Libmonster ID: U.S.-1210
Author(s) of the publication: O. B. GROMOVA

On one of the most" mobile " continents in the world - Africa - migration flows are changing. The usual image of male migrants who went for a long time from the countryside to cities or neighboring countries to earn money is blurred. The family and women stayed at home.

O. B. GROMOVA, Candidate of Historical Sciences

Of course, African women were not completely isolated from the developing migration processes. Even during the colonial period, in some parts of West Africa, women were sent to urban settlements, where they began to actively engage in" commerce " - small retail trade. African women participated in short-term, seasonal, but recurrent migration, as did Ghanaian women in neighboring Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso in the mid-1980s.1 The predominant type of" permanent " migration to cities was accompanied by an increase in family migrations in the 70s and 80s, as well as an increase in the number of women who wanted to reunite with the head of the family and start a new life in the city. As early as the mid-1990s, this was the main motivation for up to 60% of all Ghanaian rural migrants who went to the city with their husband, other family members, or on their own2.

Since the end of the 20th century, significant changes in migration processes have been associated with negative trends in the development of African countries, especially in the 1990s. ("the lost decade") and at the turn of the century, as permanently economically, socially, politically and environmentally unstable.

Over the past 1.5 - 2 decades, a significant increase in the level of mobility of the female population has been observed in all sub-regions of the continent. The migration of African women is increasingly seen as a self-made decision to leave home, mainly in search of employment and economic benefits. In Africa in the early 2000s, women accounted for 47% of the total number (17 million) of migrants (inter-country and, less often, outside the continent) .3

Despite the positive developments of recent years, the difficult economic situation, widespread poverty (up to 40% of the population of Sub-Saharan Africa live on less than $ 1 a day), the growth of unemployment and underemployment with no visible prospects for reducing their level, and the increased material burdens of everyday life affect women and children to the greatest extent - these are the least protected and vulnerable groups in African society.

Poverty in Africa has a female face, and women make up the majority, in some cases up to 70%, of the poor population.4 And women's unemployment is higher than men's.

According to the ILO data for 2007, female unemployment averaged 9.1%, male unemployment 7.5%, and youth unemployment 13.9% and 13.6%, respectively. Only 2 out of 10 working women in Sub-Saharan Africa have stable employment and regular earnings, while the rest are forced to take on any job to survive.5 Real indicators for countries are higher than average. For example, in Botswana, unemployment is 24% for women, 17% for men, 48% for women and 35% for men (in Ghana, the latest figures are 23% and 17%, respectively) .6

Chronic poverty, closely linked to the critical state of employment, the inability to provide not only a decent life, but sometimes just to survive - these are the main economic determinants of labor migration of the female, as well as other sub-Saharan populations, their exodus from their native places to cities and foreign countries.


The economic and social situation of African women in rural areas, the main source of rural - urban migration, remains extremely difficult.

In the agricultural sector, mainly in the stagnant low-productive semi-natural economy, women make up a significant (up to 60-80%) share of the rural labor force. Although the number of African women employed in the agricultural sector is gradually decreasing, according to the ILO, "men are fleeing at a much faster rate".7

With the mass exodus to cities and other countries to earn money for the rural male working-age population, the absence of which is becoming more and more prolonged due to fear of losing their jobs or unwillingness to return to their families, the number of peasant farms headed by women is growing. With the change in the structure of the village population in favor of wives-

The article was prepared with the financial support of the Russian State Science Foundation (project No. 06-02-0283a " South-North migration processes. Lessons for Russia").

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Women, children and the elderly are also changing the traditional distribution of gender-economic and social - roles. The post-conflict situation in a significant number of African countries that experienced civil wars and armed conflicts in the 1990s had a certain impact on their redistribution. In particular, conflicts have led to a significant numerical preponderance of the female population over the male due to the mass death of men in the course of military operations. The shortage of workers in "men's" jobs has to be filled by women, whose work load (and children's) is significantly increasing. The head of the household-a woman-bears not only the main burden of peasant labor, but also the care of children, the sick and the elderly, i.e., the responsibility as the main breadwinner for the survival of the family.

