Sergey Minov

Zoroastrian Mythological Motifs and the Phenomenon of Christian Acculturation in Sasanian Mesopotamia

Sergey Minov - Research Fellow at the Department of History, University of Oxford (United Kingdom), sergey.minov@history.ox.ac.uk

The article analyzes two cases of borrowing Zoroastrian mythological motifs by Syriac-speaking Christians during the period of Late Antiquity. The first example, attested in the writings of Ephrem the Syrian (4th c), concerns the case of reinterpretation of the traditional image of biblical Paradise as a cosmic mountain, encircling the whole world. Most probably, it developed under a direct influence of the Iranian cosmological traditions regarding the mountain Alburz. The second example concerns the use of the figure of Rapitvin, known from Zoroastrian mythology, by the anonymous author of the Syriac composition known as the "Cave of Treasures" (6th - 7th cc). The discussed examples of appropriation of some elements of Zoroastrian mythology by Syriac-speaking authors provide us with a valuable evidence on the complicated and multifaceted process of acculturation of the Christian minority to the culture of Sasanian Iran.

Keywords: religion, acculturation, Late Antiquity, Syriac Christianity, Iran, Zoroastrianism, mythology, Paradise.

The PERSIAN Sasanian dynasty came to power in the third century AD, replacing another Iranian-speaking dynasty, the Parthians. The first Sasanian monarch, Ardashir, rebelled against his suzerain, the Parthian king Artap-

page 61
on and in 224 defeated his army. In 226 AD, Ardashir was crowned king and assumed the title of "Shahanshah","king of kings" .1
The history of the presence of Christianity in the territories controlled by the Iranian-speaking peoples dates back to the Parthian period and probably dates back to the second century. 2 The main distinguishing feature of the internal policy of the Parthians towards various religious groups, including Christians, was religious tolerance. Although the Parthian monarchs themselves apparently practiced some form of Zoroastrianism, that is, the traditional Iranian religion, this did not give them a reason to interfere in the religious life of the peoples and communities living in the territories under their rule. From the point of view of the Parthians, the loyalty of their subjects did not require religious unification as a guarantee.

However, when the Sassanids came to power, the internal political and socio-cultural situation in Iranian society underwent a number of fundamental changes. The main factor behind these changes was that, in comparison with their Parthian predecessors, the new Iranian dynasty set out to create a much more centralized state. This turn was reflected, among other things, in the deliberate choice of Zoroastrianism by the Sassanids as the national state religion of Iran, which is in a privileged position in relation to all other faiths and cults.

An important role was played by the exclusivist nature of the Zoroastrian religion itself.3 The radical dualism between the forces of good and evil that underlies it, the leader-

1. For more information about the Sasanids, see A. I. Kolesnikov, Sasanian Iran. History and culture. Saint Petersburg: Nestor-Istoriya Publ., 2012; Christensen, A. (1944) L'Iran sous les Sassanides. Copenhague: Ejnar Munksgaard; Daryaee, T. (2009) Sasanian Persia: The Rise and Fall of an Empire. London: I.B. Tauris.

2. For a general introduction to the history of Christianity in ancient Iran, see: Asmussen, J. P. (1983)" Christians in Iran", in E. Yarshater (ed.) The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 3 (2): The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods, pp. 924-948. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Labourt, J. (1904) Le christianisme dans I'empire perse sous la dynastie sassanide (224-632). Paris: V. Lecoffre.

3. On Zoroastrianism as a religion, see Boyce, M. (1979) Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Russian translation: Boyce M. Zoroastrians: Beliefs and Customs / Translated from English and edited by I. M. Steblin-Kamensky. Moscow: Nauka, Main Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, 1987 (4th ed., ispr. and add., 2003); Skjasrvo, P. O. (2011) The Spirit of Zoroastrianism. New Haven: Yale University Press; Shaked, Sh. (1994) Dualism in Transformation: Varieties of Religion in Sasanian Iran. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

page 62
The term "Zoroastrianism", which was used by the deities Ormazd and Ahriman and was in a state of irreconcilable conflict, provided for only one true religion, that is, Zoroastrianism. Only by following the ritual and ethical precepts formulated in the canon of Zoroastrian scriptures, the Avesta, could a person fulfill his true destiny, that is, take part in the cosmic battle of good and evil on the side of the good deity Ormazd. Adherents of all other religions were automatically enrolled in the camp of Ormazd Ahriman's opponent. This exclusivist approach is reflected in the terminology used by the Persians to refer to their own faith and the religions of other peoples: while Zoroastrianism was called "weh-den", i.e. "good faith", all other faiths were classified without distinction as "ag-den", i.e."evil faith".

In light of all this, it is not surprising that the Sasanian rulers pursued a policy of intolerance towards religious minorities, including Christians. Thus, the third and especially fourth centuries were a time of severe persecution of Christians in Iran. At the same time, it should be taken into account that in addition to the exclusivism of the Zoroastrian religion mentioned above, an important factor that caused the persecution of Christians by the Sasanian authorities was their pro-Roman sympathies, imaginary or real. However, already during the fifth century, the attitude of the Sassanids towards their Christian subjects began to change to a more tolerant one, so that in the sixth and early seventh centuries we can talk about the achievement of a kind of symbiosis between the Christian minority and Zoroastrian society.

During the long history of Christianity in Iran, not only the attitude of the Iranian society towards this community has changed, but also the attitude of the Christian minority itself towards the majority culture. One of the most important aspects of this dynamic was the process of acculturation, that is, the assimilation and further processing by Syrian Christians of the norms and practices adopted in Iranian society. This complex and versatile phenomenon cannot be covered in a single article. In this paper, we would like to draw attention to only one of the various ways in which Syriac Christians interacted with Iranian culture, namely, how they used mythological images that originated in the Zoroastrian religious tradition. To this end, we offer two examples of this kind - the image of Paradise as the mountains of Ephraim-

page 63
ma Sirin, an author who lived in the immediate vicinity of the Roman-Persian border, and the figure of Rapitvin in the work known as" The Cave of Treasures", written in the territory of the Sasanian Empire.

1. Ephraim the Syrian: the image of Paradise as a mountain

The earliest attested example of the use of the image of Paradise as a mountain in the Christian tradition is found in the writings of Ephraim the Syrian, the great Syrian poet of the fourth century (d. 373)4. This image is elaborated most fully by Ephraim in his Hymns on Paradise. For example, in the first stanza of the Hymns, he depicts Paradise as a high mountain whose peak rises above all other peaks. Accordingly, when the waters of the Flood covered the entire earth, only this mountain alone was not affected by the natural disaster.:

With the eye of my mind I beheld Paradise - the tops of all the mountains are lower than the top of it; the crest of the flood reached only his feet - kissed his feet, bowed down and turned back to rise above the tops of all the mountains and hills and trample them down. His feet he (only) kisses, and each of the peaks subordinates 5.

Ephraim uses the image of Paradise as a mountain not only in his Hymns, but also in other works. For example, in his Commentary on Genesis, explaining how the four rivers of paradise (Gen 2:10-14) reach the human world through underground channels, he states that "Paradise is at a great height"6. Similarly, in his interpretation of Genesis 4;8, Ephraim mentions the "mountain of the outskirts of paradise" as a possible dwelling place for Cain and Abel. 7
Of particular interest in connection with the topic of this article is one of the aspects of Ephraim's description of Paradise, according to which the mountain on which it is located surrounds the whole world. So,

4. For more information about him and his works, see Brok S. P. [et al.] (2008) Efrem Sirin//Pravoslavnaya entsiklopediya, vol. 19. Moscow: TSNTS "Pravoslavnaya entsiklopediya", pp. 79-94.

5. De Parad. I. 4; изд.: Beck, E. (1957) Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und contra Julianum, p. 2. CSCO 174 - 175, Syr. 78 - 79. Louvain: Peeters.

6. InGen. II. 6; изд.: Tonneau, R. M. (1955) Sancti Ephraem Syri in Genesim et in Exodum commentarii, p. 29. CSCO 152, Syr. 71. Louvain: Peeters.

