People often encounter various kinds of superstitions; so far, great importance is attached to a variety of magical practices, moreover, it is once again becoming fashionable. What was the situation with the appeal to the "dark forces"in the unenlightened XVII century in Siberia, far from the Moscow bell ringing? During this period, Russian colonists invaded an unfamiliar territory, not illuminated by Christian symbols, inhabited, from the Orthodox point of view, by pagan tribes. As noted by A. Y. Gurevich, with the transition from traditional worldview systems to Christianity, the structure of the space of medieval man is changing. Both cosmic, social, and ideological spaces are hierarchized. All relationships are built vertically, and all beings are placed at different levels of perfection depending on their proximity to the deity. The illiterate masses of the population were far from thinking in verbal abstractions, the symbolism of architectural images was a natural way of understanding the world order, and these images embodied religious and political thought [Gurevich, 1984, pp. 82-83].

Having entered the Siberian land, the Russian first settlers met not only with an unfamiliar nature, but also with a disorganized, from the Christian point of view, space. At first, only the cross on the body and the icon in the first Siberian prisons could serve as a symbolic symbol of unity with the Orthodox world, then churches and chapels appeared, illuminating and spiritualizing the inhabited territory, which directly bordered on an alien environment.

Pagan cults and related magical rites have long existed in Russia. With the adoption of Christianity, the church began to struggle with this, as it turned out later, indestructible legacy. The result was the coexistence of archaic practices and Orthodox ideology, which later led to a certain syncretism in the spiritual culture of the people. This was more or less typical of many European cultures. After the inclusion of the territory of Siberia in the Russian state, the specific picture of the world in the ideas of the alien population underwent changes - some occult practices, drawn from the traditional cultures of the aborigines of the region, began to overlap with the native Russian archaism.

Moscow has expressed concern about the" rampant " witchcraft power in Siberia. Royal letters were sent to the Siberian voivodes, which indicated the need to suppress witchcraft and paganism. In 1654, a letter from Alexey Mikhailovich was sent to Tomsk. It said: "... in the Siberian cities, many ignorant people, forgetting the fear of God and not remembering the hour of death and not offering themselves eternal torment for that, keep abdicated books and letters and conspiracies and roots and passages, and go to sorcerers and sorcerers, and on divination books they cast spells, and the root of both poison and heretical slander spoils many people to death" (cit. by: [Pokrovsky, 1988, p. 159]). The tsar ordered this decree to be read at auctions, which were traditionally crowded places of residents. The response of the Moscow authorities to the "outrages" committed in Siberia was preceded by complaints from the Tobolsk clergy about the existence of witchcraft practices among the people. In 1653, the Siberian Archbishop Simeon sent the tsar a reply with

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Fig. 1. Combs-utilitarian and magical amulets (according to Rybakov, 1987, p. 549).

a request to issue an appropriate decree on the suppression of witchcraft. Simeon described in detail the "magic tricks". "In Tobolsk, sire, the hiccup spoilage is much multiplied... - he noted. "And where, sire, the wedding lives, and to those weddings, sire, they call witches to protect them. And those sorcerers are their watchmen. And their weddings in the world do not lead without tovo, and many spoils live on their weddings" [Literary Monuments..., 2001, pp. 302-303].

Witchcraft of all kinds was taken very seriously in the seventeenth century. In Tomsk, in 1650, an investigation was conducted on sorcerers sent from the Narym prison. Two strolling people and two domestic workers were accused of using prisushki. The Narym voivode considered himself "spoiled" - he was fed a meal of rye flour mixed with a thrush's nest, and the text of the plot was read over the drug. After conducting an investigation with the use of torture, two sorcerers were hanged, and two were punished with a whip [Ibid., p. 160]. Similar investigations were conducted in Yeniseysk, Surgut, Turinsk and other Siberian cities. For that time, they were not unusual. In Siberia, during the period when the territory was involved in the system of Russian statehood, accusations of witchcraft were often made. Voivodes suspected of abuse of power and excessive self-interest were usually credited with using witchcraft techniques.