The "feminization" of agricultural labor leads to the" feminization " of rural poverty. The living conditions of rural women's families are significantly deteriorating, and the "income" from food crops is stagnating, not meeting the basic needs of the family.

The majority of the rural poor (229 million in 2008) are women-headed families with multiple dependents but minimal consumption. In Botswana, for example, a relatively economically prosperous country, half of all such families live on less than $ 1 a day per person. 8

The situation of the African rural worker is complicated by the high incidence of AIDS and the spread of HIV infection in rural Sub-Saharan Africa, which deprives the family of a breadwinner and increases the number of widows and orphans. Forced care of terminally ill people does not leave women the energy and time for effective agricultural work (plowing, weeding, harvesting, etc.). The potential of the female labor force is also reduced in the case of AIDS itself.

The material security of a large rural family in conditions of low-profit agriculture falls to a critical level. But there is no denying that her well-being and even survival in some cases significantly depends on money transfers from husbands and relatives who have gone to work. Money transfers remain an important tool for peasant families. In rural Botswana, for example, 4 out of 5 families depend on such transfers.9 But, according to observations, the value of money transfers is gradually falling. With the rapid growth of the cost of living in cities, low wages and unemployment, migrants ' incomes are reduced to a minimum and, accordingly, the amount of money, the frequency and regularity of their transfer to the countryside are reduced. In some parts of Ghana, 15% of families not only do not receive any money at all, but also have no news from migrant relatives. 10

The feminization of poverty in the African countryside is compounded by traditional discrimination against women in many areas of life, despite their essentially dominant role in agriculture. In terms of access to education, training, health care, and most importantly, economic resources - credit, markets, and property ownership - women's rights and opportunities are limited, which prevents the family from escaping from the grip of poverty.

The inability to support the family solely by working on their land plot in the context of the crisis of the traditional agricultural sector, aggravated by negative demographic and environmental factors, forces village women to search for alternative sources of income and employment outside the agricultural economy.

Women and children are actively involved in the "extraction" of additional monetary income, and such economic activities are becoming increasingly common among rural women. Significant groups of rural women are employed more or less permanently in the non-agrarian sector of agriculture, which, according to some sources, provides up to 40% of total income - in trade (mainly in small retail), services, traditional crafts, small - scale production-and allows them to survive in difficult times. In some northern rural areas of Ghana, for example, they retail wild fruits, resell soap, cigarettes, kerosene, individual items of clothing, as well as purchased and then processed rice and peanuts. Revenues from retail, which does not require much effort and investment of money, are low, but still cover modest daily needs.

It is obvious that employment in rural areas, but not in agriculture, due to the extreme need to generate additional monetary income, stimulates human mobility, being associated with the short-term movement of rural women within the borders of the district, between their own and neighboring villages, the district center, nearby settlements and small towns as a prelude to their final departure to distant large cities. In Ghana, for example, it is common for many members of rural families to find employment both on and off their land-in district centers, in nearby towns where markets, shops, social services, etc. are concentrated. 11 This constant movement of people, especially during the dry or "dead" season, absorbs excess rural resources. female workers, curbs migration, but does not cancel it altogether.

Women, abandoning their usual occupation of farming, migrate in the hope of finding employment in cities and neighboring countries. One of the main motivations for going to go-

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gender - unstable, low earnings and incomes, temporary, or even casual, employment that does not allow you to exceed the family income indicator of $ 1 per person per day. As EC A notes, such activities do not lead to a dramatic increase in income levels, which allows you to break out of the grip of poverty. 12 In addition, this sector of the economy is not able to absorb the rapidly growing mass of" surplus " labor.

The growth of economic activity, especially in trade, an increased role in providing for family members, in solving issues of using money at their own discretion, gaining relative financial independence and economic independence from their parents and husband encourage rural women to migrate to cities in search of a more stable source of income, opportunities to expand trade and entrepreneurship, and strengthen their life positions.