7. In Gen. III. 5; ed.: Tonneau, R. M. Sancti Ephraem Syri in Genesim, p. 49.

page 64
In verses 8 and 9 of the same first stanza of the Paradise Hymns, the Syriac poet develops this unusual cosmological idea, drawing on natural phenomena and the Holy Scriptures. First of all, Ephraim points out that the luminous halo around the Moon is a visible image of Paradise:

In the moon's circle, let us see Paradise, for it is also curved, enclosing the sea and land within it.8
In addition, Ephraim symbolically interprets the" golden crown " that Moses ordered to be made for the altar (Exodus 30: 3) as an image of the Paradise surrounding the created world:

Moses made a crown for that magnificent altar; with a crown woven entirely of gold he crowned the altar in its beauty. And just as intertwined and magnificent is the crown of Paradise surrounding all of creation 9.

The idea of a circular arrangement of Paradise in space finds additional expression in the second stanza of the Hymns, where it is likened to a belt surrounding the earth:

It encircles the loins of the world, encircling the great sea , adjacent to the heavenly ones, it is merciful to those who are inside, and hostile to those who are outside 10.

It should be noted, first of all, the theological significance of the image of Paradise as a mountain in the writings of Ephraim. Using this image, the Syrian poet managed to combine and partially reconcile two different approaches to understanding the biblical Paradise that existed in the Christian culture of late antiquity. According to one of them, which can be called "literalist", Paradise was represented as an earth garden existing in geographical reality, from which the four great rivers flow and from which Adam was expelled after the fall. This approach is countered by-

8. De Parad. I. 8; изд.: Beck, E. Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso, PP-2 - 3.

9. De Parad. I. 9; изд.: Beck, E. Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso, P. 3.

10. De Parad. II. 6; изд.: Beck, E. Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso, p. 6.

page 65
A more "spiritualized" understanding of Paradise as an intermediate eschatological reality, where the souls of saints and the righteous await the universal resurrection after death, being in a state close to sleep. 11 Ephraim's theological genius allowed him to convincingly and vividly combine these two concepts of Paradise in one image of a cosmic mountain, which is located at the intersection of two spheres - the earth and the earth. heavenly, so that its different levels correspond to different degrees of spiritual progress 12.

Ephraim's mythopoetic approach to the representation of Paradise was relatively popular among Syriac Christians, especially among the authors of apocryphal literature. For example, its echoes are found in the descriptions of Paradise in the Syriac version of the Assumption of the Virgin, the Cave of Treasures, and in a brief cosmological treatise attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite.13
From considering the image of Paradise in Ephraim as a cosmic mountain encircling the world, we turn to discussing the genesis of this unusual cosmological idea, which has no close analogues in other Christian cultures of late antiquity.

In the Jewish tradition, the image of Paradise as a mountain appears for the first time in the pre-Christian era. Thus, in Ezekiel 28:13-14, Eden, called "the garden of God," is described as "the holy mountain of God."14 This approach to the depiction of Paradise is called" the garden of God."

11. For a discussion of this idea, which is popular in Syriac Christianity, see Dal Santo, M. J. (2012) Debating the Saints' Cult in the Age of Gregory the Great, pp. 237 - 320. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

12. For this aspect of Ephraim's image of Paradise, see Brock, S. P. (1990) Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, pp. 50 - 53. Crestwood, New York: St Vladimir's Seminary Press; Ortiz de Urbina, I. (1955) "Le paradis eschatologique d'apres S. Ephrem", Orientalia Christiana Periodica 21: 467 - 72; Shoemaker, S.J. (2002) Ancient Traditions of the Mary's Dormition and Assumption. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

13. См. подробнее в Minov, S. (2013) "Regarder la montagne sacree: representations du Paradis dans la tradition chretienne syrienne", in D. Barbu et alii (eds) Mondes clos. Cultures etjardins, pp. 241-269, 367-374 (esp. pp. 251-253). Gollion: Infolio.

14. This biblical passage brings together two such distinct ideas found in ancient Near Eastern cultures as the mythological image of mountains as the abode of deities and the cultic function of gardens. For the former, see Talmon, Sh. (1978)" Har", in G. J. Botterweck et alii (eds) Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, vol. 3, pp. 427-447 (esp. pp. 442-444). Grand Rapids MI: W. B. Eerdmans; Clifford, R. J. (1972) The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; относительно второй - Stordalen, T. (2000) Echoes of Eden: Genesis 2 - 3 and Symbolism of the Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature, pp. 111 - 138. Leuven: Peeters.

page 66
further development in Jewish literature of the Second Temple era. The author of the Book of Jubilees, recounting the biblical story of Noah, reports that the Flood waters did not cover the land of Eden (4: 24), and also describes the "garden of Eden" along with three other mountains as "the four places on earth that belong to the Lord" (4: 26) .15 Another example of the use of the image of the mountain in relation to Paradise belongs to the mythical geography of the Ethiopian "Book of Enoch" (24:2 - 25:7)16. Based on these sources, some researchers explain the image of Paradise as a mountain in Ephraim and other Syriac authors as an example of the direct development of Biblical imagery or as a case of Jewish influence on Syriac culture 17. Without denying the possibility that these biblical and early Jewish traditions may have had some influence on the formation of the image of the mountain Paradise among Syriac Christians, 18 it should be emphasized that a consistent explanation of the emergence of this new imagery for the Christian tradition on the basis of these data alone is not possible. There are several considerations that do not allow us to dwell on one of these hypotheses. First of all, none of them explains the fact that, despite the fact that texts such as the Book of Ezekiel or the Book of Jubilees were known and popular in various Christian cultures of antiquity, the image of Paradise as a mountain was formed for some reason only among Russian-speaking Christians. The second and more important objection is that neither in the Biblical nor in the subsequent Jewish tradition-

15. Ed.: VanderKam, J. S. (1989) The Book of Jubilees. 2 vols. CSCO 510 - 511, Aeth. 87 - 88. Louvain: Peeters, vol. 2, pp. 28 - 29. It is worth noting that in extant fragments of the Syriac translation of the Book of Jubilees, the Garden of Eden is described at 4:26 as "the mountain of Paradise" by Tisserant, E. (1921) "Fragments syriaques du Livre des Jubilees", Revue biblique 30: 55 - 86, 206 - 232 (p. 73).

16. См. Grelot, P. (1958) "La geographie mythique d'Henoch et ses sources orientales", Revue biblique 65: 33 - 69 (особ, p. 42); Nickelsburg, G.W.E. (2001) 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1 - 36; 81 - 108, pp. 313 - 315.

Minneapolis: Fortress Press; Collins, J.J. (2004) "Before the Fall: The Earliest Interpretations of Adam and Eve", in H. Najman, J.H. Newman (eds) The Idea of Biblical Interpretation: Essays in Honor of James L. Kugel, pp. 293 - 308 (особ, pp. 302 - 304). Leiden: Brill.

17. См. Anderson, G.A. (1988) "The Cosmic Mountain: Eden and Its Early Interpreters in Syriac Christianity", in G.A. Robbins (ed.) Genesis 1 - 3 in the History of Exegesis: Intrigue in the Garden, pp. 187 - 224. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen; Brock, S. P. Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, pp. 50 - 51.

18. First of all, the idea that the waters of the Flood did not flood Paradise is attested in the Book of Jubilees.

page 67
However, we do not find such an important spatial detail for the Syriac authors as the encircling character of Paradise.

In search of a suitable explanation for the image of Paradise Mountain, some scholars draw attention to the cosmological and cult traditions of the Ancient East, especially the mythological image of the cosmic mountain, which finds its architectural expression in the Sumerian-Akkadian ziggurats.19 This hypothesis, however, suffers from the same drawback as those mentioned above, due to the fact that we still have no unambiguous evidence of the existence in the cosmological traditions of the Ancient East of the image of a cosmic mountain that would encircle the earth. Despite the fact that the ancient Mesopotamian sources contain a number of passages that could be interpreted in this way, their evidence is very far from unambiguous.20
The apparent internal inconsistency of the image of a mountain Paradise in the writings of Ephraim, where such seemingly mutually exclusive characteristics as the encircling nature and the presence of a mountain peak appear together, is perceived by a number of researchers as a problem that needs to be solved. Sebastian Brock, in an attempt to reconstruct how Ephraim himself might have imagined Paradise, describes it as "a conical mountain whose base surrounds the 'Great Sea'" in such a way that the sky we see is formed by "the inner surface of the conical mountain of Paradise" .21 The contradictory nature of this spatial construction led Brock to conclude that That Ephraim deliberately offers his listeners an "illogical" model of Paradise that refutes everyday human experience of space and time, in order to challenge the literalist view of the biblical Paradise, which is characteristic of the Antiochian exegetical school, and which is based on the fact that the Bible is based on the Bible.

