Libmonster ID: U.S.-1470
Author(s) of the publication: M. VISHNEVSKY

The rivalry between the two leading world Powers on the African continent is derived from the global competition that is unfolding today. With regard to the United States and China, the well-known law of uneven economic and political development in political science is fully manifested at the present time in the fact that, claiming world leadership due to its past achievements, the United States is gradually lagging behind in the pace of development compared to the PRC, while the Chinese economy is increasing momentum and starting not only to to catch up, but also in some indicators to outstrip the pace of development of American industrial and agricultural production. According to the authors of the report "Mapping the Global Future", prepared in December 2004 within the framework of the National Intelligence Council, by 2020 the GNP of the PRC will exceed the total GNP of all economically developed Western countries, excluding the United States. It is expected that by this time the Chinese economy will almost equal the American 1. It is also expected that by 2020, the PRC will surpass Russia's military power and become on par with the United States as a first-class military power2.

Newsweek magazine wrote that the twenty-first century will be the "Chinese Century", when the PRC economy (the average rate of development is 9%, i.e. more than the same indicator of any other country in the world) will turn this country into a power unprecedented in the history of mankind in terms of its power and influence.3

The rapidly developing economy of China requires more and more energy resources. According to the forecasts of American experts, by 2020, the United States and China will be almost equal in oil and gas consumption4.

In practice, seeking to meet these rapidly growing energy needs will mean pursuing a policy of searching for such resources on a planetary scale and inevitably increasing competition for the ownership of oil and gas fields. At the same time, according to the authors of the above-mentioned report, the growing nationalist sentiment in China and fears in the United States of this state as a growing strategic rival will give impetus to the development of antagonism in relations.5

China has already surpassed the United States in terms of consumption of some raw materials and has come in second place after America in terms of oil and gas imports. China accounts for 31% of the total annual growth in hydrocarbon consumption.6 According to some experts, " the emergence of China as a leading player in the global economic arena, while demonstrating inexhaustible demand for mineral raw materials and oil, poses a significant threat, since the United States is increasingly dependent on imports of these same raw materials, in particular from Africa."7

Both China and the United States are increasingly interested in the African continent with its mineral and energy resources. Thus, in January 2006, a report on China's African policy was published in Beijing, which, in particular, emphasizes that the basis of China's relations with African countries will be the export of raw materials and other goods to China.8

The report emphasizes that the Chinese government assumes all risks associated with the development of Sino-African trade and economic relations, and also undertakes to provide all possible assistance to Chinese entrepreneurs operating in Africa.9

At the same time, the PRC undertakes to provide economic assistance to African countries without any preliminary political conditions, as well as to ensure military and military-technical cooperation with these countries. In particular, we are talking about the training of African military personnel and the supply of modern weapons to Africa.10

The authors of the report on China's African policy are aware that such an active Chinese policy in Africa will inevitably cause opposition from France, the United Kingdom and the United States. But this prospect does not frighten Beijing - China is ready to compete with the United States and other powers in Africa 11.

In recent years, China has significantly strengthened its position on this continent. According to independent American experts working under the auspices of the Council on Foreign Affairs, " in modern Africa, China gains control over the sources of mineral raw materials, intercepts profitable investment projects from Western companies, provides non-conditional loans, loans and economic advantages in order to increase its competitiveness on the continent. Chinese demand for African resources is driving up global prices for some of them, namely copper, gold, aluminum, nickel, as well as valuable wood species, causing a revival in their production and giving additional opportunities to African exporters. " 12

Moreover, the PRC uses its permanent membership in the UN Security Council to protect certain African regimes that are subject to international sanctions, but for various reasons are of interest to Chinese foreign policy, according to the authors of the report. These countries include Sudan and Zimbabwe. For example, with regard to the latter, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said in a special statement that the Chinese government fully trusts the Zimbabwean leadership and is confident that the people of this country have all the opportunities to independently solve their problems without outside interference. According to Christopher Smith, Chairman of the subcommittee on Africa, global human Rights and international operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the House of Representatives of the US Congress, such statements "undermine" the efforts of other states (in particular South Africa) to achieve democratic changes in this country, where there is a lot of pressure on the United States.-

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There is a "dictatorial regime"13. Relations between Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU Party and the CCP are developing successfully, which is another obstacle to attempts by the United States and its allies to achieve "international isolation" of President Mugabe's Government 14.

