The article shows that the traditional scenes of the deceased standing before the gods in the chapel of the tomb of the priest Petosiris in Tuna el-Gebel near Hermopolis (late IV century BC) are connected exclusively with the posthumous fate of Petosiris ' older relatives who died before him. The design of pronaos, dedicated to himself, with their deliberate Hellenization, reproduces the archaic model of the "Twin world", characteristic of private tombs of the 3rd millennium. Apparently, Petosiris ' desire to find a posthumous existence on this model independently of the gods is connected with his conviction that it is impossible to enter into effective contact with the deities through the illegitimate Macedonian rulers of Egypt.

Keywords: Egypt, Hellenism, tomb, priests, Hermopolis, afterlife, gods, Double, decoration.

The tomb of the Hermopolis temple priest Thoth Petosiris "Given by Osiris "(Ranke, 1935, p. 123) is undoubtedly the most famous monument of the Greco-Roman necropolis in Tuna el-Gebel (see: Kessler, 1981, p. 83-109; 1986; Aufrere and Golvin, 1997, p. 211-217). It was excavated in the 1910s by G. Lefebvre. He prepared its normative edition [Lefebvre, 1923 (1); Lefebvre, 1923 (2); Lefebvre, 1924]; the latest photographic edition supplemented it: [Cherpion, Corteggiani, Gout, 2007]. However, being immediately assessed as a very interesting monument, this tomb relatively rarely became the subject of special research. Back in the 1920s and 1930s, its murals were painted, in particular:

The article is published in the framework of the RGNF project No. 15-01-00431 " The Hellenistic era and its rulers in the mirror of traditional worldviews of the peoples of the Middle East (on the example of Egypt and Mesopotamia)".

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The scene of the bull sacrifice on its southern wall became the subject of controversy between P. Monte (Montet, 1926) and Sh. Picard (1931) on the degree of influence of Persian or Greek art here1. Later, at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, S. Nakaten's unpublished dissertation was devoted to this monument; only a small note about Pegosiris is known in the Lexicon of Egyptology [Nakaten, 1982]. Already in the 2010s, Otto Harrassowitz announced the publication of a detailed, as far as the abstract allows, study of the author. Close up of the pictorial program of the tomb of Petosiris and its iconographic and stylistic features. However, its publication was greatly delayed, and it still remains inaccessible to me [Klose, 2014]. In addition, the tomb inscriptions (especially the so-called Great Biographical Inscription-inscription 81 according to the numbering of Lefebvre: [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 136-145; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 53-59; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXVIII-XXX, XXXI-XXXIV; see translations: Otto, 1954, S. 180-183; Lichtheim, 1980, P. 45-49]) were repeatedly considered in connection with the problems of the history and ideology of Egypt on the eve of Hellenism (see: Ladynin, 2014).

Against the background of the relatively small historiography of the tomb of Petosiris, A. O. Bolshakov's remarks in his monograph "Man and His Double" and in his seminal article on image and text as two languages of ancient Egyptian culture are fair and significant. The St. Petersburg researcher draws a line of succession between the tomb of Petosiris and monuments of an incomparably earlier time, up to the Ancient Kingdom, drawing attention to the fact that it turns out to be one of the few burials of the 1st millennium BC, in which scenes of earthly, everyday life are widely represented [Bolshakov, 2001, p.235, note. 1; Bolshakov, 2003, p. 19]. In addition to the tomb of Petosiris, similar scenes, as noted by A. O. Bolshakov, are found in the "Ethiopian-Sais archaizations". However, the very concept of archaization suggests that these monuments copy not only the structure of the visual series, but also the style of their old Egyptian counterparts. If you consider

1 Picard's opinion on the Greek influence on these murals seems to be preferable: [Kolobova Ladynin, 2006, p. 31].

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the" innovation "of the tomb of Petosiris, which manifested itself in a powerful Greek influence on the style of scenes of everyday life, can be agreed with the opinion of A. O. Bolshakov that it is "a strange and unique monument". An attempt to find some explanation for this is the real work.