Thus, the growing economic potential of African women, being an important prerequisite for increasing their social activity, social role and self-awareness as a person, leads to the activation of independent, independent female labor migration.


Together with adult family members, parents (mother), but increasingly independently of them, children and teenagers (up to 15 years old) leave the village. The increase in child migration is primarily due to the deepening poverty, the inability to meet the most basic needs of the family, which is forced to eke out a miserable existence. Hence , the early involvement of children in labor activities and the increasing prevalence of child labor. In sub-Saharan Africa, which has the highest rate of its use in the world, there are up to 50-80 million working children. The share of working children and adolescents in the middle of the current decade reached 30% of the age group of 10-14 years. However, the indicators for individual countries of the sub-region are higher than the average - up to 50% (for example, in Burkina Faso, Burundi, etc.) 13.

In Africa, it is a long-standing practice to use boys and girls as intra-family labor in farming from early childhood (working in the fields, harvesting crops, delivering water, fuel, grazing livestock, cleaning the house, caring for babies, etc.). However, in the new economic environment, traditional forms of child labor are inferior to the worst and most difficult ones. its dangerous forms, undisguised exploitation of children.

According to the ILO, in some rural areas, up to 20% of all child workers are under the age of 10 .14 The work load, often from the age of 4 to 6, especially in families with AIDS patients, increases so much that it forces them to drop out of school (the dropout rate for girls, for example, can be close to 60%).

The loss of AIDS-related workers and the explosion of orphanhood associated with the death of one or both parents from disease or war (by 2006, there were 11 million AIDS orphans in sub-Saharan Africa, and 18 million are expected by the end of the decade) increases the need for child labor .15

The use of child labor in conditions of economic decline, permanent wars, famine, and rampant AIDS is now seen as a necessary element of the family's" survival strategy".

Children are becoming a significant potential migration resource. The search for additional monetary income and means of livelihood leads children to the plantations of their own or neighboring countries, to mines and mines, to cities. Tea plantations in Tanzania, for example, employ children to fill the labor gap caused by the massive AIDS-related deaths. Children in Burkina Faso who are under the age of 14 are fleeing to plantations or domestic service in neighboring Ivory Coast at their own will or "request" of their parents. It is estimated that in Ivory Coast, more than 100,000 children aged 9 and over work on cocoa bean plantations.16

Often, together with relatives, children are sent to mining areas close to their native villages, to abandoned mines or mines where the population is illegally mining gold or other precious metals and where child labor is particularly difficult and dangerous due to frequent flooding and collapses, but extremely cheap. Children and adolescents (from 5 to 17 years of age) in Ghana, Nigeria, Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Tanzania work 14 hours a day in such "mines" and "mines"17. In Niger, 7-year-old boys and girls (together with their relatives) are engaged in gold washing (although in 2006, the country's authorities banned girls under the age of 15 from mining and processing gold). A heavy workload falls on girls who, in addition to excavations, are engaged in transportation and processing of the extracted material, prepare food for the "miners", deliver water, and very often get involved in prostitution. In the Mirerani mines 40 km from Arusha (Tanzania), girls work 60-70 hours a week 18.

More and more children of the rural poor, including orphans and foster children, migrate with or without the consent of their parents, relatives, and guardians (often on their own initiative), going to work in urban centers and capitals or abroad. However, in this case, not only the factor of "pushing" out of the village due to extreme economic necessity is triggered, but also the factor of" attraction " of the city, where rural young people hope not only to find a job, but also to continue their studies, get an education, and free themselves from control.

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families and communities, build their own future.


Economically motivated rural-urban migration is the main direction of constant intra-country movements of women and children in the fruitless search for "decent" work and earnings that can ensure the existence of a family. Once in the city, these migrants settle on the outskirts of the city, in slum areas where the population is growing rapidly (in Sub-Saharan Africa, it has doubled since 1990 to 199 million in 2005) .19 Most of the migrants are single, unmarried, young women and girls (including those hoping to get married). but there is also a significant proportion of divorced people, widows, and female heads of families, for whom migration is the only way out of the current critical financial situation.

