some of them migrated with the Huns to Central Europe. Another group of Alans probably settled in the central part of the Greater Caucasus at that time (Kuznetsov, 1961; Kuznetsov, 1962; Kuznetsov, 1971; Kuznetsov, 1992; Kuznetsov, 1999, pp. 169-182). Their habitat area

4 For a bibliographic reference, see: [Budanova, 2000, p. 130].

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It covers the territory from the right tributaries of the Kuban River in the west to the Aksai River in the east, from the Main Caucasian Ridge in the south to the upper reaches of the Kuma River, the Malka River and the right bank of the Middle Terek River in the north (Aleman, 2003, p. 120).

During the Arab-Khazar wars in the first half of the eighth century, the Alans of the North Caucasus had to maneuver between the Caliphate and the Khaganate. 5 According to some researchers, at the end of the eighth century, after the end of the Arab-Khazar wars, a part of the North Caucasian Alans migrated to the middle reaches of the Seversky Donets, and this migration took place under the control of the Khazar authorities (Gadlo, 1985, p.201; Afanasyev, 1993).

In the central part of the Greater Caucasus, sources, in addition to the Alans, localize the Aces. Old Russian sources localize Yaks on the Don, which are undoubtedly related to the Caucasian Aces, but the problem of the correlation of the ethnonyms Alan and as with each other and their exact localization in the Caucasus remains difficult. Without delving into this issue, I will only note that the latest review of discussions and analysis of sources on this topic is presented in one of the works of K. Zuckerman [Zuckerman, 2005, pp. 65-84].

In the first half of the tenth century, the Alans, according to the Cambridge Anonymous, were under the control of the Khazars, although before that they had launched attacks on the Khazars [Kokovtsov, 1932, p. 100; Golb and Pritsak, p. 140-141; for the historiography of the issue, see Artamonov, 1962, p. 201; Gadlo, 1994, p. 234]. An indirect confirmation of the conflicts that took place between the Khazars and Alans is the following testimony of Constantine Porphyrogenitus:

"[Know] that zxusiocrator 6 of Alania does not live in peace with the Khazars, but considers the friendship of the Roman Emperor more preferable, and when the Khazars do not want to keep friendship and peace with the emperor, he can greatly harm them, both by lying in wait on the roads and attacking those who go unguarded at the crossings to Sarkel, to Climates and to Kherson. If this zksusiocrator tries to prevent the Khazars, then both Chersonese and Climates enjoy a long and deep peace, since the Khazars, fearing an attack by the Alans, find it unsafe to march with an army on Chersonese and Climates and, not having the strength to fight both at the same time, will be forced to keep peace "[Konstantin Bagryanorodny, 1989, p. 53].

Somewhat later, in 945, the Alans, as mentioned above, took part in the Rus ' attack on Barda'a.

Lezgi. As noted above, the Lezgians, who were allies of the Rus in 945 in their campaign against Barda'a, are probably identical to the population of Kaitag (Haidak) and Sarir (Kulikova, 2013, p. 65-68). As for the name Sarir, it is probably part of the title sahib as-sarir "lord of the throne" (Baylis, 1963, p. 249). According to Arab-Persian sources, this title was awarded by the Sasanian Shahanshah Khosrow I (531-579) to one of the Eastern Caucasian rulers. [7] In modern historiography, it is generally accepted that this domain was located in the central part of Dagestan, in the Sulak River basin [Beilis, 1963, pp. 249, 250-251, 254-255; Minorsky, 1963, pp. 132-137].

The name Kaitaga (Haidak) becomes known in connection with the Arab-Khazar wars in the VIII century. It is present as part of the title, which in the sources is rendered as haidakanshah or khandakanshah. Most likely, the first of these forms is correct, which is found in al-Muqaddasi (X century) and in one of the manuscripts of al-Istakhri (X century) [Shikhsaidov, 1976, p. 127; Beilis, 1963, p. 251]. This name means "king of Kaitaga". Apparently, the title haidakanshah is identical to the title khamzinshah, which is found in al-Kufi (IX century) [al-Kufi, 1981, p. 56].