The result of this Chinese policy was the decision of the Zimbabwean leadership to grant the PRC the most-favored-nation treatment in the domestic market, which currently allows Chinese companies to freely, without any competition, develop the country's natural resources, primarily rare earth minerals, chromium, ferrochrome and platinum.15

The governments of developing countries have great respect for the PRC, consider it "one of their own", especially when China defends these countries in the UN Security Council. Jane's Intelligence Review explains this view: "The PRC is able to expand its influence in Africa partly because it is more trusted there than the Western powers with their imperialist policies." 16

It should be noted that the government and business circles of the People's Republic of China work closely with each other, achieving success in areas where the West has not been able to do or change anything for years.17 Unlike in the United States, China's policy on economic and technical assistance does not provide for political or economic conditions for its provision. In particular, Angola and Zimbabwe, which the United States and, after them, international financial institutions (the IMF, the World Bank) refuse to provide unconditional assistance, receive funds from Chinese donors. This money is currently used to finance the construction of roads and railways in these countries18.

As a result, as of January 1, 2006, China's trade with African countries increased by 39% compared to the beginning of 2005, totaling $ 32.17 billion. China-Africa trade is expected to exceed $ 100 billion in the next five years. 19 Chinese investment in Africa is growing rapidly. For example, in the first ten months of 2005, Chinese investment in Africa increased by $ 175 million at once. 20

The Chinese-Angolan trade turnover is growing from year to year. It should be emphasized that Angola supplies China with up to 13% of its required crude oil. 21 In 2005, Angola received a $ 2 billion loan from China to develop its oil industry.22

China National Petroleum Production Corporation (CNOC) is currently the largest investor in Sudan's oil industry. For more than a decade, Chinese oil companies have been developing the Muglad field in Sudan. CNOC holds a 40% stake in Sudan's largest oil producer, the Greater Nile Oil Company (GNOPC), which has a license to produce 300k tons of crude oil. bbl. On day 23. 13 of the 15 foreign companies currently operating in Sudan, 24 are Chinese. At the beginning of 2006, Chinese investment in the Sudanese economy reached $ 8 billion. Chinese construction companies have built a 1,600 km long pipeline (worth $ 1.6 billion) to transport crude oil from fields in southern Sudan to the oil terminal at Marsa al-Bashir on the Red Sea (near Port Sudan).25. In 2005, the PRC purchased about 60% of the crude oil produced in Sudan; today, 5% of all Chinese demand for this type of raw material is met by imports from Sudan.26

China ranks third after the United States and Spain in terms of crude oil imports from Equatorial Guinea 27.

Overall, in 2004, China imported $ 10 billion worth of crude oil from Africa, covering 25% of its needs. The United States, in the same year, imported only 15% of the oil needed by the American economy from Africa.28

A major concern in Washington is the "Chinese textile tsunami" in Africa. According to E. Wilson, a professor at the University of Maryland, African countries are so filled with cheap Chinese textiles that they undermine American policies implemented under the AGOA Act of 2000 "On Economic Growth and Trade Opportunities for African Countries." Under this Act, the United States opened its domestic markets to import textiles produced in African countries in exchange for granting preferential terms to American companies operating in these countries.

As a result of China's textile expansion, local textile manufacturing enterprises are closing down, particularly in Kenya, Lesotho and Swaziland.29 According to Congressman Donald Payne, " Chinese economic and political efforts are undermining US success in fighting poverty and expanding its influence in Africa. The recent lifting of WTO restrictions on the export of textiles and products from China caused a 180% increase in Chinese textile exports to the region during the first months of 2005.30

Chinese companies are involved in the development of various types of African raw materials. In particular, 60% of Gabonese precious wood is exported to the PRC, while the DRC supplies up to 30% of all valuable wood produced in the country to China. 31 The PRC is also a major consumer of Zambian copper, cobalt, and copper from the DRC. In Ghana, China participates in

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construction of power plants. At the beginning of 2005, China invested $ 170 million in the mining industry in Zambia.32 In Zimbabwe, the Chinese buy large quantities of tobacco. In Sierra Leone, Chinese companies are involved in the reconstruction and construction of the country's hotel industry. Chinese firms have also taken over the reconstruction of Kenya's road network.