19. Murray, R. (1975) Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition, p. 309. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. См. также Widengren, G. (1975) "'Synkretismus' in der syrischen Christenheit", in A. Dietrich (ed.) Synkretismus im syrischpersischen Kulturgebiet: Bericht uber ein Symposion in Rheinhausen bei Gottingen in der Zeit vom 4. bis 8. Oktober 1971, pp. 38 - 64 (особ. p. 40). Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

20. См. Horowitz, W. (1998) Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, pp. 331 - 333. Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns.

21. Brock, S. P. Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, p. 54. Palmer, A. (2003) "Paradise Restored", Oriens Christianus 87: 1-46 (esp. pp. 2 - 3), shares a similar spatial interpretation of Paradise in Ephraim.

page 68
It may have been popular among Syriac Christians of the time 22. Without completely denying the possibility of such an interpretation, it still seems necessary to emphasize that the images that seem "illogical" to the modern reader of Ephraim did not necessarily have to be perceived as such by his contemporaries, who could visualize the poet's description of Paradise in a completely different way from us, in accordance with their own ideas about the structure of the world.

In order to get closer to understanding these ideas, it is worth listening to the opinion of those scientists who draw attention to the similarity between the image of Paradise as a mountain by Syrian Christian authors and the mythological tradition of ancient Iran, in which the image of the cosmic mountain Alburz occupied an important place.23 It is this aspect of the mythical geography of pre-Islamic Iran that we see as a determining factor in the formation of a unique image of the mountain Paradise in Syriac Christianity.

The image of a giant mountain range encircling the earth is found in the archaic cosmological traditions of Iran and India.24 According to Iranian beliefs, mountains grow out of the surface of the earth, which is a rounded and flat plain. This process is likened to the growth of plants, so that mountains were described as having"roots". Zoroastrian cosmology, reflected in the Avesta, as well as in later Pahlavi writings, mentions a number of different mountains. The first in importance among them was Mount Alburz (or Harburz; avest. pehl. harburz), which grew out of the land of-

22. Brock, S. P. Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, pp. 54 - 55.

23. См. Ri, A. S. - M. (2000) Commentaire de la Caverne des Tresors: etude sur I'histoire du texte et de ses sources, pp. 40 - 41, 208. CSCO 581, Subs. 103. Louvain: Peeters. In his commentary, Ri draws on the ideas of Geo Widengrin, who points out the Iranian mythological background of the image of the "victorious mountain" (mons victorialis) in Opus Imperfectum inMatthaeum II. 2 (PG 56, col. 637-638), which, in turn, is directly related to the "mountain of victory", a description used by in relation to the Mountain of paradise by the Syrian author of The Cave of Treasures (14-1); see Widengren, G. (i960) Iranisch-semitische Kulturbegegnung in parthischer Zeit. Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag. 66 - 67, 80. См. также Toepel, A. (2006) Die Adam- und Seth-Legenden im syrischen Buch der Schatzhohle. Eine quellenkritische Untersuchung, p. 114, n. 32. CSCO 618, Subs. 119. Louvain; Peeters.

24. См. Boyce, M. (1975) A History of Zoroastrianism. Vol. 1: The Early Period, pp. 132 - 137. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

page 69
surface before all other mountains 25. This mythical mountain is mentioned in both the Avesta and later Zoroastrian texts such as Bundahishn.

In the most ancient layer of traditions concerning Mount Alburz, it is described as a giant mountain located in the center of the world, around the peak of which the stars, moon and Sun revolve. However, even in ancient times, this concept has undergone certain changes, as a result of which the name Alburz was also assigned to a giant mountain range stretching along the edge of a flat and rounded earth.26 This image is already found in Zamyad-Yashta (19.1), part of the Lesser Avesta, where Alburz is described as the first mountain to stand on the earth and which "completely surrounds the western and eastern lands"27. Later, this idea is found in various Pahlavi sources. Thus, the Iranian Bundahishn (5B.1) refers separately to Mount Tera, which is located in the center of the earth, and Mount Alburz, which is located" around the world "28. The subsequent discussion (9.1-2) clearly demonstrates that the author of Bun-Dahishna sees Mount Tera as a kind of offshoot that grew out of Alburz. A similar cosmological scheme underlies the eschatological scenario presented in Dadestan-i denig (20.2). According to this text, the souls of the dead will have to pass over the Chinwad Bridge, which extends from Mount Daiti, located in the" center of the earth "in the country of Eranvezh, and to the" shelter of Alburz " (war i alburz)29.

The encircling spatial arrangement is the most important, but by no means the only property that allows us to speak about the figurative proximity of Iranian architecture.

25. See Boyce, M. (1985) "Alborz. ii. Alborz in Myth and Legend", in E. Yarshater (ed.) Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 1, pp. 811-813. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Chunakova O. M. Pahlavi Dictionary of Zoroastrian Terms, Mythical characters, etc. mythological symbols, Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura Publ., 2004, pp. 21-23.

26. In the cosmology of ancient India, this Iranian image corresponds to Lokaloka, a mountain belt encircling all the continents of the earth. See Kirfel, W. (1920) Die Kosmographie derlnder, nach Quellen dargestellt, pp. 121-122. Bonn: Kurt Schroeder.

27. изд.: Hintze, A. (1994) Der Zamyad-Yast: Edition, Ubersetzung, Kommentar, p. 66. Wiesbaden: L. Reichert.

28. Изд.: Anklesaria, B. T. (1956) Zand-Akasih: Iranian or Greater Bundahisn, pp. 64 - 65. Bombay: A. Bode.

29. Ed.: Jaafari-Dehaghi, M. (1998) Dadestan iDenig. Parti: Transcription, Translation and Commentary, pp. 76 - 77. Paris: Association pour l'avancement des etudes iraniennes. See also Iranian Bundahishn 30.1; Videvdad 19-30.

page 70
the cosmic mountain Alburz and the paradise mountain of Syrian authors. For example, like Mount Paradise, Alburz is depicted as the highest mountain on earth, which is reflected in its characteristic "Lord of the peaks" 30. In addition, both Paradise Mountain and Alburz perform an important hydrological function as the primary sources of Earth's rivers. While the Bible describes four rivers flowing out of the Garden of Eden (see Gen 2: 10-14), the Iranian mythological tradition mentions the Ardvisur River, which originates on Mount Alburz and flows into the Frahvkard Sea. 31 Moreover, while the Garden of Eden of Genesis is the place where the sacred tree of life and the tree of knowledge of good and evil grow, similarly Mount Alburz is depicted in Zoroastrian mythology as the place where the good deity Baga planted the sacred plant Hom (Avest. haoma)32. Finally, just as in the post-biblical Jewish and Christian traditions Paradise is often depicted as a sacred cult territory where the first people offered bloodless sacrifices to God and took part in divine services performed by angels, Mount Alburz in Zoroastrianism appears as a place of worship where such figures of the progenitors of Iranian mythology as Hoshang and Yima performed sacrifices to the deities Ardvisura, Druvaspu and Vayu 33.

In light of all these parallels, as well as the important role that the image of the giant mountain Alburz played in the mythological cosmology of Zoroastrianism, it seems very likely that the Syriac Christian readers of Genesis, beginning with Ephraim, formed a unique image of the biblical Paradise as a cosmic mountain range encircling the entire world, under the direct influence of this Iranian motif.

30. The Iranian "Bundahishn" 17-18; ed.: Anklesaria, B. T. Zand-Akaslh, pp. 154_1 55-

31. Yasht 5.3; Iranian "Bundahishn" 10.5-6; compare also Iranian "Bundahishn" 11.6; Videvdad 21. See Chunakova O. M. Pahlavi dictionary of Zoroastrian terms. P. 31.