The entire population of the first cities of Siberia was gripped by faith in witchcraft. In the captivity of superstition was, for example, Mangazey voivode A. Palitsyn, a metropolitan nobleman, a prominent administrator for his time and, what is much more significant, an adherent of alluvial freethinking. A. Palitsyn was well-read, expressed himself floridly in writing, but this did not prevent him from believing in the mysterious power of the conspiracy. The voivode believed that the enemy could be neutralized by a spell cast in wax, which then had to be "put under the heel under the toe between the insoles". A. Palitsyn believed in the power of a love drink; during a search, two plots were found in his possession to attract female attention [Bakhrushin, 1955, p. 188].

The belief in witchcraft became widespread, of course, among the peasants; in the distance from the parishes of the church, these sentiments were more pronounced. It should be asked whether the voivodes, who often resorted to various magic, could fully comply with the decree of Alexey Mikhailovich on the suppression of witchcraft? Among the" court cases " of those years, there will certainly be accusations of witchcraft. For example, in the Tomsk court table in the documents of the late 50s of the XVII century. listed: "izvet deacon Alexey Markov on his man in damage", "the case of the pedestrian sagittarius Loginko Surgut with comrades in koren and grass, and then koren and grass sozheny, and to the case of them taken written records", "the case of the heretical books of the walking man Shemaev", the walking man Tikhonko Isakov accused the widow of a ploughed peasant Malashka Ermakova, etc.*

Lists of prison inmates seen performing witchcraft rites are also noted in other cities. In the Turin prison in 1626, a ploughed peasant, Gordey Ivanov, was imprisoned at the request of the wife of a Tyumen posadsky man, Sergushka Ivanov; she brought charges of spoiling her husband. The resolution on this case is noteworthy: "... and Sergushka Ivanov, after the petition of his wife, considered himself healthy" [Russkaya istoricheskaya Biblioteka, 1884, p. 417]. It was believed that it was possible to neutralize the sorcerer, depriving him of the ability to use magic paraphernalia. In the first place when performing sorcery, it was not the personality of the sorcerer himself that was put forward, but objects with supernatural properties (Fig. 1), and the sorcerous action performed with these objects. In 1628, a ploughed peasant of the Nitsyn settlement (Trans-Urals), Gr. Mizinov, who was accused of spoiling the wife of a peasant Vorobyov, was twice tortured. Under torture, Mizinov said: "a passerby told him salt, and he gave that salt to Trenken Vorobyov's wife, so that she could be enchanted with soba, and not for other damage" [Ibid.]. In 1627, Tyumen received a complaint against ataman Ivan Voinov. His mother was accused of " spoiling many with hiccups... she spoiled many people with poison root, and the root was taken out and burned in the fire... " [Ibid., p. 448].

In the most serious cases, from the point of view of people of the XVII century, the use of sorcery, coupled with other crimes, could resort to severe punishments up to the death penalty. So, in 1698, the reveller Ignashka Tomskoy was accused of three church, two chapel and 12 different worldly thefts. Moreover, he allegedly " went to steal during the day, invisibly." For theft, burdened with witchcraft, the accused was deprived of life.

* RGADA, SP, units of hr. 659, l. 33; units of hr. 159, l. 8.