In 2000, the Chinese Government established the China-Africa Cooperation Forum to coordinate trade and economic policies in relation to African countries. In October 2004, the China-Africa Business Council was established to organize business forums and seminars. To date, the council has already held more than 100 similar events in both China and Africa.33

China is not only establishing trade and economic cooperation with African countries, but also developing military and military-technical cooperation with them. According to Michael Rannenberger, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, " many African militaries see Chinese military assistance and technical assistance as an alternative to American efforts in these areas. We are already seeing an increasing number of African officers and other military personnel coming to China to study. The military equipment that Africans buy from the PRC is relatively simple and inexpensive, that is, exactly the kind that African military personnel are looking for. As a result, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea and a number of other countries have acquired Chinese military equipment or participated in programs funded by Beijing. " 34

In particular, China supplies light weapons, ammunition, howitzers, air defense systems, anti-tank mines, tanks, helicopters and fighter jets to Sudan. China has also built three weapons manufacturing plants in Sudan, including assembly plants for T-5535 tanks.

Of course, Sino-African military and military-technical cooperation plays a role in China's rivalry with the United States in Africa. However, it does not seem to be a strategic and political determinant if we consider this issue from the point of view of the effectiveness and efficiency of such cooperation.

Washington is also concerned about China's policy towards the US strategy of "promoting democracy". Beijing sharply criticizes Washington's efforts in this area and calls on African leaders to work out a " Charter of African Cultural and Economic Rights "that would allow local governments to" go their own way " in this direction, regardless of the opinions of the world community. Carolyn Bartholomew, the US representative to the US-China Commission on Economic Cooperation and Security Issues, spoke very categorically at a hearing in the US House of Representatives in July 2005: "The actions of the Chinese government in Africa undermine US policy in the region. The PRC is willing to provide economic, military, and diplomatic assistance to undemocratic African regimes in defiance of the political forces that have been striving for positive change there for many years. " 36

Washington is annoyed that the Chinese government is multiplying efforts to develop political relations with "key" and priority countries for the American strategy in Africa, including South Africa. In particular, during the visit of Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao to South Africa in June 2006, an agreement was signed to deepen the strategic partnership between the two countries. As South Africa's Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz Pahad said in this regard, "China views South Africa as a strategic partner in strengthening and consolidating its historical ties with African countries." 37

Currently, South Africa is the second largest importer of Chinese goods among sub-Saharan African countries and ranks eighth among the world's leading exporters to the Chinese market. In 2005, Chinese exports to South Africa totaled $ 4.84 billion, while imports from that country were estimated at $ 1.35 billion. In the same year, Chinese investment in South Africa totaled $ 130 million, while South African investment in the Chinese economy totaled $ 400 million. 38

In this regard, the fact of investment from South Africa in the Chinese economy is of great interest. South Africa is the most developed country on the African continent and the main driving force of the South African Development Community (SADC). It is quite logical that this state invests its resources in both Africa and other continents. The introduction of South African capital into the Chinese economy should be viewed not so much from the point of view of simple economic benefits, but rather as a strategy aimed at strengthening long-term ties with the world's fastest growing economy, which in the future can bring significant foreign policy dividends to South Africa, including in relations with other major states.

These facts clearly demonstrate the growing weight of African countries for Chinese foreign policy.

At the same time, African countries are becoming an important foreign policy destination for the Bush administration. In principle, the continent, which has huge natural resources and cheap labor, has always attracted the attention of Americans. In his book "The Roots of American Foreign Policy", a leading researcher at York University (Toronto, Canada), G. Kolko, wrote:: "Without a constant supply of such important materials as iron ore, bauxite, copper, zinc, and asbestos, at prices favorable to the United States (emphasis added), the American economy would be very different and much poorer." 39

On an ongoing basis, the United States receives from Africa such important strategic raw materials as manganese (Gabon, Morocco, Ghana, DRC, South Africa), chromium (South Africa, Zimbabwe), copper (Zambia, Mozambique, Gabon, DRC), zinc and lead (South Africa, Morocco), bauxite (Guinea), titanium and zirconium (Sierra Leone), uranium (South Africa, Namibia, DRC)40.