The uncontrolled influx of cheap female workers from rural areas to the urban labor market limits their employment opportunities. Therefore, the prospect of women in the city being unemployed is very real. A few people who are sufficiently educated and have completed secondary school manage to get a job in a modern sector of the economy, for example, in transport, in the health or education system, etc., but where they usually get low-level positions.

The dominant sphere of application of female labor by rural migrants, as well as urban women in general, is the informal sector (NFS) of urban economy, where the majority of rural women consciously and purposefully rush from the very beginning, and within which the increasing economic activity of African women is mainly realized. Employment is widespread in trade, including small retail and street work, as well as in domestic service, in artisanal and semi-artisanal enterprises of the traditional type. The vast majority of women in the cities of Ghana, DRC, Liberia and other countries are temporarily or accidentally employed, deprived of any social protection, settled in the informal sector (NFS) of the urban economy, small street vendors (including ready-made homemade food), hawkers, peddlers, resellers of second-hand items, etc. other goods from nearby villages and neighboring markets. Informal cross-border trade is widespread in West and South Africa. For example, Zimbabwean women buy products in Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia, and South Africa to resell them in their home markets.

The primitive street trade of the "self-employed" is the main (or only) type of income that helps many families survive, whose breadwinners are women, mostly widows, divorced, and unmarried. On the outskirts of the Ugandan capital, Kampala, there are so - called "night markets", whose main characters are village women who have come to the city, abandoned by their husbands or sex partners, widows, under - educated single mothers who have no other way to earn a living, or even just survive.20 As male unemployment increases, men are increasingly willing to enter informal female employment (such as retail) and compete with women.21

At the same time, employment in the urban informal sector of the economy is also a consequence of the conscious choice of those "lucky" migrant women who see informal trade (on market counters and in "retail outlets", in shops) as a source of capital accumulation necessary to start their own business, to become the owner of a traditional family enterprise, etc. The desire to expand their business activities pushes them to create economic associations. For example, in Senegal, in one of the poor districts of Dakar, a community was created on the initiative of women, whose members bought tea bags, and then packaged it in bags for sale. In Ethiopia, there is an Amhara Women's Business Association (one of the largest ethnic groups), which aims to help small women's businesses engaged in traditional women's crafts.22

One of the negative aspects of migration and relocation to urban centers is the involvement of women in prostitution, which is widespread in every major city.

This phenomenon is caused, among other things, by increased family instability, the weakening of family ties, an increase in the number of divorces and single-parent families headed by single women.

In general, the situation of former rural migrants in the city, even those who have settled in the informal sector of the urban economy, remains financially difficult. According to the ILO, more than half of those employed in NSF in Sub-Saharan Africa earn no more than $ 1 per day23. But women's work remains the mainstay of most poor urban families ' livelihoods.

And children who run from the countryside to the cities because of poverty or domestic violence, the hopelessness of rural life in the hope of finding a new job and supporting themselves, most often become unemployed, homeless or get a job in the informal urban economy, where the need for cheap and submissive child labor is quite high. In most cases, they are peddlers and sellers of cheap goods, porters, waste paper collectors, shoe cleaners, etc., but also (especially girls) - domestic servants. Children do not study, are interrupted temporarily-

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or by making odd jobs. For example, boys in Kampala clean up garbage on the streets, help deliver goods from the village to the city, etc., often combining work with theft, playing cards, begging.

It is obvious that children deprived of parental attention in the city are a risk group. They easily join banditry and other criminal activities, and become victims of violence, including sexual violence. Waves of crime are sweeping through slum areas, the outskirts, where the vast majority of migrant children live.

Women and children as labor migrants are constantly moving in search of a livelihood and economic independence across the borders of their countries, to other States of the continent, and also - less often - beyond its borders. Unskilled, illiterate female workers are sent to the informal economy of neighboring and distant African countries. Thus, South Africa is the center of attraction for many such migrants from West and East Africa (traders from Senegal, Mali, Sierra Leone, etc.). Traditionally, there is a significant number of women in the informal sector of urban economy-in domestic service and trade - in South Africa from neighboring countries of the subregion-Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, as well as Botswana. From Zimbabwe, 1/3 of all male and female migrants go to South Africa, while 40% work outside the South African sub-region24. West Africa is one of the main sources of female emigration to the European Union. Women make up 85% of all Cape Verdean emigrants to Italy 25.