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In Russia, there was no pronounced "witch hunt", which infamously glorified most of the countries of Western Europe, while the sacred" dark " feminine principle was also associated with witchcraft in the Orthodox world. Therefore, women were most often accused of witchcraft. In the annals of the XI century, the opinion is explicitly expressed that the influence of the Magi was mainly held on women: "More than women are devilish magi, from time immemorial the devil seduces his wife, this is her husband, and these women give birth to many magicians by sorcery and poison and other goats" [Romanov, 1966, p. 174]. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. the story "Conversations with my Son about women's anger" was very popular with readers. In it, "Evil wives" were not properly accused of many vices, including connections with evil spirits, and were awarded with such epithets as a slanderer, a heretic sorceress, a lioness, a snake, a scorpion, an asp, etc. [Titova, 1987, pp. 45-46]. The nature of a specific attitude to a woman is multicomponent - from purely religious, ideological, psychological to social ones. Women were looking for a niche to express their importance in society and found a use for themselves, mastering medicine, midwifery and witchcraft. This phenomenon, which has deep roots common to many cultures, has multiplied many times in the unknown Siberian land. In numerous petitions about the abuse of power, the enumeration of various kinds of offenses of local voivodes before the sovereign often contained accusations of their wives in witchcraft. The wives of the voivodes Kokorev, Skobeltsyn, Pronsky and others did not escape such attacks. The most colorful example is the text of the petition, which stated that the wife of the voivode Kokorev Pelageya Bogdanova achieved influence on her husband due to the fact that "she charmed him with a root ... and now she conjures and feeds him with a root and broom leaf, which is steamed in a soap bath." Moreover, there was a person who allegedly saw how a certain Tobolsk orderly brought her "having cut off the leg of the deceased Tatar" and "she needed a brain from that leg". It was believed that Kokorev's wife learned witchcraft while still in Moscow (Bakhrushin, 1955, p. 195).

N. D. Zolnikova among the archival documents revealed a case related to the excessive abuse of Narym voivode I. Skobeltsyn*. He was accused of self-interest and creating conflict situations among the service people, as well as witchcraft. Petitioners wrote that And. Skobeltsyn and his wife Praskovya " took to themselves and the children as mothers and secret interpreters of the witch whore Anna Eremikha... they kept the sorceress yarizhka Davydka and the sorceress Katka Pashenkova, Zavyalova's wife... but he, Ivan, and Praskovya's wife, Yaryzhka Davydka, the same sorcerer, taught them in their mansions to rivet the best Cossack wives by idleness." Further, it follows from the text that they allegedly sorcerously influenced Desyatnikov's wife Ontonova, who told the clerk Afonasy that she had seen him in a dream in a fur coat. The dream of the foreman's wife caused quite a stir in the service environment. Voivode Skobeltsyn arranged an interrogation on this matter and "asked if you had seen the clerk in a fur coat and what would happen in the dream"***. The foreman's wife did not deny the dream, but refused to interpret it. Only the protection of service people saved her from the use of torture. The documents reflect the fact of the presence at the celebration of the name day of the subdeacon Athonasius zhen wealthy Cossacks and the voivode sent the sorceress Anna Eremikha - with her voivode's wife sent blush and ordered them to throw them into the water. Blush was considered a "fierce potion". When reading Narym documents, it seems that the population of this small (even by Siberian standards) town was constantly threatened by witchcraft forces. Voivode I. Skobeltsyn, referring to the words of the sorceress Zavyalikha, claimed that Leonty Pleshcheyev and his wife "want to light the prison". This plot was further developed: "... and how that Leonty was brought and put in prison, on the third day Tobolsk burned out, and a girl brought Leonty that he wanted to burn Narym...". The local Narym priest Yakov was also accused of witchcraft and adherence to heresy: as if there were burn marks on his body, in addition, he "threw ore (blood. - A. L.) from his head, put horns". According to Narym residents, "black heretical books and thieves' sunny letters " were lying in the priest's courtyard. Justifying himself to the local authorities, a resident of Narym said: "... why do you beat me, boyar, without guilt... I don't know any root, and I don't do magic, and I don't eat the earth from the graves..."****.

The example of Narym is typical for Siberia as a whole. N. N. Ogloblin, listing cases related to the spread of mysticism, notes "divination letters" found in 1652 at the Ilim industrial man. They contained love spells and spells that helped in the hunting industry. In Surgut, in 1678, a case was formed on the corruption of the voivode and his family by household people with "nagovorny bread". In 1687, the boyar Sharygin brothers were accused of witchcraft and defacing Voivode Ignatius Durnovo (Ogloblin, 1892, p.168).