According to researchers ' estimates, the tomb of Petosiris should date from approximately the turn of the IV and III centuries BC (Nakaten, 1982, Kol. 995, 997, Anm. 11). This is consistent with attributing to the beginning of the Macedonian period (most likely, to the reign of Alexander the Great in Egypt in 332-323 BC) the performance of his duties as lesonis (mr-šn, λεσΧνις), i.e., the head of the household of the temple of the god Thoth in Hermopolis (Ladynin, 2014). Directly in the burial chamber of Petosiris ' tomb were placed the sarcophagi of himself [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 201-203], his wife Renepetnofret(Rnpt-nfrt) [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 201-203] and, apparently, their two children (the name of one of them is unknown - I: 203, C; the second was called Totreh- [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 203-204].

At the same time, texts and images related to the burial and ensuring the posthumous bliss of his father and older brother were placed in the chapel of the tomb of Petosiris. Petosiris belonged to a family of Hermopolitan priests, whose elevation must have coincided with that of Hermopolis in the XXXth dynasty, when, for unclear reasons, the city became an important cult center under its first king, Nectanebus I (379/8-361/360 BC [Ladynin, 2013, p. 1]). A construction program was launched there, which was completed only in the Macedonian period, during the formal reign of Alexander the Great's half-brother Philip Arrydaeus (323-317 BC) [Arnold, 1999, p. 111-113, 131, 138, 139; Ladynin, 2007, pp. 88-89, 94-95; Pestman, 1967, p. 10-14].

From the inscriptions of the tomb of Petosiris, it is known that all members of his family, starting with his grandfather Jedtotephanch the Elder, whose cult in the tomb is not attested [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 3], bore the priestly titles "eldest [of] the five" and "ruler of thrones" [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 1-2]. This indicated, if not the highest, then at least a prominent position in the Hermopolitan hierarchy.

Petosiris Sishu's father(Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 3)) managed the Hermopolis temple of Thoth. In one case, we are talking about his appointment to this position by "his majesty" - obviously, the king; inscription 90, stk. 1 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 151; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 69; 1924, pl. LII]; cf. inscription 69, stk. 16, which refers to his appointment to the temple post by the will of Thoth [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 126; 1923 (2), p. 45; 1924, pl. XXV. 1]. In inscription 90 there is a whole sequence of epithets indicating the location of a certain legitimate king (nsw; undoubtedly one of the kings of the XXX dynasty; see the reference to this inscription above); and in inscription 69 (stcc. 10-16) describes in detail Sishu's personal communication with the king: how he told him the truth-stkk. 11-12, cf. inscription 90, stk. 2 and indirectly the inscription 128, stk. 2 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 162; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 91; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LVI.1]; receiving from him the award and title of "ruler of this country" Because Sishu's successor at the head of the Hermopolis temple, his son and Petosiris ' elder brother Jedtotephanch, succeeded his father at the behest of the king (no doubt the last king of the XXX dynasty Nectanebus II-359/8-342/1 AD). BCE; inscription 102, page 4 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 185; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 75; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LIV. 1]), Sishu died before the second Persian rule in 343 BCE.

According to B. Menu's just remark, in the texts of the tomb of Petosiris dedicated to Djedtotefankhu (inscriptions 100 and 102 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 183-185; 1923 (2), p. 73-75; 1924, pl. LII; LIV. 1]), in contrast to those that relate to life However, there is no mention of the royal favors that accompanied his career. B. Menu concludes that most of it occurred after 343 BC, when the legitimate royal position was established.