In the general mass of African migrant women, there are sufficiently educated, qualified personnel, specialists who rush to more prosperous countries than their own. For example, there is a "female brain drain" from Zimbabwe to the health sector in South Africa. Professional female cadres (doctors, nurses) from Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda immigrate to South Africa. Women, often leaving the care of their children to their spouses and relatives, go to work in business, education, and healthcare in Europe and North America. Nurses from Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and South Africa can be found in the Gulf countries, in public and private clinics in the UK.


Forced mass cross-border movements of the African population, the exodus and influx of refugees are associated with numerous crisis situations on the continent in recent decades - armed border conflicts, civil wars, and environmental disasters. The number of refugees and internally displaced persons is estimated to have reached more than 20 million in the 1990s (refugee problems are particularly acute in Sudan, DRC, Somalia, Chad, and Uganda).

Women and children make up the majority (70-80%) of displaced persons ' flows. The predominance of women in the mass of refugees is explained not least by the fact that the political and environmental factor of forced flight operates primarily in rural areas, where the gender and age structure of the population is now dominated by women. Wars push primarily these rural residents out of their places of permanent residence, since the theater of operations is mainly rural areas. The environmental factor (natural disasters and natural disasters) also acts primarily and mainly in rural areas, from where eco-refugees are sent to cities.

Refugee women and children are the first and main victims of political instability, social violence and tension. In overcrowded refugee camps, there is still a threat to their physical safety - death during robberies by rival parties. Daily violence against refugee women and children is an essential component of civil wars and conflicts in Africa's hot spots.

Women and girls are regularly subjected to various forms of violence (rape, bullying, deliberate mutilation, brutality, etc.). Boys and adolescents (9-14 years old) are forcibly recruited into the army or combatant units, forcing them to participate in hostilities. The problem of rehabilitating these children and adapting them to peaceful life is very acute in all African countries that have experienced armed conflicts and swollen refugee flows.

The difficulties of adapting refugee women to new urban conditions are equally significant. "Outcasts" of the African city-they lead a marginal existence, merging into the lumpenized stratum of the city in the country of refuge, acutely feeling alienated from other, local, social strata and existing on the verge of biological survival.

African cities are flooded with orphans who lost their parents while fleeing, unemployed teenagers from among the refugees. Here they quickly become involved in criminal activities and prostitution. Refugee women and children are separated from their families, deprived of traditional support and protection, and are completely disenfranchised. There is an increasing number of families headed by single mothers, unmarried victims of sexual violence, who have the lowest status in society and eke out a miserable existence.

Escape from chaos, violence, and violence-

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Refugees, including women and children, are looking for natural disasters in other, safer, from their point of view, countries of the continent or even beyond.


Human trafficking is widespread in various parts of the world, including the African continent. The International Organization for Migration (MOM) estimates that more than 1 million victims of human trafficking are trafficked across national borders every year26.

Sub-Saharan Africa ranks first in the world in terms of human trafficking, becoming one of the centers of organized criminal activity in this area.

Across Africa, there is a network of agencies, criminal syndicates, and organized crime groups that, like transnational criminal organizations in general, trade in "human goods" is a highly profitable (third after the arms and drug trade) business with relatively low risks.

Women and children in Africa, as elsewhere in the world, are the main (up to 80%) victims of trafficking in "human goods" for the purposes of sexual exploitation, forced labor and domestic slavery, they are "at risk" and of increased interest to underground traffickers. Thus, trafficking in children (intra-country and cross-border) in Africa, especially in the Sub-Saharan region, has reached dangerous proportions. Children are seen as a potential labor force whose demand for cheap or free labor (in the service sector, agriculture, and the household) is steadily increasing. It is easier to manipulate them, to transport them across the border, and then, after taking them to the place of exploitation, to force them to beg, to engage in sex services, and to involve them in child prostitution (even young girls).