In 1981, speaking at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, Director of the Center for African Studies at Georgetown University, who became Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs under President Reagan, Professor Ch. Crocker govo-

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"Sub-Saharan Africa is a source of many minerals that are vital to our development and our defense," he said. In some cases, they almost completely meet our needs, especially in chromium for our automotive and military industries, in manganese for the metallurgical industry, in cobalt for the production of jet engines and mining equipment, as well as in copper, industrial diamonds, mica, etc. " 41

In 1992, this point of view was confirmed by the American political scientist M. Klaff. According to him, "the need to gain access to strategic mineral raw materials has always been one of the main arguments to prove the economic importance of Africa for the United States and other industrial states."42

In March 1999, speaking at the conference of Ministers of Economy and Finance of Africa and the United States in Washington, D. Bukos, President of the US Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), said:: "The growing importance of strategic cooperation between the United States and African countries is demonstrated not only by the fact of convening this conference, but also by economic indicators. Africa has already become one of the most promising regions for American entrepreneurship"43. According to him, in 1999 OPIC implemented 50 different projects in 20 sub-Saharan African countries for a total of $ 890 million (an increase of $ 100 million compared to 1997). Such sectors of the African economy as agricultural production, telecommunications, financial services, manufacturing and mining, and transportation were affected.

The most important indicator of the continued and even growing interest of the United States in African countries is the gradual increase in the volume of American investment (direct and portfolio) in their economies. If by the beginning of the 80s of the last century these investments exceeded $ 4 billion, 44 in 1988 they were already $ 6 billion, 45 and by the beginning of the XXI century they had increased to $ 15 billion. 46 By the beginning of 2006, they were estimated to have reached $ 20 billion.

The Corporate Council for Africa, established in 1992 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., coordinates American private enterprise activities in Africa. This organization unites more than 170 companies, representing approximately 85% of all American firms operating in 47 African countries.

According to S. Hayes, President of this Council, "Africa is one of the fastest growing markets that are still poorly developed by American businesses." 48

Among the US companies showing interest in Africa are such giants as Chevron, Daimler Chrysler, Exxon Mobil, Lazar Kaplan, Coca-Cola, Boeing, Northrop Grumman and many others.49

According to Brett Schaefer, a fellow at the Heritage Foundation in Washington, " Africa is becoming increasingly important to the United States as a source of oil." Well-known American political scientist K. Solberg spoke about the importance of oil in the US economy back in 1981: "As soon as oil replaced coal as the main source of energy, America was on a trajectory leading to its zenith. It was by relying on oil that Western democracies were able to continue their industrial development on the basis of free enterprise. Today, it seems clear to us that democracy depends entirely on oil. Cheap oil completely subsidized the rise of industrial production in Europe and America. " 50 The importance of African oil for the modern American economy is discussed in the report "Ensuring Transparency in the African oil sector", which was prepared in March 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington as part of the project "Growing US Energy Needs in Africa". This report highlights that "the United States has vital and growing national interests in the oil industry in West and Central Africa, particularly in Nigeria and Angola." 51

It goes on to say: "Currently, there is no other major source of hydrocarbons in the world like Saudi Arabia. At the same time, with modest reserves of such raw materials compared to Saudi Arabia, the countries of West and Central Africa are becoming the most important alternative source of oil. Moreover, at a time when the United States is increasing demand for liquefied natural gas for use in thermal power plants, Nigeria and Angola, which have this raw material, are becoming particularly important for American foreign policy. Thus, the energy and economic security of the United States directly depends on ensuring internal stability in these two African States. " 52

In particular, in 2005, the United States covered 18% of its oil needs by importing this raw material from Africa. Since 1999, US oil imports from sub-Saharan Africa have increased by 1/3 by 2006, while imports of hydrocarbons from the Persian Gulf countries tend to decline. As a result, according to B. Schaefer, " the importance of Africa as a source of hydrocarbon raw materials for the United States cannot be disputed by anyone."53

By the end of this decade, sub-Saharan Africa is expected to become an even more important source of hydrocarbons for the United States. China, India, the EU and other countries will compete with each other and with the United States for the right of access to oil, gas and other mineral deposits in the African region. In addition, Africa is one of the main battlefields against international terrorism. Currently, Africans are involved in terrorist operations in South Asia and the Middle East, including Iraq.