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Fig. Plan of the tomb of Petosiris with the location of inscriptions [Lcfcbvrc, 1923 (2), plan]

There was no longer any government in Egypt [Menu, 1994, p. 318]. In a number of texts, it is possible to catch hints that Jedtotephanus, in the performance of his duties, witnessed the disasters of Egypt and the temple of Hermopolis. Judging by his excuses in certain malicious cases, he may have been involved in them: inscription 138, stk. "covering the eyes (lit., "covering the body") in relation to the behavior of the palace, sealing his mouth in relation to what he has heard" [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 194; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 95-96; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LV. 1]; inscription 70, stk 5-6: "I have not stolen offerings in the temples, I have not (committed)evil things against this land, the truth is with me (and) it will not forsake me forever" [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 172; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 45; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXXIX]; compare Jedtotephanch's acquittal before the afterlife court in inscription 63, stcc. 2-3 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 168; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 39; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXIV. 1]. B. Menu draws attention to the fact that the texts associated with Jedtotefankhom do not attribute to him good management of the temple and do not claim him for it the absence of any related guilt [Menu, 1994, p. 319].

B. Menu's suggestion that Djedtotefankhus was not only a contemporary and, possibly, a participant in the events of the second Persian rule, but was also executed for collaborating with the Persians [Menu, 1994, p. 320] seems excessive. At the same time, the very dating of its activity to this time is very likely. Petosiris says that after the construction of Jedtotephanch's tomb, he rewarded its builders handsomely, "as was done before, (when) the king was in the palace (his)" (inscription 106, stkk. 15-16:

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[Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 187; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 77; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. L]). It is natural to think that these considerable expenses were incurred by Petosiris when he was Lesonis, i.e. already at the beginning of the Macedonian period, and in this case Djedtotephanch should have died on the eve of his death, or at least shortly before it-as it is clear, in the absence of legitimate royal power in Egypt from the point of view of Petosiris.

According to its plan, the tomb of Petosiris is simple and structurally resembles a typical temple of the Greco-Roman period (Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 13-30; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. I-III; Nakaten, 1982, Kol. 995-996) (Fig.)2. Its facade, facing north, is formed by four columns topped with two types of vegetable capitals, which are located symmetrically in the center [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 43-48; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. VI]. Directly behind the facade is the pronaos, connected by a passage with a fully enclosed chapel [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 49-108; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. VII-XXII]. Under it is a burial chamber, which contained the sarcophagi of Petosiris, his wife and two children [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 201-206; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LVII-LVII]. On the four sides of the burial chamber in the chapel are square pillars [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 153-166, 188-196; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LV-LVI].

The general pattern of placement and stylistics of tomb images can be formulated as follows. Mostly pronaos is decorated with scenes of everyday life, and the chapel is decorated with scenes of performing a ritual and images of the deceased in front of deities. If the former clearly show Greek influence, the latter is just as strictly observed in the Egyptian canon. There are two exceptions to this general rule for tomb decoration. First, in the middle register of the southern wall of pronaos, traditional scenes of veneration of Petosiris and Renepetnofret by their children, which are only minimally affected by Hellenization, are visible: sons to the left in the scenes from the entrance to the chapel [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 100-107; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XVI, XVIII) and daughters - on the right [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 84-90; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XVI, XVII]. Second, the ritual scenes are clearly Hellenistic:

1) the procession of the bearers of the funeral gifts at the base of the western [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 180-183, Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XLVI-XLIX] and eastern [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 145-148; pl. XXXV-XXXVI] walls of the chapel;

2 For the tomb-temple model typical of the Egyptian tradition since the New Kingdom, see Assmann, 1987; 2003; Tarasenko, 2009, pp. 40-42.

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2) offering gifts (apparently to Petosiris ' wife Renepetnofret) on the base of the southern wall of the pronaos to the left of the chapel entrance [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 107-108; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XX-XXI];

3) the scene of the bull sacrifice on the base of the southern wall of pronaos to the right of the chapel entrance [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 93-94; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XIX, XXII.2] it was in connection with the last scene that the question of the possibility of Persian influence on the style of the tomb was discussed at one time).

Finally, another feature of the tomb under consideration is that all the scenes of its chapel, excluding the images on the base of its walls, are connected with the posthumous fate not of Petosiris and his wife, but of his older relatives. Scenes of the eastern part of the chapel are dedicated to his father Sish, and the western part is dedicated to his elder brother Djedtotefankh [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 119-120 et sq.]. From the indicated regularities of the design of the tomb of Petosiris, one fundamental conclusion follows already at the current preliminary stage: there are absolutely no scenes in which Petosiris or his wife were present. they are depicted before the gods. Along with this, among the scenes related to ensuring the posthumous existence of Petosiris and Renepetnofret, only two-their veneration by their sons and daughters-are designed in the traditional Egyptian style. On the contrary, among the scenes that pursue the same goal in relation to Petosiris ' older relatives, they are in the same absolute minority.