It is quite natural that the archives mostly contain materials reflecting events in which voivodes, representatives of the administration and clergy were involved. Accusations of magical practices,

* The author is grateful to N. D. Zolnikova for the opportunity to get acquainted with the archival materials on the case of I. Skobeltsyn that she identified.

** RGADA, SP, D. IG, l. 49-51.

*** Ibid.

**** In the same place, 212, l. 50 - 58, 126, 192, 393, 470, 493.

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messages directed to other categories of the population were recorded, but did not elicit detailed responses.

Siberia was originally a place of exile. Here were exiled military personnel, prisoners of war, as well as criminal criminals and persons found guilty of committing witchcraft rites. In the early 1940s of the 17th century, the nobleman L. S. Pleshcheyev was exiled from Moscow to Narym with his wife and a few household servants under strict supervision. His disgrace was preceded by the accusation of "largely theft, witchcraft, corruption and magic letters" [Zolnikova, 1982, p. 212]. Many exiles accused of witchcraft were sent to the Urals, regardless of their social background. Among them were nobles, people walking around, peasants, and representatives of the service class. These "exiled witches" found themselves in an environment thoroughly saturated with pagan superstitions. Living in close contact with the indigenous people of the region, who professed traditional beliefs, could not but affect the worldview of the colonists. Mystical rites brought from the mother country in the minds of the alien population were intertwined with elements of aboriginal cult practice. The above-mentioned voivode Skobeltsyn, with a crowd of guests at the festive table, "taught me to speak, I didn't know how to use witchcraft and sorcery before, but now my wife Praskovya has taught me, I now know how to speak Ostyak with the devil"*. Skobeltsyn's wife was accused of having close contacts with aborigines.

In 1608, the Tomsk voivodes sent a reply to the central authorities about the imprisonment of the Tatars in the local prison, who allegedly spread the disease on the Russian people through the Shaitans. The reply said: "... a serious illness has occurred... a malady in the Tomsk city over the servants over many people and over wives; and they de, sire, were told in the sledge hut of the Tomsk city by the serving people streltsy Fedka Serebryanik and his comrades that de Tatar Ivashka novokreschen goes around the Tatar yurts to tell fortunes and beats a tambourine and calls devils...". On this occasion, a detective was conducted with using harsh methods; as a result, Ivashka confessed and said that the Shaitans of the Kuznetsk and Chyulym Tatars had "unleashed" on the Russian people... and the Cossack Loga with his comrades, and the Tomsk Tatar Basalai" [Russian Historical Library, 1875, pp. 179-181]. Residents of Tomsk unconditionally believed this explanation of the cause of the epidemic in the city. In fact, it corresponded to the ideas of the aborigines that diseases are sent by evil spirits.

In 1611, a reply was sent from Tomsk to Moscow, which reported information about the" magic " stone. The stone was intended to be sent to the capital.

The reply said: "...in the Tomsk city a stone is buried in a green cellar, and it was taken from a shaitan about four years ago, and the shaitan lives in the Tomsk estuary, and that de stone, how to get it out, and that's why there is frost and water... "[Ibid., p. 163]. It should be noted that in the archaic Turkic tradition, there was an idea about the possibility of shamans to influence the weather with the help of a wonderful poison stone [Traditional worldview of the Turks..., 1988, p. 36]. It was believed that shamans who owned such a stone could influence natural phenomena - cause rain, snow, whirlwind, storm, etc. The belief in the" magic " stone turned out to be very resilient; it still exists among the Altai people today. V. A. Burnakov cites a conversation with an informant that took place in 2001:"...The Yada-tash stone looks like bronze. This stone is stored in a dark place. You can't show it to anyone. Yada-tash affects the weather. If it hadn't rained for a long time, they took buckets and went to the river. After collecting water, they threw Yada-tash there with a request for rain. And soon it was raining. If it rains, it is necessary to bury this stone in the ground" [2006, p. 30, 62]. It is likely that once the Tomichi people buried a shamanic stone in a powder magazine.