32. Yasna 10.4-10. See Chunakova O. M. Pahlavi dictionary of Zoroastrian terms, pp. 241-242.

33. Yasht 5. 21, 25; 9.3, 8; 15.7, 15. See also the passages where the deity Hom is depicted as a priest offering sacrifices to other deities on this mountain, such as Mitra (Yasht 10.88-89) and Srosh (Yasna 57.19). (1970) "Haoma, Priest of the Sacrifice", in M. Boyce, I. Gershevitch (eds) W. B. Henning Memorial Volume, pp. 62-80. London: Lund Humphries.

page 71
2. "Treasure Cave": the figure of Rapitvin

Another interesting example of the use of Zoroastrian mythological motifs by Syriac Christians is found in the work known as" The Cave of Treasures " (PS). This work was written between the mid-sixth and early seventh centuries in the part of northern Mesopotamia that was controlled by the Sasanian Empire. PS belongs to the literary genre of the Biblical paraphrase, offering the reader an exposition of the Christian Heibgeschichte, where the stories of the Old and New Testaments are combined and reworked into a new narrative that begins with the creation of the world and ends with Pentecost. This new version of the sacred history contains a significant number of innovations that are missing from the canonical narratives. Localization of this largely unique work in the complex context of Syro-lingual Christianity of late antiquity is not an easy task. However, some internal and external data, such as the nature of the exegetical traditions used by the author and the early history of the transmission of the work, suggest that the author of PS belonged to the West Syriac, that is, Miaphysitic, milieu.34 In the first chapter of PS, the reader is offered a retelling of the biblical account of the six days of creation. When the narrative reaches the second day's creations, the author reports the following about the structure of the celestial sphere::

And on the second day, God made a lower heaven and called it a "firmament" to make it clear that its nature is not like that of the heavens above (him), and that its appearance is different from that of those (heavens) above (him). They are the same (as such): the highest heaven is made of fire, and the second heaven is made of light, and this is the lowest heaven of Rapitvin. Because it has the dense nature of water, it has been called a "firmament." 35
34. Critical edition of the text, accompanied by a French translation: Ri, S.-M. (1987) La Caverne des Tresors: les deux recensions syriaques. CSCO 486 - 487, Syr. 207 - 208. Louvain: Peeters. General information about this work can be found in: Ri, S.-M. Commentaire de la Caverne des Tresors; Leonhard, C. (2001) "Observations on the Date of the Syriac Cave of Treasures", in P. M. M. Daviau et alii (eds) The World of the Aramaeans III: Studies in Language and Literature in Honour of Paul-Eugene Dion, pp. 255-293. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. For a detailed discussion of issues related to the dating and environment of PS, see: Minov, S. (2013) Syriac Christian Identity in Late Sasanian Mesopotamia: The Cave of Treasures in Context. Ph. D. dissertation; The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

35. Изд.: Ri, S. - M. La Caverne des Tresors, pp. 4 - 6.

page 72
In this passage, the author of PS presents a uranological scheme that assumes the existence of three heavenly levels - the upper sky from "fire", the middle sky from "light", and the lower sky associated with "Rapitvin". This cosmological description differs significantly from the biblical story of the creation of the world, set out in the first three chapters of Genesis, and has no parallels in other bible books. At the same time, some aspects of this scheme suggest that it originated as a result of the author's familiarity with Iranian cosmological and mythological concepts.

First of all, attention is drawn to the three-part uranological system, which has no analogues in biblical cosmology. It should be noted that the three-part division of the heavenly world was not particularly popular among Jewish and Christian authors of antiquity. Among the earliest Jewish sources, this cosmological system is implied in such pseudo-epigraphic writings as 1 Enoch (14: 87-25), The Covenant of Levi (2: 6-10), Revelation of Shadrach (2: 3-5), and 3 Baruch 36. However, this scheme is not explicitly and unambiguously presented in any of the listed works. Even more significant for our research is that none of these writings seems to have been known to Syro-speaking Christians in late antiquity.37 A three-part division of the sky is mentioned as a possible option, along with two-and seven-part divisions, in such a relatively late rabbi-

36. См.: Kulik, A. (2010) з Baruch: Greek-Slavonic Apocalypse of Baruch, pp. 319 - 329. Berlin: De Gruyter. For this aspect of the first Book of Enoch, see Morray-Jones, C. R. A. (1993) " Paradise Revisited (2 Cor 12: 1-12): The Jewish Mystical Background of Paul's Apostolate. Part 1: The Jewish Sources", Harvard Theological Review 86: 203 - 205.

37. The situation with the 1st Book of Enoch is somewhat different from the rest of the texts, since the Syriac sources contain several fragments close to the text of this apocrypha (see: Brock, S. P. (1968) "A Fragment of Enoch in Syriac", Journal of Theological Studies NS 19: 626-633; Bhayro, S. (2001) "AKarshuni (Christian Arabic) Account of the Descent of the Watchers", in A. Rapoport-Albert, G. Greenberg (eds) Biblical Hebrews, Biblical Texts: Essays in Memory of Michael P. Weitzman, pp. 365-373. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press; Reeves, J. C. (1991"An Enochic Motif in Manichaean Tradition", in A. van Tongerloo, S. Giversen (eds) Manichaica Selecta: Studies Presented to Professor Julien Ries on the Occasion of His Seventh Birthday, pp. 295 - 298. Louvain: International Association of Manichaean Studies. However, these parallels can hardly be considered proof that Syriac Christians were familiar with the entire work directly, let alone that there was a complete Syriac translation of it.

page 73
The most common uranological scheme used was the sevenfold one (38). However, it appears that in most of the inter-testament Jewish writings, as well as in Rabbinic literature, the most common uranological scheme used was the seven-part one (114: 2).

As for the Christian cosmological tradition in ancient times, the three-part system of the heavenly world is apparently already implied in the New Testament. Thus, in 2 Corinthians 12:2-4, the apostle Paul mentions his heavenly ascent and reports that he was lifted up "to the third heaven" which is identified with Paradise. However, due to the brevity of this mention, it is impossible to come to an unambiguous conclusion that the heaven that the apostle reached was the highest and last. In addition, the identification of the third heaven with Paradise in the New Testament passage as the direct source of the uranological scheme of PS I. 8-9 is hindered by its identification with Paradise, which directly contradicts the cosmological system of PS, where these two locations are not identical.

Moreover, although some early Christian authors use a sevenfold uranology, the three-part system is practically absent in Christian writings that predate Psalm 40. As for the Syriac Christian tradition that predates the time of the writing of PS, we find no explicit mention of the threefold division of the heavens.41 So, for example, this scheme is not available in " Comment-

38. Изд.: Buber, S. (1891) Midrasch Tehillim (Schocher Tob), vol. 3, p. 471. Wilna: Wittwe & Gebruder Romm.

39. Compare: 2 Enoch 3-31; Revelation of Moses 35, 2, Ezra's Questions A 19-21; apocryphal "Book of Baruch" apud Origen, De Princ. II. 3.6; b. Hagiga 12b; Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer 19; Pesikta Rabbati 5, 7, But de- Rabbi Nathan A 37. Дополнительные ссылки и обсуждение см. в: Collins, A.Y. (1995) "The Seven Heavens in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses", in J. J. Collins, M. Fishbane (eds) Death, Ecstasy, and Other Worldly Journeys, pp. 59 - 93- Albany, NY: State University of New York Press; Schafer, P. (2004) "In Heaven as It Is in Hell: The Cosmology of Seder Rabbah di-Bereshit", in R. S. Boustan, A. Y. Reed (eds) Heavenly Realms and Earthly Realities in Late Antique Religions, pp. 233 - 274. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Kulik, A. 3 Baruch, pp. 313 - 315.

40. Compare: Ascension of Isaiah 6: 13; 7: 13; Revelation of Paul 29; Gospel of Bartholomew 1: 17; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. IV. 25. 159.