Trafficking in women and children in sub-Saharan Africa occurs both within the country and across national borders, at the cross-country and regional levels, and beyond the continent.

West Africa is a sub-region of active forced displacement of women and children. Internal traffic of young women from rural areas to large urban centers for "working" as prostitutes, selling children to cities for domestic service, and exploiting them as beggars and beggars has become commonplace. In Togo, Burkina Faso, and Sierra Leone, women and children are forcibly transported from their home village to other rural or urban areas. In Nigeria, most of the 12 million working children are victims of traffic. Here, cases of selling teenage girls from poor northern villages into domestic slavery in the south of the country for a nominal fee have become more frequent. Children from southern and eastern states are recruited through a network of agencies to cities across the country for exploitation as domestic servants and for forced labor.27 The traffic of women and children between neighboring West African and ECO-EAC countries is intense. Thousands of child slaves (most of them orphans) from different countries of West Africa-Benin, Togo, Ghana, Mali, Burkina Faso-work not only on cocoa and sugar cane plantations, but also in illegal mines and quarries, in small-scale trade, sexual exploitation in Nigeria, Cameroon, 28. Most States act simultaneously as recipient, supplier and transit countries, primarily Nigeria, Ghana and Senegal. Nigeria, for example, imports women and children from 10 different African countries and sends them to 12 countries.

The traffic of women and children in Central Africa has its own characteristics, where in the context of permanent armed conflicts and military operations (in Uganda, the Great Lakes region, DRC, CAR, etc.), mass abductions and seizures of children create additional favorable opportunities for the development of trade in "live goods" in the subregion.

East Africa is dominated by domestic traffic of women and children for sexual exploitation - for example, from rural areas to Nairobi, Kisumu and other Kenyan cities. The involvement of children, especially teenage girls, in the sex industry in tourism zones and international resorts on the Kenyan ocean coast is gaining momentum. Sudan is the center of an active traffic of women and children (especially from the "black" south to the Arab north) who are condemned to domestic or sexual slavery.

West, Central and East Africa are suppliers of" live goods " outside the continent, mainly for prostitution. European countries are the main destination of criminal trade. Traffic of children to European countries with the consent or initiative of their parents, especially foster parents, has become widespread. The largest donor country is Nigeria, from where most women and children, most often from small villages, are trafficked to Italy, where MOM estimates that at least 10,000 Nigerian prostitutes have already settled, as well as to Spain, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom and other countries.

There are several traditional transit routes for African women and children to reach Europe - via the Sahara, Morocco, Senegal, the Canary Islands, and Libya - by criminal groups that recruit women from African villages for sex work in European dens. Hundreds of victims of traffic from West Africa are stuck in Morocco for a long time on

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ways to Europe. The destination of traffic for forced labor and prostitution from East Africa is traditionally the Middle East, the Gulf countries. Ethiopia is an active supplier of "live goods" to Libya, the Gulf states and, especially, to Yemen. Traffic of Ethiopian women to Yemen, where under the pretext of good earnings and training underground traders recruit young Ethiopian women from poor villages for truly slave labor in the household, is not decreasing.

A particular situation of human trafficking is observed in Southern Africa. According to MOM, criminal trafficking is flourishing in the South African sub-region, with South Africa as the main destination country for female victims of trafficking (not only from other parts of the continent, but also from other parts of the world). Both internal and external cross-border traffic of women and children is widespread. The majority of those who engage in prostitution in major cities in South Africa are newcomers from their small towns and villages, as well as from SADC countries and other sub-regions of Africa. From Lesotho, Mozambique, Malawi, Angola, and the Great Lakes region of South Africa - a route of trafficked women and girls for sexual "work" in urban brothels, mining sites as "wives", domestic servants, and "sex slaves". MOM estimates that at least one thousand women are forcibly trafficked from Mozambique to South Africa each year, and almost one thousand adolescent children from Mozambique are trafficked to South Africa each year, where they are forced into prostitution. 31 South Africa also transits tens of thousands of African children, adolescents, and women to Europe - Italy, the Netherlands, and Germany.