Belief in the mythological nature of stones has long been inherent in the Russian tradition. Prayers for calling rain with the help of a "wonderful" stone were recorded in 2001 in the Perm region. Local women with icons and water tanks bowed to the stone with the words: "Father stone, give us rain." According to local beliefs, stone cooling in Zaonezhye is a sign of cooling and the end of summer [Vinogradov and Gromov, 2006, p. 129]. Documents of the 17th century, which captured the serious attitude of the Tomsk authorities to the found shamanic stone of poison, show that already in the first decades of their stay on the Siberian land, their own archaic ideas and traditional worldviews of indigenous ethnic groups were intertwined in the minds of Russians. M. N. Yadrintsev, a well-known Siberian scholar and public figure, wrote at the end of the 19th century: "Shamans and their divination made an impression on Russian Cossacks and industrialists, they learned to believe in the power of shamans and their miraculous power, turning to them in difficult cases" [1892, p. 459]. In the 17th century, Archpriest Avvakum described the following fact: Voivode Pashkov, who was reputed to be a " mischief-maker "in relation to the clergy, on the eve of a military campaign resorted to the" diabolical prophecies " of the shaman. This act is associated with the appeal to the Magi of Russian princes in the pre-Christian era [Lyutsidarskaya and Mainicheva, 2002, p.75]. It was easy and simple for the first-time colonists, who kept their faith in archaic ritual practices, to believe in the traditional cults of the aborigines-

* RGADA, SP, 214, l. 494.

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2. Baba Yaga dances with a peasant. Lubok of the XVIII century (according to: [Baldina, 1972, p. 93]).

population. In 1604, the administration of Verkhoturye was disturbed by a report that Ostyaks, following the divination of the wife of Novokreschen P. Kulapov, wanted to "burn the city" [Miller, 1941, p. 184].

Rumors about the miracles of Siberian shamans reached the central authorities. Tsar Peter, who had an interest in everything unusual, in 1702 sent a letter to Berezov, in which he ordered "to send to Moscow by the next winter in 1703 three or four Samoyadi shamans who could completely shamanize", to explain to the shamans that this was "the great sovereign's mercy". Local authorities were afraid of direct contacts with shamans and understood the unreality of the implementation of the royal plans. In 1704, Tobolsk received a request to send shamans to Moscow. Correspondence between the Siberian voivodes and the capital began. Berezovsky voivode argued that" self-eating "shamans can only beat a tambourine and shout," and there is no other shamanism for them besides that, "and shamanov did not send, so that" the treasury would not spend extra money " [Monuments..., pp. 240-242]. What might have seemed like fun to Peter's entourage was a dangerous reality for the Russians who lived in Siberia side by side with representatives of traditional aboriginal cultures.

The mentality of the Orthodox Russian population preserved the archetypes of paganism, so the aboriginal cults not only frightened, but also attracted with their mystery. An illustrative case is when the above-mentioned voivode A. Palitsyn "ordered to make a "shaitan" in Mangazey and put it in a prominent place", and "that shaitan taught people to push and young robats to crush, and commercial and industrial people burned it" [Bakhrushin, 1955, p. 139]. Moscow has repeatedly issued decrees prohibiting the destruction of places of worship of indigenous people, so as not to "brutalize" the yasach population. However, the newly arrived Cossacks continued to destroy the temples of aborigines (Gemuev and Lyutsidarskaya, 1994, p. 65). It seems that the point here is not only hatred of "demonic idols", but rather, in fear of an alien magical power. Just as the church, being a Christian protective symbol, made the territory "clean" from foreign influence, so the places of worship of aborigines in the minds of the alien population influenced the surrounding space. It was considered unsafe to be in close proximity to them.