5 For more information, see: [Gadlo, 1994, p. 234].

6 Ruler. Note: ed.

7 For an overview of the sources, see [Beilis, 1963, pp. 255-256].

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Little is known about the boundaries of Kaitag in the Sasanian period. The same applies to the Khazar period. We can only say with confidence that Kaitag in the south was adjacent to the Derbent Emirate.

According to al-Mas'udi, the ruler of Kaitag had the title "salifan". It is possible that this title has an ancient Turkic origin (se-li-fa) [Minorsky, 1963, pp. 127-128]. Al-Mas'udi reports in 304 AD (915 AD) that Salifan and the Khazar army came to the aid of the Emir of Bab al-Abwab (Minorsky, 1963, p.66). This episode, according to V. F. Minorsky, testifies to the close dependence of the Khaidaks on the Khazars (Minorsky, 1963, p. 128).

"Tarikh al-Bab" reports on joint campaigns of Rus with Alans and Saris to the Caspian Muslim cities. In one section of this essay, the following is reported about these events:: "In the year 416/1025, Emir Mansur married Sariya, daughter of Bukht-Yisho', lord of Sarir. In 423/1032, Emir Mansur made a great campaign with gazias of Islamic "centers". The fact was that the Russ attacked the ruler of Shirvan, destroyed and robbed them and killed, as well as filled many people. When they returned with their plunder and prisoners, the Ghazis of al-Bab and the border regions, with Emir Mansur at their head, occupied the defiles and roads and put them to the sword, so that few escaped. They took from them all the spoils of war, living and inanimate, which they had captured in Shirvan. [After that] the Russ and Alans set out to take revenge. They gathered together and marched towards al-Bab and the border areas. First of all, in 424/1033, they marched on *al-Qarah, where there was only a small group of [warriors] with Khusraw and al-Haysam b. Maimun al-Ba'i( al-Babi?), the rais of the tanners. [The last one? with the help of the Karakhs, he fought with them, and the Lord granted victory to the Muslims, who killed many Alans and Rus. The ruler of the Alans was forcibly repelled from the gates of Karakh, and the claims of the infidels to these Islamic "centers" were forever stopped" [Minorsky, 1963, pp. 70-71].

In another section of this work, these events are described somewhat differently: "Later in the same year [421/1030. - O. K.] the Rus entered Shirvan and Shirvanshah Minuchikhr met them near Bakuya (Baku). Many Shirvans were killed, including Ahmad b. Haskin, one of their nobles. Then the Russ went up the Kura (Kurr) River. To stop their advance, Minucihr blocked Araqa (ar-Rasa), but they drowned many of the Muslims. Later, the ruler of Janza (Ganji), Musa b. Fadl, [invited] them to land (ahraja-hum), gave them a lot of money, and led them to Baylakan, where the inhabitants rebelled against him. With the help of the Rus, he captured Baylakan and captured and killed his brother ' Askaraya. Then the Rus left Arran for Rum, and from there they returned to their own country. In 423/1032, the Sarirans and Alans, having concluded an agreement, jointly attacked Shirvan and took Yazidiya [Shamakha - O. K.] by force. There and in other places of Shirvan, they killed over 10 thousand people and stayed in the country for 10 days, digging the land and extracting money and property that the inhabitants had hidden there. When their hands were filled with Muslim goods, they set out for their own country, but as soon as they reached the Wooden Gate, they left. (al-hashab) I remember how the people of al-Bab's border regions attacked them, blocked the roads and gorges, and killed many of them: it was a massacre the likes of which had never been mentioned. They took from them all the Muslim possessions, living and inanimate, which they had taken from Shirvan. Only a small group escaped, including the ruler of the Alans. In 424/1033, the ruler of the Alans returned again to take revenge on al-Bab, but this time, with God's help, he was defeated" [Minorsky, 1963, pp. 53-54].

Despite some discrepancies in this work in covering the same events (the data of these two texts are summarized by V. F. Minorsky [Minorsky, 1963, pp. 153-155]), it can be concluded that in the first decades of the XI century, the Rus continued an active policy in the Caucasus, while acting in alliance with the Alans and Sarir against Shirvan and his allies.