The new edition (March 2006)of the National Security Strategy of the United States of America also emphasizes the" growing geostrategic importance of the African continent "for the United States and the" high priority " of developing relations with African States for the Bush administration. At the same time, the United States recognizes that American national security directly depends on cooperation with Africans in strengthening and developing "weak states" and taking control of ungoverned territories on this continent by "effective democracies". The document emphasizes that "Africans need partnership with the United States, not paternalism on the part of America." 54

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Africa is also of political interest to the United States. The state of affairs in Africa directly affects the domestic political situation in the United States itself, which is associated with the presence of a multi-million African-American population55. Therefore, all US administrations, without exception, have always sought to enlist the support of African governments for their foreign policy strategy.

From a military and political point of view, the growing US interest in African countries is explained not only by the desire to create the necessary military infrastructure and a system of relations to guarantee unhindered access to mineral resources in Africa, but also to turn a number of countries on the continent, especially in its eastern part, into a rear base of the US Central Command (CENTCOM), which includes the implementation of the US power policy in relation to Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran and other countries.

At the same time, as emphasized in the White House document entitled "African Policy", the Bush administration intends to create "coalitions of the willing" (coalitions of the willing) with such" key "countries for the American strategy in Africa, such as South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Ethiopia for joint action in the "fight against terrorism". terrorism". It is expected that military units from these States will form the backbone of future formations within the framework of the African Union or on another collective basis that will carry out anti-terrorist operations on the African continent.56

* * *

In general, the above material shows that the PRC and the United States have the same reason for showing increased interest in African countries (increased competition in the global hydrocarbon markets); they concentrate their efforts on the same countries (Nigeria, Angola, Sudan, South Africa), which inevitably gives them rivalry in the global energy market. Africa is particularly acute. So far, the situation has not reached the point of serious tension in their relations, but accusations against each other are increasingly heard both in the media and during official negotiations and consultations. So, during the official visit of Chinese President Hu Jintao to the United States in April 2006, it became clear that " there is enough tension in relations between the United States and China. Mutual accusations relate to everything from politics towards other countries to trade contacts with each other. " 57

At the same time, Beijing and Washington have a certain difference in the methods of defending their interests in the world, including in Africa. If the Chinese government relies more on political and economic methods of influence to achieve the desired results, then, without neglecting these methods, the US administration often tends to use pressure, pressure, and pressure.

The pretexts for carrying out this kind of American policy vary depending on the specific situation. In particular, to counter the "growing terrorist threat" to US interests in West and Central Africa, the US European Command (EUROCOM)5", starting in 2003, began to implement the "Pan-Sahel Initiative", under which the armed forces of Chad, Mauritania, Niger and Mali received guarantees of American support in conducting" anti-terrorist operations", weapons and military-technical assistance. The US Navy has also increased its patrols of the coastal waters of Nigeria and other African states on the Atlantic coast.59

The above material allows us to express the opinion that the military and military-political component of the American strategy to protect US interests in the world is an important link in the foreign policy of the Bush administration, aimed at combating competition in world markets, in particular with China in Africa. In this connection, it would be useful to cite one of the passages of the 2006 edition of the US National Security Strategy: it essentially warns the Chinese government that the US cannot accept China's "old way of thinking and behavior" on the world stage, when instead of" opening "markets, attempts are made to" ensure control"above them. The United States also condemns China's policy of "cooperation" with corrupt and terrorist regimes in a number of countries rich in natural resources.60

This document emphasizes: "Our strategy is aimed at convincing the Chinese government to make the right choice" in its foreign policy. 61 There is no direct indication of what this choice should be in the US National Security Strategy, but judging by the spirit of this document, it can be assumed that it is a question of China entering into a strategic partnership with the United States on the world stage. Theoretically, this possibility is acceptable, but in practice it is not feasible - the PRC is a fairly powerful state with its great history, and it is unlikely that it will agree to follow in the wake of US foreign policy.

In countering Chinese competition in African markets, Washington relies not only on military-political methods to influence specific situations in this area, but also applies a wide range of political and economic measures.