African countries, relying on international agreements on human traffic problems, are making efforts to prevent and prevent this dangerous phenomenon.

In a number of countries, the most severe forms of child labor and child trafficking, especially for prostitution, and forced human trafficking as a form of criminal activity are outlawed (for example, in Nigeria and Togo). Kenya, South Africa, Malawi, and Cape Verde have adopted laws protecting children from oppression and exploitation.

However, African Governments have so far failed to significantly counter the spread of human trafficking on the continent. This is hindered, in particular, by the lack of a comprehensive approach to solving the problem, programs to raise awareness of criminal trafficking among Africans, the lack of a well-formed legislative and other legal framework, a number of socio-economic reasons, especially the deepening poverty and the impressive scale of unemployment and unemployment of the population.

* * *

The intensification of migration processes in Africa in recent decades is associated, among other things, with increased mobility of the continent's female and child populations, and with an increase in the number of women and children in migrant flows. In the economic conditions that have changed under the influence of globalization, the increased migration activity of women is taking on a qualitatively new character, which is dictated by the extreme need to search for diversified sources of livelihood that are complementary to the meager family income. Women's independent migration ( from their husbands, parents, relatives) is a response to the expansion of poverty in the region, an important component of the family survival strategy.

Independent women's migration as a basis for family well-being and survival, stimulated by a number of gender-related factors - the disintegration of the family and community-accelerates the redistribution of traditional gender roles in the family and society, increasing the importance of women in all spheres of life in African countries.

Child migration and trafficking in women and children, which are increasingly involved in migration processes in Africa, pose a major threat to the continent. The problem requires African Governments, with the help and assistance of the international community, to develop long-term solutions.


2 Ibidem.

3 Africa renewal. N. Y., 2006. Vol. 20. N 3. P. 23.

4 Africa renewal... Vol. 20. N 2. P. 7; Africa renewal... 2005. Vol. 19. N 2. P. 7.

5 Global employment trends for women. Geneva, 2008. P. 5, 14.

6 African economic outlook. 2006/2007. Paris, 2007. P. 145, 295.

7 Global employment trends... P. 5.

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10 Journal of modern african studies. Cambridge, 2006. Vol. 44. P. 153.

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12 World of work... 2007. N 59. P. 32; Africa renewal... Vol. 20. N 4. P. 16.

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14 World of work... N 60. P. 37.

15 Africa south of the Sahara... P. 12.

16 World of work. Geneva, 2007. N 61. P. 16.

17 Africa research bulletin... 2008. Vol. 45. N 3. P. 17792; Africa on the global agenda. Annual report 2007. The Nordic Africa Institute. Uppsala, 2008. P. 10.

18 World of work...

19 Africa renewal. N. Y. 2006. Vol. 20. N 2. P. 24.

20 Readings in gender in Africa. Blooming-ton, 2005. P. 132, 136.

21 Journal of modern African studies. Cambridge, 2007. Vol. 45. N 4. P. 560.

22 World of work... N 62. P. 23 - 24; Africa renewal. N. Y. 2006. Vol. 20. N 2. P. 18.

23 World of work. Geneva, 2008. N 62. P. 39.



26 Migration. Geneva, 2007. July. P. 38.

27 Forced migration review. Oxford, 2006. N 25. P. 33; Africa research bulletin. Political... Vol. 45. N 4. P. 17517.

28 World of work... Vol. N 61. P. 15; Trafficking in human beings, especially women and children in Africa. UNICEF. Florence, 2005. P. 13 -

29 Forced migration review... P. 33.

30 Ibid. P. 32.

31 Migration. Geneva, 2007. July. P. 18; Africa research bulletin... Vol. 45. N 4. P. 17516.


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Peter Nielsen
New-York, United States
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06.07.2023 (327 days ago)
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