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hellenizing scenes: as already mentioned, in the chapel they are represented only by processions of bearers of gifts on the east wall - in the pictorial row dedicated to Sish, and on the west-in the row of Jedtotefankha.

Scenes of traditional style in the chapel of the tomb of Petosiris are devoted to the following subjects. On the east wall, in the middle register, the funeral procession of Sishu and the offering of a bull with its leg cut off as a funeral sacrifice are depicted (3). In the upper case, you can see the image of the ritual of "opening the mouth and eyes" [Mathieu, 1996] in relation to the mummy of Sishu; Petosiris and the daughters of the deceased take part in its performance [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 128-145; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXVIII-XXXIV]. In the southern part of the wall, the upper and middle registers are connected and the entire space is occupied by the image of Xishu's grandson "cleaning" his mummy with water. [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 131-132; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXXI, XXXII]. There are no images of deities in any scene of the eastern wall associated with Sishu: for example, the four sons of Hora who participate in the ritual of "opening their mouths and eyes" are priests representing the corresponding gods [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 132]. In the scenes of adoration before the gods, Xishu appears only on the sides of the pillars in the eastern part of the chapel:

1) in front of a row of unnamed gods on the northern and southern faces of Pillar A in the southern part of the chapel (Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 153-156);

2) in front of the deity whose image has been destroyed, the Chorus of Hentimerty, Shu and Tefnut on the eastern face of Pillar C in its northern part (Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 164);

3) in front of Khepri, Imseti, and Anubis, on its western edge (Lefebvre, 1923(1) p. 165).

3 See about this motif, with references to the literature: [Bolshakov, 2003, p. 7].

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Of the two most extensive texts on the east wall of the chapel, one in the middle register is a Large biographical Inscription of Petosiris (see reference above), and the other in the upper register (inscription 82) is associated with the ritual of "opening the lips and eyes" depicted here [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 130-132; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 33-35; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXVIII-XXX].

Unlike the eastern wall of the chapel, the western wall, dedicated to the posthumous fate of Jedtotefankh, is decorated with scenes depicting not funeral rituals, but his actual entry into the afterlife. In the upper case, the deceased is depicted in adoration before the deities associated with the Duat and the presence of the sun god there [Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXXIX-XLVI]. These include:

1) Nine baboon deities (inscription 71 (a): "names of the gods who praise Ra in the Duat") [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 172-173; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 46; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXXIX, XLII, XLIII];

2) the deities of the twelve hours (inscription 73 (a): "names of the gods accompanying the great god") [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 173-175; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 47; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXXIX, XLIII];

3) the twelve Uraeus (inscription 75: "names of the gods who light up the darkness in the Duat") [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 175; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 48; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XL, XLIV] offering sacrifices to four bulls [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 175-176; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XL-XLI, XLIV-XLV] and appearing in the afterlife judgment before Osiris Hentiamenti [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 176-177; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XLI, XLV].

The middle register of the wall is completely occupied by a somewhat abridged entry of the 18th chapter of the Book of the Dead, accompanied by a pictorial row illustrating it [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 177-180; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 50-53; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXXIX-XLI, XLIII-LV]. The pillars in the western part of the tomb are also associated with the posthumous fate of Jedtotefnach. Like Sish on the opposite pillars, he appears here in adoration before the deities (before the again unnamed gods on the north and south faces of pillar B in the southern part of the chapel [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 188-191]; before Atum, Osiris, Hapi and Anubis on the eastern face of pillar D in the northern part of the chapel). part of it [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 195-196]; in front of Kebehsenuf, Geb and two anthropomorphic deities-on its western face [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 196]).