The geographical and ecological conditions of Siberia contributed to the interweaving of Russian pagan magic with traditional worldviews of the indigenous population. In contrast to the all-encompassing Christian religion based on the texts of the Holy Scriptures, aboriginal cults were based on the closest communion with nature. Russian lay people, having found themselves in this unusual environment, inevitably absorbed some concepts that were common to the worldview of indigenous people.

G. Jung wrote: "Superstitions, visions, illusions and other manifestations of this kind are peculiar to the individual only if it loses the unity of the psyche, that is, if it reveals a certain fragmentation" [1994, p. 32]. Something similar happened to the first settlers in Siberia, and that is why archaic magic took on a more pronounced scale here than in the metropolis. In conditions of isolation from the usual way of life, from established Orthodox holy places, etc., for example, voivode Pashkov turned to a local shaman for help, and the Tomsk authorities sent a Turkic "magic" yada-tash stone to Moscow.

The confessional situation in Ancient Russia was characterized by a double faith: Christianity and paganism were reflected in the behavior of people [Uspensky, 1979, pp. 55-62]. In the seventeenth century, the gap between these ideological systems was not bridged. Non-Christian behavior was characterized by ignoring strict norms; it was considered wrong and sinful by the church. In the Siberian lands far removed from church and government regulations, the colonists constantly violated Orthodox principles. So, on great Christian holidays, residents of Siberian cities often spent time not at divine services, but playing cards and grain in commercial baths. Thus, the internal order of culture was disrupted, and the model of restricted behavior, which is the meaning of social behavior, was deformed [Baiburin, 1991, pp. 23-24].

Often, church officials themselves gave reasons for neglecting Orthodox norms of behavior. In Siberia, there were many spiritual pastors who contributed to the formation of the cultural climate here, as well as those clergymen who

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they showed far from godly behavior. Do not forget that in Siberia exiled "blundered" clergy, who were listed as sinful acts, in particular drunkenness. Cases of defiant behavior were reported in the capital of Siberia itself. Thus, in Tobolsk, at the archbishop's court in 1638, the drunken black priest Makariy*"rampaged". The behavior of the priest, who was repeatedly found guilty of this kind of sin, caused condemnation from the church authorities. But this happened in the Siberian capital; on the periphery, such antics got away with it. In 1623, the Tobolsk voivode M. Godunov wrote about the "lawlessness" observed by Archbishop Kipriyan in some monasteries of Verkhoturye, Tyumen, and Tobolsk (Miller, 1941, pp. 293-297). Disrespect for the church was sometimes shown by some representatives of the local administration, for example, in Tomsk in 1651, the clerk M. Klyucharev desecrated the porch in a drunken state [Literaturnye pamyatniki..., 2001, p. 296].

The" sinful " behavior of Siberian settlers, which was far from Christian ethical canons, was undoubtedly objectively influenced by the general situation in the state. There is an opinion that in the XVII century, due to the reform of the church, religious concepts and institutions in the popular consciousness lost their sacred reverence. The struggle of the Old Believers ' movement against church innovations took harsh forms: open protests were noted, clergymen who accepted the ritual changes approved by Patriarch Nikon were ridiculed. In the proverbs and sayings of that time, one can trace the "grounded", everyday nature of the attitude to faith. A. M. Kanter gives a number of similar examples: "God killed the summer with flies" or "The wife spins, but God gives threads", etc. Moreover, previously terrible characters acquired a comic coloring in the popular consciousness: "We are for the pie, and the devil is across", "The devil is happy that the monk is released into the forest". In the folklore of this time, one can find enough connections with pre-Christian beliefs [Kantor, 1999, pp. 50-51]. Similar motifs can be traced in the plots of popular print pictures (Fig. 2).