However, for the first time in many years, the United States is facing such a serious rival in Africa, which is able to "squeeze" American companies in this region of the world. Most likely, this is the reason for the appearance of a whole series of official documents one after another, which in one form or another address the problem of preserving American influence in Africa. In this regard, the recommendations of the group of independent experts working under the auspices of the Foreign Affairs Council are of interest. Among them are the following:

- the administration should pursue a more active policy towards the countries of the African continent, including organizing visits to the region by top-level leaders, especially the US President. At the same time, the most important thing is to prevent a repetition of the situation as in the 1960s-1980s in relation to relations with the USSR in Africa, when rivalry with the PRC will put the administration in front of the need to support "African dictators", only

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I would like to prevent their interaction with Beijing;

- There is a need to dramatically increase economic and technical assistance to those African countries whose governments are guided by American standards in the field of "good governance and respect for human rights";

- The US should be more active in conducting propaganda campaigns in Africa against China's policy of supporting "rogue states";

- engaging the People's Republic of China in joint actions, especially in the areas of health and peacemaking, as well as environmental protection, which will help reduce the growing tension between the two powers on the continent.;

- to abandon the binding of American economic and technical assistance to African countries to various preconditions, which will increase the effectiveness of US policy in this area;

- purely military methods cannot solve the problems of the "fight against terrorism" in Africa.

In this regard, political methods are also needed to achieve success in the fight against terror.62

According to the aforementioned Congressman, Donald Payne, in the end ," we will be able to win the hearts and minds of Africans. Africans love America. They prefer to be with America. They have very close ties to African-Americans, " which is not the case for the Chinese, who do not have a historically established foothold in Africa.63

Perhaps this is the main advantage of the United States over China in Africa - the presence of a multi-million African-American population in America and its interaction with African peoples.64 Unlike Asian countries and partly the United States itself, where Chinese people have historically lived, China does not have a large Chinese-speaking diaspora in Africa, which, if necessary, could support Beijing's African policy.

The future will show how effective the above recommendations will be in protecting American interests in Africa. However, it is already possible to assume that the depth and scale of Sino-American rivalry in Africa will increase in direct accordance with the growing energy needs of the two major world powers.

However,it is possible that the overall situation in this issue may change dramatically in the next 10 to 15 years, if alternative hydrocarbon energy sources are developed and introduced into production in the United States, which has recently been increasingly discussed in Washington. In particular, the US National Security Strategy, as amended in 2006, refers to the introduction of technologies related to the use of hydrogen, "clean coal", nuclear and solar energy, as well as ethanol. 65


1 Mapping the Global Future. Report of the National Intelligence Council's 2020 Project Based on Consultations with Non-Governmental Experts Around the World, December 2004, Wash., p. 9.

2 Ibid., p. 49.

3 China's Influence in Africa. Hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Rights and International Relations of the Committee on International Operations, House of Representatives, 109'" Congress, 1st Session, July 28, 2005, Serial No. 109 - 74, p. 1.

4 Ibid., p. 50.

5 Ibid., p. 55.

www.allafrica.com 6, March 7, 2006.

www.allafrica.com 7, March 8, 2006.

8 Ibidem.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid.

11 The Nation. Nairobi, 14 April 2006.

12 More Than Humanitarianism: A Strategic U.S. Approach Toward Africa. Report of an Independent Task Force Sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations, N.Y., December 2005, p. 39.

13 China's Influence in Africa.., p. 2.

14 Ibid., p. 6.

15 Ibid.

Dr. Ernest J. Wilson III. 16 China's Influence in Africa. Implications for U.S. Policy. Testimony before the Subcommittee on Africa, Human Rights and International Operations, U.S. House of Representatives, Wash., July 28, 2005, p. 13.

17 The Nation. Nairobi, 14 April 2006,

Dr. Ernest J. Wilson III, 18 p. 11.

19 The Nation. Nairobi, 14 April 2006.

20 Ibidem.

21 Ibid.

22 China's Influence in Africa.., p. 3.

23 Ibid., p. 17.

Dr. Ernest J. Wilson III, 24 p. 14.

25 China's Influence in Africa.., p. 17.

26 The Nation. Nairobi, 14 April 2006.

27 Ibidem.

Dr. Ernest J. Wilson III, 28 p. 7.