Scenes on the side walls of the north and south walls of the tomb, in the middle register, depict the honoring of the deceased by their surviving relatives. On the northern wall, only Petosiris is such an adorant (on the western wall, he honors Jedtotefankh [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 169-171; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXV.2], on the east-Sishu [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 124-127; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXV. 1]). On the south wall there is both Jedtotefankh (he honors Sisha on the stage of the eastern wall [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 152; 1924, pl. XXXVII]) and Petosiris (he honors Jedtotefankh on the stage of the western wall [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 186-188; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. L]). It is characteristic that the upper register on the eastern side of the north wall of the chapel is occupied by the scene of Sishu and his wife Nofretrenepet receiving "purification" from the goddess Nut [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 124; 1924, pl. XXV.1]. On the symmetrical western side, the upper-case scene is destroyed, but it probably should have depicted Jedtotephanch with his wife in front of some female deity (given the rather high role of Osiric subjects in the design of the western wall of the chapel, we can assume that it was Isis).

Finally, on the south wall of the chapel, there are a number of images of Sishu and Jedtotefanha honoring various gods. In the upper case of the western side, Sishu is depicted in adoration before nine " gods who honor Ra "(inscription 84 (a): [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 151; 1923(2), p. 65; 1924, pl. XXXVII]. In a symmetrical scene on the east side, Jedtotephanch honors " the gods who honor the lords of the Ennead "(ILL; Nr 105(a): [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 186; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 76; 1924,

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pl. L]. In symmetrical scenes on the pilasters of the southern wall, both deceased people honor three deities named after each other: Sishu-Atuma, Serket, and Hora [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 149; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LIV.1]; Jedtotefankh-Ankh, Chesi and Demedzhi [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 184; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LIV. 2].

The central composition of the south wall of the chapel is perhaps the most significant among its cult scenes [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 197-201; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LU, LUI]. In its upper case, symmetrical images of Sishu and Jedtothefankh are placed in front of Osiris sitting on the throne (Isis and Nephthys are standing behind him). The middle register is a scene of the resurrection of Osiris in the form of a scarab, located on serekh, between the goddesses Uajit and Nekhbet. In addition to the inscription of the 18th chapter of the Book of the Dead on the western wall of the chapel, allusions to this text, as well as, according to G. Lefebvre, to the Texts of the pyramids, are found on pilasters at the entrance (inscriptions 63 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 167-168; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 39-40] and 66 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 120-123; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 41-43]) and in some other inscriptions. On the pillars of the southern part of the chapel and the pilasters of its southern wall there are texts of formulas (see: [Bolshakov, 2006, p. 189-193]) and "Oh, living, existing on earth..." (see: [Berlev, 1962]), compiled in favor of Sishu (inscriptions 89 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 150; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 68-69; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LIV.1] and 116 [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 158-160; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 83-84; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LV. 2]) and Jedtotefankha (inscriptions 102 [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 184-185; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 74-75; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. LIV.2] and 125 [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 191-192; Lefebvre, 1923(2), p. 88-89; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXIII. 3]).

Summing up the observations on the design of the tomb chapel, we can state a sharp difference in the scenes of its eastern wall, which fix exclusively the funeral ritual, and the western wall, which show just as exclusively the fate of the deceased in the afterlife. One gets the impression that the creators of the tomb tried to demonstrate the ritual and mythological aspects of a person's posthumous fate separately in the visual series associated with Sishu and Jedtotefankh. It should be recalled that outside of these sequences of images are Hellenized scenes of the offering of gifts at the base of the eastern and western walls of the chapel; these scenes should also be associated with the posthumous existence of Sishu and Jedtotefankh and do not reveal any essential differences.

We have already mentioned the ritual scenes placed on the southern wall of the pronaos tomb. The only allusion to a funerary ritual among them is the bull sacrifice scene on its western side (see references above). But this allusion is thoroughly blurred by the emphatically Hellenized character of this scene. The pilasters of the southern wall of pronaos on both sides of the entrance to the chapel are the only places in the tomb where the inscription of the formula in favor of Petosiris is found (inscriptions 53 and 54 [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 109-110; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 26-27]). The formula is addressed not only to Osiris Hentiamenti, Cynocephalus (his identification with Thoth) and Anubis, but also to the solar gods-respectively, Ra-Harahti to the east and Atum to the west of the entrance.