There were many reasons that influenced the "rampant" witchcraft in Russia in the 17th century. In Siberia, magical rites under the influence of close contacts with the aboriginal population acquired a specific color. In the appeal of Siberian new settlers to archaic beliefs and sacred rites, the dominant factors can be considered the lack of stability, isolation from traditional life and, of course, the archetypes inherent in Ancient Russia that have been firmly deposited in the consciousness of the people.

List of literature

Baiburin A. K. Ritual v sisteme znakovykh funktsii kul'tury [Ritual in the system of sign functions of culture].

Baldina O. D. Russkaya narodnaya kartina [Russian Folk Picture]. gvardiya Publ., 1972-207 p.

Bakhrushin S. V. Nauchnye trudy [Scientific works], Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1955. - Vol. 3, part 1. - 297 p.

Burnakov V. A. Spirits of the Middle world in the traditional worldview of the Khakass people. Novosibirsk: IAET SB RAS Publ., 2006, 197 p. (in Russian)

Vinogradov V. V., Gromov D. V. Representation of boulders in the traditional culture of Russians. review. - 2006. - N 6. - p. 125-133.

Gemuev I. N., Lyutsidarskaya A. A. Sluzhilye ugry (one of the aspects of Russian-Ugric relations in the XVI-XVII centuries). - 1994. - N 3. - p. 63-67.

Categories of medieval culture, Moscow: Iskusstvo Publ., 1984, 319 p.
Zolnikova N. D." Narymskoe delo " 1642 - 1647 gg. ["Narym business" 1642-1647 gg.]. Drevnerusskaya kniga i ee bytovanie v Sibiri [Old Russian Book and its existence in Siberia]. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1982, pp. 211-233.

Kantor A.M. Dukhovnyj mir russkogo gorozhanina [The Spiritual world of the Russian Citizen]. un-t Publ., 1999, 119 p. (in Russian)

Literary monuments of the Tobolsk bishop's house of the XVII century. Novosibirsk: Sibirskiy khronograf Publ., 2001, Issue 10, 440 p.

Lyutsidarskaya A. A. Mainicheva A. Yu. Pravoslavnye "yazychniki" [Orthodox "pagans"]. Novosibirsk: Izd-vo IAET SB RAS, 2002, pp. 74-77.

Miller, G. F. Istoriya Sibiri [History of Siberia], Moscow; Leningrad: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1941, 637 p.

Ogloblin N. N. Bytovye cherty XVII V. [Everyday features of the 17th century]. - 1892. - N 10. - pp. 165-170.

Monuments of Siberian history. - St. Petersburg: [Type of the Ministry of Internal Affairs], 1882. - Book 1. - 339 p.

Pokrovsky N. N. Travel for rare books. Moscow: Kniga Publ., 1988, 284 p. (in Russian)

Romanov B. A. People and Customs of Ancient Russia, Moscow, Nauka Publ., 1966, 239 p.

Russian Historical Library. - St. Petersburg: Archeogr. commission, 1875. - Vol. 2. - 717 p.; 1884. - Vol. 8. - 714 p.

Rybakov B. A. Paganism of Ancient Russia, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1987, 782 p.

Titova L. V. "Conversation between father and son about women's anger": Research and publication of texts. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1987, 416 p. (in Russian)

Traditional worldview of the Turks of Southern Siberia. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1988, 221 p. (in Russian)

Uspenskii B. A. Dualisticheskii kharakter russkoi srednevekovoi kul'tury [Dualistic character of Russian medieval culture]. - Tartu: Publishing House of Tartu State University, 1979. - p. 55-62.

Jung K. G. O sovremennykh mifakh [About modern myths], Moscow: Praktika Publ., 1994, 251 p.

Yadrintsev M. N. Siberia as a colony. - St. Petersburg: [Type of M. M. Stasyulevich], 1892. - 720 p.

The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 26.03.07.

* RGADA, SP, units hr. 571 (6), l. 399.

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