41. См.: ten Napel, E. (1990) "Third Heaven' and 'Paradise': Some Remarks on the Exegesis of 2 Cor. 12, 2 - 4 in Syriac", in R. Lavenant (ed.) V Symposium Syriacum, 1988: Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 2-31 aout 1988, pp. 53 - 65. Rome: Pontificium Institutum Studiorum Orientalium. Description of Mary's ascension to "heavenly Jerusalem", which is contained in the Syriac version of the apocrypha "Assumption of Mary", yes-

page 74
Taria on the Book of Genesis "and" Hymns on Paradise "by Ephraim the Syrian, as well as in "Homilies on the Creation of the World" by the East Syrian poet Narsai (d. 502). Preliminary analysis shows that the two-part division of the heavenly world was most popular in the Antiochian exegetical school and the East Syriac tradition that depended on it.42
In the light of all these data, it seems unlikely that the use of the three-part uranological scheme by the author of the PS can be explained by his dependence on one of the later Rabbinic or Christian cosmological theories, in the form as they are known to us. In order to understand the genesis of the three-part division of heaven motif in PS, one should refer to ancient Near Eastern views on the structure of the world. It is there, among Mesopotamian and Iranian cosmological theories, that we find examples of the division of the heavenly world into three spheres, which shed light on our passage from PSA 43.

One of the earliest accounts of the three-part structure of the sky appears in Akkadian sources. Thus, KAR 307, a religious expository text from Assur dating back to the first millennium BC, offers the following uranological description:

The upper sky is made of stone It belongs to Anu. He placed 300 Igigi deities inside it. The middle sky is made of saggilmud stone. It belongs to Igigi. Inside it sat Bel, on a high dais in the holy place.-

тируемой VI в. (изд.: Wright, W. (1865) "The Departure of my Lady Mary from this World", Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record NS VI (12): 417 - 448; VII (13): 110 - 160 (pp. 45 - 46 [Syr.156-157 [tr.]), can be interpreted as based on a three-part uranological scheme. However, it can also be interpreted as reflecting the two-part division of the heavenly world, where the heavenly Jerusalem is only the highest part of the second heaven. Moreover, the description of the heavenly world in this work has nothing in common with PSA I. 8-9, which indicates that there is no direct connection between the two works.

42. Cf.: Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Gen. 11; Kosma Indicoplov, Top. Christ. II. 20 - 23, III. 55. VII. 8-9. See also ten Napel, E. "Third Heaven" and "Paradise", pp. 57, 60-61.

43. For a review and analysis of these theories, see Panaino, A. C. D. (1995)" Uranographia Iranica I: The Three Heavens in the Zoroastrian Tradition and the Mesopotamian Background", in R. Gyselen (ed.) Au carrefour des religions. Melanges offerts a Philippe Gignoux, pp. 205 - 225. Bures-sur-Yvette: Croupe pour l'etude de la civilisation du Moyen-Orient; Horowitz, W. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, pp. 8 - 15.

page 75
a lapis lazuli leaf. He made a lamp out of electrum to shine inside it.

The lower sky is made of jasper It belongs to the stars. He drew on it the constellations of the gods 44.

An almost identical three-part division of the heavens, associated with the same stones and deities, is found in AO 8196, a late Babylonian collection of astrological, astronomical, and religious information. 45
Examples of the three-part division of the celestial sphere are also found in ancient Iranian and Indian traditions, where it may not have been original, but was spread under the influence of contacts with Mesopotamian culture. The earliest examples of this kind are attested in the Avesta, where the basic structure of the celestial world is presented in the form of a division into three levels - the sky of stars, the sky of the Moon and the sky of the Sun, to which spheres of "Infinite Light" can be added (avest. or "Paradise" (avest. pehl. 46. These cosmological traditions were collected and analyzed by Antonio Panaino, who demonstrated that, although in some Late-Avestan (Rashn-Yasht, Khadokht-Nask) and Pahlavi (Bundahishn)traditions, more elaborate systems of dividing the sky into five, six, or even seven spheres are found in the works, but the fundamental uranological scheme underlying these constructions remains three-parted47. In the Zoroastrian worldview, the three-part division of the heavenly world was closely linked to the eschatological belief that the soul of a righteous person must pass through three levels during its ascension after death in order to reach the highest region of Paradise.48
As Panaino convincingly showed, the three-part uranological scheme contained in the Zoroastrian sources developed under the influence of ancient Mesopotamian cosmological systems.

44. Изд.: Horowitz, W. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, pp. 3 - 4.

45. См.: Horowitz, W. esopotamian Cosmic Geography, pp. 3 - 4.

46. Wed.: Yasna 1. 16; II. 11; III. 18; The Ghats III. 6; The Vendidad VII. 52; XI. 1 - 2, 10.

47. See Panaino, A. C. D. "Uranographia Iranica I", esp. pp. 205-209.

48. См.: Bousset, W. (1901) "Die Himmelsreise der Seele", Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 4: 136 - 169, 229 - 273; Gignoux, P. (1968) "L'enfer et le paradis d'apres les sources pehlevies", Journal asiatique 256: 219 - 245; Panaino, A. C. D. "Uranographia Iranica I", p. 208.

page 76
views 49. This is in good agreement with what we know about the profound influence that the civilization of ancient Mesopotamia has exerted since the pre-Achaemenid period on such diverse areas of the material and intellectual culture of the Iranian peoples as science, religion, arts, literature, jurisprudence, administrative and political organization.50
The uranological scheme of PS I. 8-9 contains one additional aspect that makes its Iranian origin even more obvious, namely the mention of Rapitvin in connection with the lower heaven. The rare Syriac noun Rapitvin, used by the author of the PS to describe this celestial sphere, is a borrowing from the Middle Persian language. It is formed from the Middle Persian noun (from Avest. the adjective "midday")52, which indicates the period of the day starting at noon, as well as the mythological figure of the deity personifying it.

The figure of the personified Rapitvin occupies a prominent place in Zoroastrian mythology and ritual.53 According to Zoroastrian cosmological and calendar beliefs expressed in the Bundahishna and some other writings, during the seven months of summer, when the spirit of Rapitvin is above the earth, the day is divided into five parts. During the winter months, the day consists of only four parts, because at this time

49. See Panaino, A. C. D. "Uranographia Iranica I", pp. 218-221.

50. Об этом см.: Gnoli, G. (1988) "Babylonia, II. Babylonian influences on Iran", in E. Yarshater (ed.) Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 3, pp. 334-336. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers; Panaino, A. C. D. (2000) "The Mesopotamian Heritage of Achaemenian Kingship", in S. Aro, R. M. Whiting (eds) Melammu Symposia I: The Heirs of Assyria. Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project Held in Tvdrmine, Finland, October 8 - 11,1998, pp. 35 - 49. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project; Widengren, G. (1946) Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism (King and Saviour II): Studies in Manichaean, Mandaean, and Syrian-Gnostic Religion. Uppsala: A. - B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln.

51. The first researcher to recognize the Iranian origin of this word was A. Gotze: Gotze, A. (1922) Die Schatzhohle: Uberlieferung und Quellen, pp. 46-47. Heidelberg: Carl Winter. See also: Ciancaglini, C. (2008) Iranian Loanwords in Syriac, pp. 256 - 257. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert.

52. См.: Bartholomae, C. (1904) Altiranisches Worterbuch, col. 1509. Strassburg: Karl J. Trubner.

53. См.: Boyce, M. (1968) "Rapithwin, No Ruz, and the Feast of Sade", in J. G Heesterman et alii (eds) Pratidanam: Indian, Iranian and Indo-European Studies Presented to Franciscus Bernardus Jacobus Kuiper on his Sixtieth Birthday, pp. 201 - 215. The Hague: Mouton; Krasnowolska, A. (1998) Some Key Figures of Iranian Calendar Mythology (Winter and Spring), pp. 101 - 113. Krakow: Universitas.

page 77
Goda Rapitwin goes underground, keeping it warm and moist to support tree roots and water sources 54.