29 Ibid., p. 10.

30 China's Influence in Africa.., p. 10.

31 Ibid., p. 67.

32 Ibid., p. 8.

Dr. Ernest J. Wilson III, 33 p. 13.

34 China's Influence in Africa.., p. 22. 357 Ibid., p. 3.

36 Ibid., p. 47.

37 South Africa, China to Deepen Political, Economic Ties (www.chinaview.cn, 14 June 2006).

38 Ibidem.

Kolko G. 39 The Roots of American Foreign Policy. An Analyses of Power and Purpose. Boston. 1969, p. 54.

40 Politika imperialisticheskikh derzhav v Afrika [The policy of Imperialist Powers in Africa]. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1970, p. 11.

41 Cit. by: Ozadovsky A. A. Wall Street vs. Africa. Kiev: Politizdat Ukrainy, 1985, p. 6.

Clough M. 42 Free at Last? U.S. Policy Toward Africa and the End of the Cold War. N.Y.: A Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992, p. 16.

43 OPIC Press Release 9 - 26. Wash. 17 March, 1999.

A. Ozadovsky A. 44 Wall Street vs. Africa...

Clough M. 45 Free at Last?, p. 19.

46 Statistical Abstract of the United States. Wash., 2001, p. 794.

47 The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, 30 March 2001.

48 Ibidem.

www.Africacncl.org/Summit/Patrons.htm 49, 31 October 2001.

50 Cit. by: Servan-Schreiber Jean-Jacques. World Challenge (translated from French), Moscow: Progress Publ., 1981, p. 55.

51 The U.S. Energy Stakes in Africa. Co-Chairs David L. Goldwyn and J. Stephen Morrison. March 2004, Wash., p. 1.

52 Ibid., p. 3.

www.allafrica.com 53, 7 March 2006.

54 President George W. Bush. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America. March 2006, Wash., The White House, p. 37 - 38.

55 American Embassy. Moscow, USSR. Official Text. Vance July 1 Speech to NAACP on U.S. - Africa Relations. 5 July 1977.

56 The White House. President George W. Bush. Africa Policy, p. 3 - 4 - www.whitehouse.gov

57 View. Delovaya Gazeta, April 21, 2006 http://www.v 3.ru/politics.html

58 Its area of responsibility includes almost all countries in Africa, with the exception of 6 States in the east of the continent, which are already in the area of responsibility of the US Central Command (CENTCOM) - http://www.eucom.mil/ADR/index.htm, dated 18 June 2003.

59 Promoting Transparency in the African Oil Sector. A Report. Council on Foreign Relations, N.Y. March 2004, p. 4.

60 Ibid., p. 41 - 42.

61 Ibid.

Dr. Ernest J. Wilson III, 62 p. 18.

63 China's Influence in Africa, p. 11.

64 For more information, see: Vishnevsky M. L. Afrikano-amerikanskaya obshchina i politika SSHA v Afrika [The African-American community and US policy in Africa].

65 President George W. Bush. The National Security Strategy.., p. 29.


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Ann Jackson
Chicago, United States
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11.06.2024 (32 days ago)
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The main property of the neutral zone of a permanent magnet is the presence of a directional force of motion (magnetic self-motion) with a pronounced attraction, in relation to any main pole of another magnet. When the magnetic field of the neutral zone moves parallel to the magnetization axis of the permanent magnet along the plane of the conducting circuit - an electric current arises.
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3 days ago · From Andrei Verner
Properties of the magnetic field of the permanent magnet the neutral zone is the presence of force directed motion (self-motion magnetic) with a strong attraction towards any main pole of the other magnet (magnetized ferromagnetic primary pole permanent magnet).
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Progress Sums: 1,2,3,4,5..., -1,-2,-3,-4,-5... It can be found using the formula: Sn=(n²a₁+n)/2. Progress Sum: 1,3,6,10,15..., -1,-3,-6,-10,-15... It can be found using the formula: Sn= ((n+a₁)³-(n+a₁))/6. Progress Sum: 1,4,9,16,25..., -1,-4,-9,-16,-25... It can be found using the formula: Sn= a₁(n+a₁)(n²a₁+0.5n)/3. (Where n - is the number of summable terms, a₁ - is the first term of the progression).
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