The hymn to the sun (inscription 60) [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 95-100; 1923 (2), p. 33-35; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XXII. 1] is also placed in the upper register above the stage of veneration of Petosiris and his wife by their sons, to the west of the entrance. It is possible that some analog of this text was located symmetrically to it, but now this upper case above the scene of honoring the spouses by their daughters has been completely destroyed [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 84]. The placement of the hymn to the sun above the specified ritual scene corresponds to the expected location of a natural light source during the ritual, so that this text could have been intended to" illuminate " the corresponding part of the tomb (see on the probable origin of the image of Osiris as the god of unquenchable light in the ground rooms of the tomb: [Bolshakov, 2001, pp. 103-107]).

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The scenes of veneration of Petosiris and Renepetnofret by their children are characterized by the fact that, with a possible correction for some features of the already Hellenistic style, they undoubtedly show those conditional images of the lifetime appearance of the tomb owners, which are well known from monuments of this category of the Ancient Kingdom era [Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XVI-XVIII; cf.: Bolshakov, 2001, pp. 150-167, 193-194]. At the same time, the words with which the children of Petosiris and Renepetnofret address their parents are very symptomatic. In the inscription to the east of the chapel entrance, the words of the tomb owners ' sons (inscription 61) [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 100-107; Lefebvre, 1923 (2), p. 35-38; 1924, pl. XVI, XVIII] are devoid of any ritual content and represent a kind of panegyric biography Petosiris (echoing a large biographical inscription). In a symmetrical scene to the west of the entrance, the daughters of Petosiris invoke the favor of a number of gods upon him (inscription 58) [Lefebvre, 1923 (1), p. 85-90; 1923 (2), p. 29-32 ; 1924, pl. XVI, XVII], but only to send them to him behind the coffin as much as possible all sorts of material goods. The daughters of Petosiris emphasize that the gods they invoke will provide not only all possible riches for their father (inscription 58, stkk. 17-19),

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but also the course of natural processes necessary for their reproduction and the work of employees engaged in their creation (stcc. 22-27). The only allusion to the actual posthumous fate of Petosiris is the mention of Anubis in connection with his mummification (stk. 28). It is significant that in this case, too, any mythological connotations of his afterlife are omitted, and we are talking about the preservation of his body as such.

The words of Petosiris ' daughters about his posthumous well-being are a concise summary of the scenes of everyday life that are placed on the other three walls of the pronaos of his tomb. Scenes on the east wall depict field work [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 67-79; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XIII], and on the west wall, vineyard work [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 59-67; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. XII]. Scenes on the intercolumnies that border pronaos on the northern, facade side depict the work of artisans. They are the ones that seem particularly remarkable.

Researchers have long noticed that these scenes represent the production of rhytoes decorated with animal heads [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 51-52; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. VII, IX], a ceremonial bed with legs in the form of irotomes of lions and decorated with figures of Greek winged sphinxes [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 57-59; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. IX, XI], vessels reproducing the forms of Greek ceramics, an object not quite clear in its purpose, crowned with a winged Eros [Lefebvre, 1923(1), p. 52-53; Lefebvre, 1924, pl. VIII, IX]. All this luxury belongs in one way or another to the Greek or Iranian artistic tradition; however, its manufacturers, in their appearance, are clearly Egyptians. It seems that there can be no question of the existence of local craft workshops in such a provincial center as Hermopolis, which would produce imitations of such a variety of prestigious consumer items. Moreover, with the economic integration of the Mediterranean and Fore-Eastern areas achieved by the beginning of the Hellenistic era, these items were undoubtedly imported into Egypt from abroad, rather than manufactured locally. What significance can such scenes have in the production of imported goods by Egyptian craftsmen that is clearly absent in reality? Just one thing: these scenes do not take place in real life, but in a kind of self-contained world, while staying in which it is impossible to make any purchases in the ordinary world in principle. The answer to the question of what kind of world it is may be as follows: it is a "Twin world" known from the tombs of the Ancient Kingdom (Bolshakov, 2001, pp. 197-224), designed for Petosiris and his wife Renepetnofret. The posthumous well-being of this married couple in this world is ensured by the scenes of works on the eastern, western and northern walls of pronaos, and the center of it is the images of the spouses on the southern wall, apparently staying under the unfading sunlight and listening to the well-wishes of their children.