The image of Rapitvin in the Zoroastrian tradition is found not only in such literary texts as the mentioned "Bundahishn", so knowledge about him was not the lot of only the educated elite of the clergy. There is ample evidence to show that the mention of Rapitvin was part of a Zoroastrian ritual practiced by the entire community. The religious duty of every Zoroastrian, whether clergyman or layman, was to celebrate Rapitvin at least twice a year - marking his symbolic return from the underworld to the sky in early spring and his descent back underground in early winter.55 The Rapitvin Festival was one of the seven holidays of the Zoroastrian year. It followed immediately after the festival of Frawardigan and thus formed part of the celebrations of Nowruz (i.e., New Year), the largest holiday of the Zoroastrian calendar. 56 Apparently, this festival was introduced already in the pre-Sasanian period, since it is mentioned in such ancient sources as the Avestan "Nirangistan" and the now lost "Khusparam-Nask"57. As part of the celebration of Nauruz, the yasna of Rapitvin was also recited, where this deity is invoked.

In fact, the liturgical invocation of Rapitvin occurred with even greater frequency. So, in the spring and summer periods, Rapitvin was called up daily. According to the Zoroastrian tradition, the twenty-four-hour day was divided into five sentinels (Pehl. which corresponded to the five Gathas (avest. that is, the five verse dimensions of the Avesta hymns that form the basis of Zoroastrian worship. Among these guardians, one that lasted from mid-morning to mid-afternoon was dedicated to Ardvahisht, one of the Ameshaspent, the six benevolent deities of the Zoroastrian pantheon, and was associated with Rapitwin. Some Zoroastrian sources with-

54. See: Iranian Bundahishn III. 21-23; XXV. 9, 12, 15-17.

55. See "Nirangistan" II. 31; ed.: Kotwal, F. M., Kreyenbroek, P. G. (2003) The Herbedestan and Nerangestan. Vol. 3: Nerangestan, Fragard 2, pp. 136-141. Paris: Association pour l'avistance des etudes iraniennes.

56. See Boyce, M. "Rapithwin, No Ruz", pp. 204-205.

57. See: Ibid., p. 215.

page 78
It is said that at this time of day one should chant a special "Gata Rapitvina" dedicated to this deity.58
All this indicates that Rapitvin played an important role in the religious life of the Zoroastrians. At the same time, it should be noted that few non-Iranians were aware of this mythological figure. It is not mentioned in the surviving writings of Western and Eastern Christian authors concerning Iran and its religion. As far as I know, there is only one Syriac work besides the Psalms that mentions Rapitvin, a Syriac cosmological treatise attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite. This work was first published by Marc-Antoine Kugener and reprinted shortly thereafter by Giuseppe Furlani.59 It does not belong to the original Greek corpus of Pseudo-Dionysius, but is an original Syriac work written, apparently, in the sixth century.60 There are several features common to this work and the PS that show that the author of the Pseudo - Dionysian Treatise was familiar with the PS or came from the same cultural background. One of these features is the author's reference to Rapitvin, when describing the "northern mountains", he says that "on the crystal stones of these mountains descends that amazing Rapitvin" 61. In addition, the conclusion that the image of Rapitvin was not widely known among Syro-speaking Christians is supported by the fact that the noun itself caused considerable difficulties for later scribes of the PS, who apparently were not aware of its Persian origin.

In Psalms I. 8-9, Rapitwin is associated with the lowest of the three heavens, called the "firmament." Along with this, it is reported that this "firmament" has a "water nature". Stating this, the author

58. Cf. "Vaeta-Nask" - " During Rapitvin [one should pray] to the Highest Righteousness, i.e. [one should] repeat the Gata of Ashavahishta " (ed.: Humbach, H., Jamaspasa, K. M. (1969) Nask: An Apocryphal Text on Zoroastrian Problems, §102, p. 51. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz; The Iranian Bundahishn III. 22. For the Ardwa-hishta figure, see Boyce, M. (1987) "Ardwahist", in E. Yarshater (ed.) Encyclopedia Iranica, vol. 2, pp. 389-390. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

59. Kugener, M. - A. (1907) "Un traite astronomique et meteorologique syriaque attribue a Denis l'Areopagite", in Actes du XlVe Congres international des orientalistes, Alger 1905. lie partie: Section II (Langues semitiques), pp. 137 - 198. Paris: Ernest Leroux; Furlani, G. (1917) "A Cosmological Tract by Pseudo-Dionysius in the Syriac Language", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 245 - 272.

60. See: Kugener, M. - A. "Un traite astronomique", pp. 140 - 141.

61. Изд.: Furlani, G. "A Cosmological Tract", p. 250.

page 79
PS follows the tradition already well established among Syriac Christian authors of interpreting the" firmament " of Gen 1: 6-8 as consisting of water.62 So, this idea is expressed by the author Pseudo-Clementine, when, retelling the biblical story of the creation of the world, he speaks about the material from which the vault of heaven was made. According to the Pseudo-Clementines, it was "stretched out" in the middle of the first heaven and earth from water that was "frozen as with frost and hard as crystal", and therefore was called "firmament"63. A similar explanation of the origin of the heavenly "firmament" in Gen 1: 6-8 is offered by Ephraim the Syrian, who In the Commentary on the Book of Genesis, he says that it was "pressed out of the waters." 64 This interpretation of the creation of the firmament was later used by Narsai in his Homilies on Genesis.65
The idea of the sky consisting of water or containing water is biblical (cf. Gen 1: 6-7; PS 104: 3, 348: 4) and ultimately goes back to the cosmological concepts of the ancient Near East. The image of a sky made of water is attested in Akkadian sources, according to which Marduk builds a sky out of the watery corpse of the slain monster Tiamat, or where the Akkadian noun for "sky" is explained etymologically as - "out of water" 66. Even closer parallels to the association of the lowest of the three heavens with water in PS They are found in the Iranian cosmological tradition, where the lower sky was considered to have a water nature. For example, in such a Young Avestan text as Rashn-Yasht, when describing the journey of the deity Rashnu through various spheres of the universe, his heavenly ascent is mentioned, which begins with the lower sky of stars described as having the "nature (or: beginning) of waters" (Avest.

62. This idea has parallels in Rabbinic sources. Cf. Bereshit Rabbah 4, 2, 7.

63. Rec. I. 27.3; изд.: Rehm, B. (1965) DiePseudoklementinen. II: Rekognitionen in Rufins Ubersetzung, p. 24. Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, 51. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

64. Comm. in Gen. I. 17; изд.: Tonneau, R. M.SanctiEphraem Syri in Genesim, p. 17.

65. Horn, in Gen. I. 49 - 52; II. 297 - 319; III. 143 - 144); изд.: Gignoux, Ph. (1968) Homelies de Narsaisur la creation. Patrologia Orientalis 34.3 - 4. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 528 - 529, 574 - 575, 592 - 593-

66. См.: Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, p. 262 - 263.

page 80
67. This idea is also found in some later Pahlavi texts. For example, in the Iranian Bundahishn (VII. 2-3), where all fixed stars are divided into three groups, the lowest group is described as including stars of "water nature" (pehl. 68.

It can be assumed that this connection of the lowest part of the sky with water, clearly traced in Zoroastrian sources, is also rooted in ancient Mesopotamian cosmological views. According to the Akkadian text KAR 307 quoted above, the lower heavens were considered to be composed of jasper In ancient Near Eastern and Classical sources, there are references to a number of varieties of this semiprecious stone, which could have a grayish-green, sky-blue, pink, yellow or purple color69. For our case, it is interesting that the Akkadian text Abnu-shikinshu describes two varieties of jasper: one, bright blue, is compared to a" clear sky "while the other, gray, is compared to a" rain cloud " 70.

The connection between the lower sky and water, which is common to the PS and Zoroastrian sources, is an additional confirmation of the hypothesis about the Iranian origin of the three - part uranological scheme in PS I. 8-9. However, the reason why the author of the PS connects Rapitvin specifically with the lower sky remains unclear. None of the surviving Zoroastrian sources contain accurate information about the location of Rapitvin during the summer period, when it is above ground.

A possible explanation for this connection is the fact that both of these cosmological elements are somehow associated with water. The watery nature of the lower sky in Iranian cosmology was mentioned above, and Rapitvin's connection with this element is expressed in the fact that it keeps the "spring water" warm during the five winter months when it is under the sun.