Arran (ancient Albania) also acts as a counterparty of Russia. In early medieval Armenian sources, this country is called Agh'vank' / Aluank', in Georgian-Rani and Movakani, in Syrian Aran, from which the Arabic-Persian form ar-Ran or Arran originates (Trever, 1959, p. 137). In ancient times, the main population of Albania was made up of peoples linguistically related to modern Nakh.-

page 39
Dagestan (for the latest publications on this topic, see [Alexidze, 2002, pp. 21-26; Gippert, Schulze, Aleksidze, Mahe, 2009; Maisak, 2010, pp. 88-107]). In the late Sasanian period, large groups of people from Iran proper were resettled there. Under the Sassanids, the borders of the Kingdom of Albania were redrawn from time to time [Hakobyan, p.110-118; Semenov, 2012, p. 12-31]. Thus, in the fourth century, territories south of Kura were annexed to Albania, including the city of Partav, which became the winter residence of the Albanian kings. In the second half of the fourth century, Christianity penetrated Albania from neighboring Armenia, and in the next century this religion took a leading position in Albania. With the Arab conquest, in the VII-VIII centuries, Islam gradually spread there, and the city of Partav also received an Arabic name-Barda'a. In the tenth century. it was the largest shopping center in the Caucasus. As noted above, in 945 it was occupied by the Rus and plundered. But the Russ could not stay there. After these events, the city of Barda'a fell into disrepair.

Kasogi. This tribe, broken up, according to the "Tale of Bygone Years", by Svyatoslav in 965, was probably Proto-Adyghe. This is evidenced by the following facts: modern Ossetians call their Circassian neighbors Kabardins Kasach, and the flat part of Kabarda inhabited by them is called by the Ossetians Kasadzhi Bydyr "Kasazh field" (Gadlo, 1985, p.204).

In al-Mas'udi, the same ethnonym appears as kashak. He reports about them: "Beyond the kingdom of the Alans is a people called Kashak and living between Mount Kabkh and the Rum Sea "(Minorsky, 1963, p. 206). According to al-Mas'udi, the Kashaks are beautiful in appearance, have developed crafts and trade, but they do not have unity, and they are saved from the raids of the Alans by fortresses on the seashore. The author calls them a coastal people and notes their large number [Minorsky, 1963, p. 190, 206].

Konstantin Porphyrogenitus localizes Kasakhia in this zone. He places it between Zikhiya and Alania (Konstantin Bagryanorodny, 1989, p. 365). In the letter of the Khazar king Joseph to the Kordov nobleman Hasdai ibn Shafrut, among other tributaries of the Khazars, "...all those living in the country of Kasa... " are mentioned [Kokovtsov, 1932, p. 31, PO]. Judging by the context, this country is located west of the Alans, i.e. in the North-Western Caucasus, and most likely corresponds to the area of settlement of Proto-Adyghe tribes, the Kasogs of the "Tale of Bygone Years" (Artamonov, 1962, pp. 385-386).

* * *

The rulers of the Old Russian state showed considerable interest in almost all the countries of the Caucasus, which was partly due to the political ambitions of the young state, and partly to its trade interests. For Russian merchants, the Caucasus served not only as an object of commodity exchange, but also as a springboard for transporting goods to more remote regions - Front and Central Asia. Reports about this have been preserved by a number of authors, in particular, Ibn Khordadbeh, Ibn Ruste, al-Istakhri, Ibn Haukal, and others (Zahoder, 1967, pp. 84-90).

In the 9th - mid-10th centuries, Russia's political relations with the Caucasus countries were conditioned by Russian-Khazar relations, since the Khazar Khaganate was a powerful and extensive empire. During this period, in the military conflicts in the Caucasus, Russia acted as an ally of the Khazars. Among the Caucasian countries that were not part of the Khazar Khaganate, Russia maintained particularly close ties with Shirvan, Derbent and Arran. With the strengthening of Russia in the middle of the tenth century, its relations with the Khazars became hostile. In the 960s, the Khazar Khaganate was defeated by Russia and ceased to exist. Since that time, Russia has pursued an independent foreign policy in the Caucasus region, and its influence there has significantly increased.

page 40
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