The assumption that the tomb of Petosiris was constructed as a "Double world" provides a logical explanation for the deliberately contrasting junction of Hellenized and traditional image styles that is observed in it. According to the conclusions of A. O. Bolshakov ,the "Twin world" is a clearly limited, self - contained and, if the cult in the tomb is performed continuously, eternal replica of the real world, in the form that it has at the time of construction of the burial complex. Meanwhile, by the end of the fourth century BC, the life of Egypt had already undergone a thorough Hellenization, which was manifested, in particular, in the fact that the representative of the provincial priesthood could no longer imagine his posthumous comfort without the familiar imported items of prestigious consumption. Accordingly, the Hellenization of scenes of everyday life marks their belonging to the "Twin world" that reproduces modern Petosiris ' reality. In this case, the Hellenized scenes on the base of the eastern and western walls of the tomb chapel should also be attributed to it. The processions of bearers of gifts depicted there (also typical for the design of ground-based gifts).-

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In the third millennium B.C. (Bolshakov, 1986, p. 126), it is necessary to recognize that part of Petosiris ' posthumous wealth, which he wished to share with his older relatives Sishu and Djedtotefankhom.

It is also quite clear why certain groups of images in the tomb remain traditional in their style. As is known, in principle, everything that belongs to the world of the gods, including the afterlife associated with Osiris, cannot belong to the "Double world" (Bolshakov, 2001, pp. 226-227). Moreover, images of the gods must be canonical, because their true appearance, inaccessible to human perception, they apparently cannot convey at all [Bolshakov, 2003, pp. 9-10, 15; Berlev, 1972, pp. 35-36, 39-41].

Petosiris himself, as his titles and biographical texts clearly show, for all the Hellenization of his tastes and habits, considered himself a high-ranking Egyptian (Hermopolitan) priest. Accordingly, his image in the tomb will be generally traditional (the issue of Hellenization elements in clothing and furniture items in the images of him, Renepetnofret and their children has not yet been resolved definitively).

As for the burial scenes of Sishu on the eastern wall of the chapel, it is no coincidence that a Large Biographical Inscription of Petosiris is placed next to them. It is known that the events of the life of the owners of tombs of the Ancient Kingdom were never recorded in their pictorial series, but, on the contrary, were always presented in the form of text in biographical inscriptions [Bolshakov and Sushchevsky, 1991, p.8-9; Bolshakov, 2003, p. 11-12]. The events of the past had no place in the "Twin worlds", which, firstly, were formed after all these events lost their relevance, and, secondly, acquired a static and timeless character after their appearance.

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Accordingly, the burial of Sishu as an episode of the past, including the biography of Petosiris himself, obviously lies outside the" Double world " of his tomb. However, the traditional style of these capella scenes may also have another justification - that Sishu's death undoubtedly took place in the pre-Hellenistic period.

Of course, many of the categories associated with the idea of a "Double world" and the methods of its construction in the 1st millennium BC were no longer the same as in the Ancient Kingdom. Thus, in the tomb of Petosiris, we do not see not only the statue of its owner "according to life" (Bolshakov, 2001, p. 167-196), which theoretically could have been lost, but also a suitable room for it. This suggests its absence from the very beginning. But its individualizing role could also have been transferred to the sarcophagus located in the burial chamber, which is supported by the entire subsequent evolution of Egyptian funeral art. In the scenes depicting Petosiris on the southern wall of pronaos in the middle of his "Twin world", there are no traces of the old Egyptian "formula of vision" interpreted by A. O. Bolshakov (Bolshakov, 2001,

p. 50, 57]. As for the place in the texts of the tomb of the lexeme itself, it is certainly present in them, but it does not play the role of a universal identifier for all characters in scenes of everyday life, as it was in the tombs of the Ancient Kingdom [Bolshakov, 2001, pp. 58-60].