67. Yasht XII. 29. For this phrase, see Panaino, A. C. D. (1990-1995) 2 vols. Roma: Istituto italiano per il medio ed estremo Oriente, vol. 1, p. 92 - 93.

68. Ed.: Anklesaria, B. T. p. 86. For more information, see: Panaino, A. C. D. "Uranographia Iranica I", pp. 208-209.

69. См.: Horowitz, W. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, pp. 13 - 14.

70. См.: Horowitz, W. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, p. 14.

page 81
land 71. However, a more likely explanation for Rapitvin's connection with the lower part of the heavens can be derived from the function performed by this mythological character in the general system of Zoroastrian cosmology. As mentioned above, the main function of Rapitwin in summer is to give warmth to the world and "ripen the fruits of the trees" 72. Rapitvin is said to be "above ground"during this time of year 73. Since the lower sky is located closest to the earth, its choice as the location of Rapatwin seems quite logical.

In the light of the unique nature of the tradition of Rapitvin's connection with the lower heaven in PSA I. 8-9, the question arises as to whether it was an organic part of the Iranian uranological system on which the author of the PSA relied, or whether it was introduced into this scheme by himself. The first scenario seems more likely to us. As already mentioned, Rapitvin was closely associated with the deity Ardvahisht, which, in turn, was closely associated with the element of fire, which belonged to him.74 This fact makes us pay attention to the fiery aspect of Rapitvin's nature, which plays an important role in connection with its function as a heat supplier for underground areas in winter. It is this property of Rapitwin that makes obvious the inner logic of the cosmological scheme presented in PSA I. 8-9, where each of the three heavens is associated with a certain type of fire.75 The internal consistency of the uranology of the PS suggests that our author relied on some local version of the Iranian cosmological tradition, which was in use in the region where he lived during the Sasanian period, but was not preserved in the bo-

71. Iranian Bundahishn XXV. 15; ed.: Anklesaria, B. T. Zand-Akaslh, p. 208.

72. Iranian Bundahishn XXV. 16; ed.: Anklesaria, B. T. Zand-Akaslh, p. 208.

73. "Persian rivayats"; ed.: Unvala, J. M. (1922) Darab Hormazyar's Rivayat. 2 vols; vol. 1, p. 122, In. 5; 123, In. 7 - 8; 124, In. 4 - 5; 138, In. 2 - 3. Bombay: British India Press.

74. Compare Yasna XXXI. 3; XXXIV. 4; XLIII. 4. See about it: Boyce, Ardwahist, p. 389.

75. The identification of the upper heavens with fire can be traced back to ancient Mesopotamian cosmological beliefs, since the luludanite stone, from which, according to the Akkadian sources cited above, the upper sky was made, was described as having a reddish color. See Horowitz, W. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, p. 10.

page 82
later Zoroastrian sources. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that, according to researchers, Pahlavi sources reflect the views of only one of several trends that existed in Zoroastrianism in pre - Islamic Iran, namely, the worldview of the "orthodox" version of this religion, which survived the Arab conquest due to the fact that it was preserved and propagated by the Zoroastrian clergy.76
Bibliography/References

Boyce M. Zoroastrians: Beliefs and Customs / Translated from English and edited by I. M. Steblin-Kamenskogo. Moscow: Nauka, Main Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, 1987 (4th ed., ispr. and add., 2003).

Brok S. P. [et al.] (2008) Efrem Sirin//Pravoslavnaya entsiklopediya, vol. 19. Moscow: TSNTS "Pravoslavnaya entsiklopediya", pp. 79-94.

Kolesnikov A. I. Sasanian Iran. History and culture. St. Petersburg: Nestor-Istoriya Publ., 2012.

Chunakova O. M. Pahlavi dictionary of Zoroastrian terms, mythical characters and mythological symbols, Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura, 2004.

Anderson, G. A. (1988) "The Cosmic Mountain: Eden and Its Early Interpreters in Syriac Christianity", in G.A. Robbins (ed.) Genesis 1 - 3 in the History of Exegesis: Intrigue in the Garden, pp. 187 - 224. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen.

Anklesaria, B.T. (1956) Zand-Akasih: Iranian or Greater Bundahisn. Bombay: A. Bode.

Asmussen, J. P. (1983) "Christians in Iran", in E. Yarshater (ed.) The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 3 (2): The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods, pp. 924 - 948. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Bartholomae, G. (1904) Altiranisches Worterbuch. Strassburg: Karl J. Trubner.

Beck, E. (1957) Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und contra Julianum. CSCO 174 - 175, Syr. 78 - 79. Louvain: Peeters.

Bhayro, S. (2001) "A Karshuni (Christian Arabic) Account of the Descent of the Watchers", in A. Rapoport-Albert, G. Greenberg (eds) Biblical Hebrews, Biblical Texts: Essays in Memory of Michael P. Weitzman, pp. 365 - 373. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.

Bousset, W. (1901) "Die Himmelsreise der Seele", Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 4: 136 - 169, 229 - 273.

Boyce, M. (1968) "Rapithwin, No Ruz, and the Feast of Sade", in J. C. Heesterman et alii (eds) Pratidanam: Indian, Iranian and Indo-European Studies Presented to Franciscus Bernardus Jacobus Kuiper on his Sixtieth Birthday, pp. 201 - 215. The Hague: Mouton.

Boyce, M. (1970) "Haoma, Priest of the Sacrifice", in M. Boyce, I. Gershevitch (eds) W.B. Henning Memorial Volume, pp. 62 - 80. London: Lund Humphries.

76. См.: Shaked, Sh. Dualism in Transformation, pp. 95 - 98.

page 83
Boyce, M. (1975) A History of Zoroastrianism. Vol.1: The Early Period. Leiden: E.J. Brill. (Russian translation by I. M. Steblin-Kamenskii, Moscow: Nauka, 1987; 4th edn., 2003).

Boyce, M. (1979) Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Boyce, M. (1985) "Alborz. ii. Alborz in Myth and Legend", in E. Yarshater (ed.) Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 1, pp. 811 - 813. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Boyce, M. (1987) "Ardwahist", in E.Yarshater (ed.) Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 2, pp. 389 - 390. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Brock, S. P. (1968) "A Fragment of Enoch in Syriac", Journal of Theological Studies NS 19: 626 - 633.

Brock, S. P. (1990) Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise. Crestwood, New York: St Vladimir's Seminary Press.

Brock, S. P. (2008) "Efrem Sirin" [Ephrem the Syrian], in Pravoslavnaia entsiklopediia. T. 19, pp. 79 - 94. Moskva: Tserkovno-nauchnyi tsentr "Pravoslavnaia entsiklopediia".

Buber, S. (1891) Midrasch Tehillim (Schocher Tob). Wilna: Wittwe & Gebruder Romm.

Christensen, A. (1944) L'Iran sous les Sassanides. Copenhague: Ejnar Munksgaard.

Chunakova, O. M. (2004) Pekhleviiskii slovar' zoroastriiskikh terminov, mificheskikh personazhei i mifologicheskikh simvolov [Pahlavi Dictionary of Zoroastrian Termins, Mythical Heroes and Mythological Symbols]. Moskva: Vostochnaia literature.

Ciancaglini, C. (2008) Iranian Loanwords in Syriac. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert.

Clifford, R.J. (1972) The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Collins, A. Y. (1995) "The Seven Heavens in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses", in J. J. Collins, M. Fishbane (eds) Death, Ecstasy, and Other Worldly Journeys, pp. 59-93. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Collins, J.J. (2004) "Before the Fall: The Earliest Interpretations of Adam and Eve", in H. Najman, J.H. Newman (eds) The Idea of Biblical Interpretation: Essays in Honor of James L. Kugel, pp. 293 - 308. Leiden: Brill.

Dal Santo, M.J. (2012) Debating the Saints' Cult in the Age of Gregory the Great. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Daryaee, T. (2009) Sasanian Persia: The Rise and Fall of an Empire. London: I. B. Tauris.

Furlani, G. (1917) "A Cosmological Tract by Pseudo-Dionysius in the Syriac Language", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 245 - 272.