However, observations on the design of the tomb of Petosiris as a whole lead to two very significant conclusions. First, the very clear opposition between the pictorial rows of the pronaos and the chapel, on the one hand, and inside the chapel-its eastern and western walls-on the other, allows us to conclude that the creators of the tomb clearly differentiated the ritual and technical side of the burial, consisting in

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the creation and "revival" of the mummy, the fate of the deceased in the world of Osiris and the construction of the "Double world" as a very special, completely non-mythological way of ensuring posthumous existence. Secondly, the very concentration of scenes that form the" Twin world " of Petosiris in the space of pronaos of his tomb indicates the preservation of a clear idea of this world as an integral and self-contained unity.

In conclusion, we will focus on one more question: what bizarre mindset could have prompted a representative of the Egyptian elite at the turn of the IV-III centuries BC, even in such an ancient spiritual center as Hermopolis, to combine an extraordinary innovation in the style of his burial with such an archaic concept as the construction of a "Double world"? To begin with, we recall that the rejection of this concept at the end of the 3rd millennium BC was largely, if not decisively, dictated by the purely material impossibility of maintaining a tomb cult in the conditions of an acute natural crisis [Bolshakov, 2001, p.231].

As we have already seen from the scenes of artisan production in the tomb of Petosiris, the owner's rejection of the Macedonian rulers as legitimate kings of Egypt did not prevent him from enjoying the imported innovations available largely due to their rule and the integration of the Nile Valley into the Hellenistic Ecumene.

Apparently, Petosiris realized that in the emerging Hellenistic society, which promised to be a solid structure, his heirs would worry about their status, but hardly about material prosperity, and they and the Hermopolis temple would certainly have the means to maintain the cult in his tomb. The father of Petosiris Sishu passed away in the other world in the era of the XXX dynasty, i.e. at the time when there was a sacred ruler in Egypt and the world, who was able to ensure the full performance of the rituals necessary for finding the afterlife in the kingdom of Osiris. We have said that Petosiris ' elder brother Jedtotefankhos died on the eve of Macedonian rule or shortly before it, i.e. already in the situation of the absence of such a sacred ruler; nevertheless, Petosiris hardly accidentally (although in the purely mundane context of paying off the workers who built his brother's tomb) emphasizes that his tomb was built,"as it was done before, (when) the king was in the palace (his)" (see above), and a few lines earlier says: "The gods, accompanied by Osiris, are within it (the tomb of Jedtotephanch), each one of them on the occasion of your protection" (stk. 12:

In other words, for one reason or another, Petosiris performed the burial of Jedtothefankh with an appeal to the deities of the afterlife and as if Egypt had a sacred ruler, even in the absence of one.4 At the same time, the tomb owner himself happened to live and die under rulers who were firmly established in his country, and whom, as the features of his biographical texts clearly show, he categorically did not want to recognize as legitimate kings of Upper and Lower Egypt [Ladynin, 2014]. Apparently, Petosiris attached special importance to the fact that, despite all the material prosperity of the newly arrived era of foreign rule, the normal relations of Egypt with the gods, possible only through the mediation of a true sacred ruler, were now irreparably violated. In this case, this could have prompted us to resort to a very ancient method of ensuring our posthumous existence according to the model of the "Double world", which did not depend in principle either on the presence of a true Pharaoh at the head of Egypt, or on any intervention of the gods in general.

4 Perhaps this has the same explanation as the well-known enthusiasm of the Egyptians when Alexander the Great entered their country in 332 BC. Seeing the benefits of freeing Egypt from the Persians, they could assume that, unlike the Central Asian kings, the Macedonians would not establish their firm rule over Egypt and after their departure, its traditional statehood would be revived.

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