Gignoux, Ph. (1968) "L'enfer et le paradis d'apres les sources pehlevies", Journal asiatique 256: 219 - 245.

Gignoux, Ph. (1968) Homelies de Narsai sur la creation. Patrologia Orientalis 34.3 - 4. Turnhout: Brepols.

Gnoli, G. (1988) "Babylonia, II. Babylonian influences on Iran", in E.Yarshater (ed.) Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 3, pp. 334-336. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers.

Gotze, A. (1922) Die Schatzhohle: Uberlieferung und Quellen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Grelot, P. (1958) "La geographie mythique d'Henoch et ses sources orientales", Revue biblique, 65: 33 - 69.

Hintze, A. (1994) Der Zamyad-Yast: Edition, Ubersetzung, Kommentar. Wiesbaden: L. Reichert.

page 84
Horowitz, W. (1998) Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography. Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns.

Humbach, H., Jamaspasa, K. M. (1969) Vaeda Nask: An Apocryphal Text on Zoroastrian Problems. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Jaafari-Dehaghi, M. (1998) Dadestan 1 Denig. Part I: Transcription, Translation and Commentary. Paris: Association pour l'avancement des etudes iraniennes.

Kirfel, W. (1920) Die Kosmographie der Inder, nach Quellen dargestellt. Bonn: Kurt Schroeder.

Kolesnikov, A.I. (2012) Sasanidskii Iran. Istoriia i kul'tura [Sasanian Iran: History and Culture]. S. - Petersburg: Nestor-Istoriia.

Kotwal, F. M., Kreyenbroek, P.O. (2003) The Herbedestan and Nerangestan. Vol. 3: Nerangestan, Fragard 2. Paris: Association pour l'avancement des etudes iraniennes.

Krasnowolska, A. (1998) Some Key Figures of Iranian Calendar Mythology (Winter and Spring). Krakow: Universitas.

Kugener, M. - A. (1907) "Un traite astronomique et meteorologique syriaque attribue a Denis l'Areopagite", in Actes du XIVе Congres international des orientalistes, Alger 1905. IIе partie: Section II (Langues semitiques), pp. 137 - 198. Paris: Ernest Le-roux.

Kulik, A. (2010) 3 Baruch: Greek-Slavonic Apocalypse of Baruch. Berlin: De Gruyter.

Labourt, J. (1904) Le christianisme dans I'empire perse sous la dynastie sassanide (224 - 632). Paris: V. Lecoffre.

Leonhard, C. (2001) "Observations on the Date of the Syriac Cave of Treasures", in P. M.M. Daviauet alii (eds) The World of the Aramaeans III: Studies in Language and Literature in Honour of Paul-Eugene Dion, pp. 255 - 293. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.

Minov, S. (2013) "Regarder la montagne sacree: representations du Paradis dans la tradition chretienne syrienne", in D. Barbu et alii (eds) Mondes clos. Cultures et jardins, pp. 241 - 269, 367 - 374. Gollion: Infolio.

Minov, S. (2013) Syriac Christian Identity in Late Sasanian Mesopotamia: The Cave of Treasures in Context. Ph. D. dissertation; The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Morray-Jones, C. R.A. (1993) "Paradise Revisited (2 Cor 12:1 - 12): The Jewish Mystical Background of Paul's Apostolate. Part 1: The Jewish Sources", Harvard Theological Review 86: 203 - 205.

Murray, R. (1975) Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Nickelsburg, G. W. E. (2001) 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1 - 36; 81 - 108. Minneapolis: Fortress Press.

Ortiz de Urbina, I. (1955) "Le paradis eschatologique d'apres S. Ephrem", Orientalia Christiana Periodica 21: 467 - 472.

Palmer, A. (2003) "Paradise Restored", Oriens Christianus 87: 1 - 46.

Panaino, A.C.D. (1990 - 1995) Tistrya. 2 vols. Roma: Istituto italiano per il medio ed estremo Oriente.

Panaino, A. C. D. (1995) "Uranographia Iranica I: The Three Heavens in the Zoroastrian Tradition and the Mesopotamian Background", in R. Gyselen (ed.) Au carrefour des religions. Melanges offerts a Philippe Gignoux, pp. 205 - 225. Bures-sur-Yvette: Groupe pour l'etude de la civilisation du Moyen-Orient.

Panaino, A. C. D. (2000) "The Mesopotamian Heritage of Achaemenian Kingship", in S. Aro, R. M. Whiting (eds) Melammu Symposia I: The Heirs of Assyria. Proceedings of

page 85
the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project Held in Tvarmine, Finland, October 8 - 11, 1998, pp. 35 - 49. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.

Reeves, J. C. (1991) "An Enochic Motif in Manichaean Tradition", in A. van Tongerloo, S. Giversen (eds) Manichaica Selecta: Studies Presented to Professor Julien Ries on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, pp. 295 - 298 Louvain: Internationa] Association of Manichaean Studies.

Rehm, B. (1965) Die Pseudoklementinen. II: Rekognitionen in Rufins Ubersetzung. Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, 51. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

Ri, S. - M. (1987) La Caverne des Tresors: les deux recensions syriaques. CSCO 486 - 487, Syr. 207 - 208. Louvain: Peeters.

Ri, A. S. - M. (2000) Commentaire de la Caverne des Tresors: etude sur l'histoire du texte et de ses sources. CSCO 581, Subs. 103. Louvain: Peeters.

Schafer, P. (2004) "In Heaven as It Is in Hell: The Cosmology of Seder Rabbah di-Bereshit", in R. S. Boustan and A. Y. Reed (eds) Heavenly Realms and Earthly Realities in Late Antique Religions, pp. 233 - 274. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Skjasrvo, P.O. (2011) The Spirit of Zoroastrianism. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Shaked, Sh. (1994) Dualism in Transformation: Varieties of Religion in Sasanian Iran. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

Shoemaker, S.J. (2002) Ancient Traditions of the Mary's Dormition and Assumption. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Stordalen, T. (2000) Echoes of Eden: Genesis 2 - 3 and Symbolism of the Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature. Leuven: Peeters.

Talmon, Sh. (1978) "Har", in G. J. Botterweck et alii (eds) Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, vol. 3, pp. 427 - 447. Grand Rapids MI: W. B. Eerdmans.

ten Napel, E. (1990) '"Third Heaven' and 'Paradise': Some Remarks on the Exegesis of 2 Cor. 12, 2 - 4 in Syriac", in R. Lavenant (ed.) V Symposium Syriacum, 1988: Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 29 - 31 aout 1988, pp. 53 - 65. Rome: Pontificium Institutum Studiorum Orientalium.

Tisserant, E. (1921) "Fragments syriaques du Livre des Jubiles", Revue biblique 30: 55 - 86, 206 - 232.

Toepel, A. (2006) Die Adam- und Seth-Legenden im syrischen Buch der Schatzhohle. Eine quellenkritische Untersuchung. CSCO 618, Subs. 119. Louvain; Peeters.

Tonneau, R. M. (1955) Sancti Ephraem Syri in Genesim et in Exodum commentarii. CSCO 152, Syr. 71. Louvain: Peeters.

Unvala, J. M. (1922) Darab Hormazyar's Rivayat. 2 vols. Bombay: British India Press.

VanderKam, J. C. (1989) The Book of Jubilees. 2 vols. CSCO 510 - 511, Aeth. 87 - 88. Louvain: Peeters.

Widengren, G. (1946) Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism (King and Saviour 11): Studies in Manichaean, Mandaean, and Syrian-Gnostic Religion. Uppsala: A. - B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln.

Widengren, G. (1975) "'Synkretismus' in der syrischen Christenheit", in A. Dietrich (ed.) Synkretismus im syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet: Bericht uber ein Symposion in Rheinhausen bei Gottingen in der Zeit vom 4. Bis 8. Oktober 1971, pp. 38 - 64. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

page 86
Widengren, G. (i960) Iranisch-semitische Kulturbegegnung in parthischer Zeit. Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag.

Wright, W. (1865) "The Departure of my Lady Mary from this World", Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record NS VI (12): 417 - 448; VII (13): 110 - 160.

page 87

Permanent link to this publication: