Real work dedicated to tragic by episode stories pre-Islamic United Arab Emirates - the massacre the arabs Banu Tomim in Sasanian fortresses al-Mushakkar. Intelligence about this the event in sources they wear it legendary personality. However analysis these narratives in comparison between by myself and with in other ways with data gives possibility approximately date it these events and imagine to myself their motion.
words: Key Tamimites, Khosrow I Anushirvan, Sasanian policy in Arabia.
The massacre of the Arabs of the Banu Tamim Tribal alliance (Tamimites) in the fortress of al-Mushakkar 1, known as the" day of al-Mushakkar " (yaum al-Mushakkar)2, is one of the most dramatic episodes in the history of pre-Islamic Arabia. The deaths of many people who trusted the false invitation remained long in the memory of the Arabs; narrative sources have brought the message of it to us. But, as is often the case, in narratives about the events of the early Middle Ages, the sources strongly differ from each other. This paper attempts to reconstruct and explain this event.
In the reports of sources about the "day of al-Mushakkara", three storylines can be distinguished. One of them is presented in the monumental historical treatise at-Tabari (838/839-923), from which it was drawn by another prominent scholar and thinker of the Islamic world, Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406). According to it, after the Sassanid conquest of Yemen, 3 the newly acquired lands were ruled for some time by the Persian commander who led the conquest campaign - Khwarrazad, son of Narse, better known as Wehriz. After collecting taxes from the local population, he sent them to the then-ruling Sasanian king Khosrow I Anushirvan (531-579). When the caravan equipped with Vechriz entered the Tamimite region, they began to think about attacking it, but at first abandoned this idea.
Meanwhile, the caravan reached the lands of the Banu Yarbu tribe, which belonged to the Banu Tamim tribal alliance. A certain Sasaa Ibn Najiyyah, addressing the Yarbuites, said that the caravan would continue through the lands of the Bakri Arabs (Banu Bakr), who would plunder it, and then use the captured treasures to fight against them. Yielding to these persuasions, the Yarbuites attacked the caravan and plundered it. Sasae himself
1 In the writings of Muslim geographers, al-Mushakkar appears as a fortress in Bahrain, which then included not only the island, but also the nearby territories of the Arabian Peninsula. In one description, Mushakkar is a large ancient city on a hill; in the middle of it is a citadel (kala). Despite some opinions, al-Mushakkar was probably not identical with the center of the Hajar region [Kitab..., 1889, p. 52; Yaqut al-Rumi, 1957, vol. V, p. 134-135; Mujam..., 1983, p.1232-1233].
2 The name Ya al-safka is also found in the sources, which should be translated as "day of closed gates"for this case. This translation follows from the content of the stories discussed below.
3 In the monograph prepared by the author of these lines, it is shown that this conquest should be attributed to 572 AD (Mishin, 2014).
A basket of silver ingots was given, and a certain an-Natif from the Banu Salit tribe (see below) received a saddlebag with precious stones, which was later called the "treasure of an-Natif". Those who accompanied the caravan took refuge in Yemam with a man named Hausa Ibn Ali al-Hanafi; 4 he gave them shelter and then took them to Khosrow. At the royal court, Hausa won the favor of Khosrow, who gave him a brocade robe and an ornament of pearls, which was fixed on his head. Because of this, the Arabs called Hausa" the owner of the crown " (dhu-t-taj).
Khosrow had originally intended to send troops against the Tamimites, but those close to him dissuaded him, saying that in the desert lands of Arabia with wells of water of questionable quality, his soldiers would die. The king was recommended to write to the Sassanid governor of Bahrain, Azad-Peroz, son of Gushnasp (among the Arabs he was known as al-Mukabir, i.e. literally translated "Slashing", since in case of war he mercilessly punished prisoners by cutting off their hands), and order him to completely exterminate the Tamimites. Khosrow did so, sending a letter to the governor, and Hausa went with the king's messenger. Around that time, the Tamimites came to Hajar, the main city of Yemama, for food supplies. The governor announced that the Sasanian king had sent them food, and invited them to the fortress of al-Mushakkar, where it was stored. This fortress at Khosrow was built by a Persian nobleman named Vasak, son of Mehbud. When the Tamimites entered the fortress, Azad-Peroz and his men attacked them, killed the men and captured the young men and teenagers; they were taken to Persia [Annales..., 1964, pp. 985-986; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, 2000, vol. 2, pp. 210-211].
Two other versions, very similar to each other, are found in the "Book of Songs" (Kitab al-aghani) of Abu'l-Faraj al-Isfahani (d. 976) and the historical code of Ibn al-Asir (1160-1233). The latter borrows the history of the Sassanids from at-Tabari. But Ibn al-Asir's account of the "day of al-Mushaqqar", as well as in parallel sources - the treatises of Ibn Abd Rabbi (860-940) and an-Nuwayri (d. 1332/1333), is included in the cycle "days of the Arabs" (ayyam al-Arab), which, as he himself notes, It is a supplement to the narration of al-Tabari [Al-Kamil..., 1987, p. 391]. Abu'l-Faraj points to his own sources, among which are the treatises of prominent experts in Arabic antiquities, Abu Ubaydah Muammar Ibn al-Musanna (d. 824/825 or 828/829) and Ibn Habib 5 (only Abu Ubaydah is named in an-Nuwayri).
In both sources, the events unfold in the reign not of Khosrow 1 Anushirvan, but of his grandson, Khosrow II Parviz (590 or 591-628). The Sasanian governor of Yemen, Badan, sent a caravan to the king with various valuables (at Abu-l-Faraj-clothes, musk, ambergris and richly decorated belts). On the way, the caravan was attacked. Here the narrations of Abu'l-Faraj and Ibn al-Asir differ somewhat. Ibn al-Asir's account is very similar to that of al-Tabari. The survivors of the caravan took refuge with Hauza Ibn Ali al-Hanafi, who is referred to here as the ruler of Yemama. He sent them to Khosrow, who rewarded him handsomely and, in particular, granted him the crown. After this, Hausa was sent to al-Mukabir to fight the Tamimites together with him. Abu'l-Faraj's account is somewhat more detailed, although Hausa does not appear in it. According to Abu'l-Faraj, the caravan was accompanied by Arabs from the Banu Juaid tribe. On the way, the caravan was attacked by the Banu Khanzala tribe, which was part of the Banu Yarbu. Abu'l-Faraj names some of the attackers, among them Najiyyah Ibn Uqal and an-Natif Ibn Jubayr, which clearly correlates with al-Tabari's account. Persian warriors of asavir6 Standing in Hajar
4 Al-Hanafi means " of the tribe of Banu Hanifa."
5 This obviously refers to Muhammad Ibn Habib (d. 850/860), the author of the extant treatises al-Munammaq and al-Muhabbar (both of which can be translated as "Elegant exposition").
- Asavira 6 is an arabized form of the Middle Persian Aswaran (horsemen). In the Sasanian army, the horsemen were mainly representatives of the middle and small nobility-the azads.
under the command of al-Muqabir 7, they marched against Banu Yarbu, but were defeated and returned with heavy losses. But both stories end almost identically. The Persians announced that a feast had been prepared for the Tamimites in al-Mushakkara, and invited them to the fortress. Arriving Arabs were allowed in singly or in small groups and immediately killed. In the story of Abu-l-Faraj, a certain Khaybari Ibn Ubada understood what was going on, and expressed a terrible guess to the tribesmen. The surviving Tamimites hastily fled [Kitab al-Aghani..., 1905, vol. 16, p. 75; Al-Kamil..., 1987, pp. 492-493; Nihayat..., 2004, p.311].
The third version is given in the same "Book of Songs", but with reference to other sources. Abu'l-Faraj refers to the historian and genealogist Hisham Ibn al-Kalbi (b. c. 737, d. c. 819-821), whose writings were an important source of information for at-Tabari as well, but it is claimed that the latter drew this account from a man known as Hammad the Narrator (Hammad ar-raviyah; see below for details). According to this story, Khosrow sent Badana (from the mention of him, it is clear that this is Khosrow II Parviz. - D. M.) in Yemen, a cargo of wood used for making bows and arrows 8. The caravan left the Sasanian capital of Ctesiphon and arrived in Hira. An-Numan III, the king of the Arab Lakhmid dynasty, who was subordinate to the Sassanids (and subsequently executed by order of Khosrow II Parviz), sent him there under the protection of Arabs from the Banu Rabia and Banu Mudar tribal unions. They took the caravan to Hausa Ibn Ali al-Hanafi, who was to bring it to the borders of the lands of his fellow tribesmen Banu Hanif and hand it over to the Arabs of the Banu Saad tribe. The latter were to escort the caravan further to Yemen for a fee. But Hausa decided not to pay the Tamimites and, having persuaded the Persians, led the caravan himself. They reached Hajar, but then the Banu Sa'ad, realizing that Hausa had effectively deprived them of their reward, attacked the caravan, killed some of the Persians, captured Hausa, and divided the spoils among themselves. Hausa was able to arrange to be released for a ransom of three hundred camels, and the Banu Sa'ad, not trusting him, went with him to Hajar.
Further, the narrative is very similar to the previously considered stories. Hausa hid the released Banu Sa'ad Persians, and then took them to Khosrow. The Sasanian king granted him a brocade robe embroidered with gold and pearls, as well as a cap worth thirty thousand dirhams (Sasanian drachmas). Khosrow then sent Hausa to al-Mushaqqar with a Persian from Ardashir-khwarrag. The Banu Sa'ad were lured into the fortress by false promises; they were told to enter through one gate and exit through another. They were allowed to enter the fortress one by one, where they were immediately killed on the orders of al-Muqabir. It is noteworthy that Khaybari Ibn Ubada also appears in this version. But here he does not only inform his fellow tribesmen about the mass murder. The fortress was entered by a folding bridge attached to a chain held by a Persian warrior. Drawing his sword, Khaibari cut off both the sword and the warrior's arm, and the entrance to the fortress was closed to those who were still outside. We see something similar in Ibn al-Asir: one of the Arabs, Banu Abs, cut the chains with his sword and escaped from al-Mushakkar. It was after this that al-Muqabir ordered the gates to be closed and everyone inside the fortress to be killed [Kitab al-aghani..., 1905, vol. 16, pp. 75-76].
Although the differences in the accounts presented are clear, they do not give grounds to question the reality of the massacre as a whole. Some parts of the story are confirmed-
7 In the edition of the Book of Songs that I have used, al-Muqabir is referred to as K. Z. ar.j.r., which seems to be distorted beyond recognition by Azad-Gushnasp (Azad-Jushnash in the Arabic translation).
8 In the edition there is a form consisting of the letters ta, ba, ain and Alif; the latter, however, indicates only that the word is in the object character. This form is completely inappropriate to the context and can only be explained by the fact that there was a graphic error and you should read nun - ba - ain - alif, i.e. naba with the meaning specified in the text.
9 For the dates of An-Numan III's reign, see note 14.
10 Sovr. Ardashir-horre.
they are given by other sources. The historian of Muslim conquests al-Balazuri (d. 892), writing about al-Mukabir, 11 reports that Khosrow once sent him against the Tamimites when they sacked his caravan [Liber..., 1863, p.85]. Ibn Durayd (837/838-933/934), in his work on the genealogies of the Arabs, The Book of the Origin of Tribal Names (Kitab al-ishtiqaq), mentions the Banu Salit tribe, which was part of the Banu Yarbu and the larger tribal union of Banu Tamim. At the same time, it is reported that the Banu Yarbu once attacked a caravan that Badan sent to Khosrow from Yemen. One of the attackers was an-Natif from Banu Salit. When dividing the spoils, he asked to give him one camel, which was loaded with a basket. The camel was given to him, and the basket contained jewels that later became known as the" treasure of an-Natif " (Al-Ishtiqaq..., 1991, p.226). According to Ibn Abd Rabbi (who refers to Abu Ubaydah in this passage) and Ibn al-Asir, the story of the destruction of the Tamimites continued. Weakened by the massacre, they were attacked by neighboring tribes. However, the Tamimites defeated them in a battle known as the "second Battle of al-Kulab" [Kitab al-ikd..., 1965, pp. 226-231; Al-Kamil..., 1987, pp. 493-495; Nihayat..., 2004, pp. 311-315].
Some of the historical characters mentioned above are also well-known in literature. Al-Muqabir is described in detail by Hamza al-Isfahani (writing in the second half of the tenth century). In his description, al-Muqabir, called "Dad al-Peroz, son of Gushnasp", appears as the ruler of Bahrain and Oman up to Yemama and Yemen. He did not allow the Arabs to enter the Euphrates. - did not allow them to drink water from there), accepted tribute when they brought it, and if they rebelled - severely punished, crippling their heels [Hamzae..., 1844, p. 138]. As for Hausa, the above accounts are supported by the information of Hisham Ibn al-Kalbi. In his "Book of Genealogies" it is narrated that Hausa Ibn Ali, who belonged to the Banu Hanifa tribe, served Khosrow (it is not specified whether this is Khosrow I Anushirvan or Khosrow II Parviz), carrying mail that was sent to Nagran (Najran). Khosrov granted him a cap worth thirty thousand drachmas [Nasab..., 1987, p. 63]. An embassy of the Prophet Muhammad was sent to Hausa as one of the rulers of Yemama around 628. [13]
Information about the House is the starting point for determining the chronology of the events under consideration. If we accept the above version of at-Tabari, they should have taken place no later than the autumn of 578. Khosrow I Anushirvan died in the spring of 579, and in the winter the caravan would hardly have been sent. But then Hausa should have been in power for at least half a century. The obvious implausibility of this hypothesis makes us prefer those versions where we are talking about Khosrow II Parviz. But Abu-l-Faraj notes that by the time of the battle of Zu Kar, Khosrow had already killed the Tamimites and the Arabs were afraid of him [Kitab al-Aghani..., 1905, vol. 20, p. 135]. The date of the Battle of Zu Kar remains unclear, but it can be traced back to-
11 In al-Balazuri, he appears under the name Firuz (i.e., Peroz), the son jh. s. i. s-a, but this latter form is nothing but the misspelled jh. s. n. s (Gushnasp).
12 This Dad seems to be a mistake; it is more correct to read Azad.
13 According to the date given by al-Tabari, this occurred in the month of dhu'l-Hijjah in the 6th year of the Hijri [Annates..., 1964, pp. 1559-1561], i.e. in April or the very beginning of May 628, shortly after the Khudaibi agreement. The date of at-Tabari generally corresponds to the date in another source, the historical code of Caliph Ibn Hayyat (d. 854/855), where the embassy to Hausa dates back to 6 AH [Tarikh..., 1967, vol.1, p. 41]. Muhammad's biographer Ibn Ishaq (d. 761 or 767) reported that the Prophet sent embassies to the rulers, including Hausa, shortly after the Hudayb agreement [Das Leben..., 1859, p. 971; Annales..., 1964, ser. I, p. 1559]. According to Ibn Saad (d. 844/845), the embassy dates from the month of Muharram in the 7th year of the Hijri (May-June 628) [Ibn Saad, 1917, p. 15]. But the question of dating embassies remains open. Doubts about the dates indicated by Muslim authors were expressed by O. G. Bolshakov, and later by M. V. Krivov [Bolshakov, 2000, p. 152-154; Krivoe, 2006, p. 146-148]. To their arguments, we can add another one: according to the stories of the Muslim historians listed above, Muhammad sent an embassy to Khosrow II Parviz. The latter, however, was overthrown at the end of February 628 and could not, therefore, have torn up the message of Muhammad (as Muslim historians write about it [Ibn Saad, 1917, p.16; Annates..., 1964, p. 1571]), if it was sent in the spring of the same year.
but roughly attributed to the first half or middle of 613, 14 the massacre of Mushakkara therefore occurred before that time. However, if we accept the story of Hammad the Narrator, "the day of al-Mushakkara" can be pushed back in time even further, to the period between 592, the date of the actual coming to power of Khosrow II, and 605, when an-Numan III was executed. But then you need to answer the following question. The Banu Yarbu tribe held a special position under the Lakhmids; its representatives held the position of ridf-a, or radif-a, the highest dignitary of the state. It is difficult to understand why the leadership of such a tribe allowed the seizure of Sasanian property, and why Khosrow II did not instruct al-Numan to restore order in the Lakhmid domain, but instead chose to act through Hauza, who apparently had less military potential than the rulers of Hira, and the governor of Bahrain. It is more logical to assume that the massacre in Bahrain occurred after the execution of al-Numan and the end of the Lakhmid state, when the Banu Yarbu were no longer obliged to remain loyal to the Lakhmids and Sasanians. Returning to Hausa, we can say that the date of the "day of Mushakkara" is all the more plausible, the closer it is to the time of the embassy of Muhammad. It is therefore more likely to assume that the massacre of al-Mushakkara took place shortly before 613 A.D. Hammad's account of the Narrator raises questions for other reasons as well. Its very striking difference from other versions can not but be alarming. Moreover, the veracity of Hammad's reports was already being questioned in the medieval era. Ibn Sallam (d. 845/846), who wrote a treatise on Arab poets, believed that Hammad attributed verses of some authors to others, added from himself, etc. [Tabakat..., 2001, p. 40]. But it is hardly correct to attribute all the discrepancies in the sources only to Hammad's mistakes: it is unlikely that his entire story was fiction from beginning to end, especially since in some respects it corresponds to other news. Rather, something else is correct: news about events that actually took place arbitrarily and sometimes
14 The above thesis needs to be explained. In the battle of Zu Qar, the Arabs loyal to the Sassanids were commanded by the governor of Hira, Iyas Ibn Qabisa. In the stories about this battle, it is said that Iyas, who came to Khosrow II after the defeat, was afraid of punishment and reported the victory over the Arab enemies to the Banu Bakr, after which he immediately left [Kitab al-aghani..., 1905, vol. 20, p. 138; Kitab al-ikd..., 1965, p. 264-265]. Khosrow soon learned the truth: the Sasanian forces and the Arabs loyal to him were defeated. Eastern authors claim that Iyas was governor of the former Lakhmid domains for 7 or 9 years, and before him, for 22 years (in Ibn Habib and Biruni) or 7 years 8 months under Hormizd IV and 14 years 4 months under Khosrow II (in Hamza al-Isfahani and at-Tabari), he ruled an-Numan III ([Hamzae..., 1844, p. 111-112; Garbers, 1952, p. 54; Annates..., 1964, p. 1038; Kitab al-muhabbar..., b. d., p. 359-360]). At the same time, Muslim authors unanimously indicate that the duration of Khosrow II's reign is 38 years [Hamzae..., 1844, p. 16; Annales..., 1964, p. 1045; Al-Maarif..., 1960, p. 665; Ibn Wadhih..., 1969, p. 196; Kitab al-muhabbar..., b.D., p. 362]. It is known that Khosrow 11 came to power after a long civil strife and was overthrown on February 25, 628. Hence, in the chronology of Muslim authors, civil strife is not taken into account, and the time of Khosrow II's reign is considered not from his actual coming to power, but from the overthrow of his father, Hormizd IV, in late 590 or early 591. If so, then an-Numan III reigned in Hira until the first half or middle of 604. In determining the term of Iyas ' rule, the sources differ, as shown above, but the statement about 9 years seems to be more correct. The next ruler of the former Lakhmid possessions is called the Persian commander Azadweh, who, according to sources, stayed there for 17 years (judging by the stories about the Muslim conquest, a little longer), including 14 years and 8 months under Khosrow II [Hamzae..., 1844, p. 112; Garbers, 1952, p. 54; Annates..., 1964, p. 1038; Kitab al-muhabbar..., b.D., p. 360]. If we add up the specified time periods, we get: 14 years 4 months (an-Numan III), 9 years (Iyas Ibn Kabisa) and 14 years 8 months (Azad-weh), which in total gives exactly 38 years; the statement about 7 years, therefore, disappears. However, this chronology can be disputed on the basis of the fact that Iyas Ibn Kabisa appears in the stories about the submission of Hira to the Muslims, conducts negotiations with them and signs a treaty of surrender (633) [Liber..., 1863, p. 243; Annates..., 1964, p. 2017, 2039-2044; Tarikh..., 1967, p. 86]. But in all these stories, Iyas does not appear as the sole governor, but as one of the nobles. Sources of al-Balazuri even admit that it is not about him, but about Farwa Ibn Iyas-apparently, his son. Therefore, it is likely that Iyas Ibn Qabisa ceased to be governor in early or mid-613, 9 years after the execution of an-Numan III. When analyzing the sources, it is difficult to find a better explanation for this than the defeat on the battlefield, as a result of which Khosrow II could actually change the governor to a Persian general. If the legend about the false report of Iyas stated above is true, the hypothesis about the removal of Iyas gets a new confirmation: Khosrow, known for his suspicion, would not have kept a governor who told him a lie.
incorrectly connected together, thus forming a distorted picture. This is how at-Tabari connects Wehriz's payment of Yemeni taxes to Khosrow on 1 Anushirvan with the story of the events in al-Mushakkara.
This also applies to the description of the massacre. Such plots are often found in Eastern literature. The same Abu-l-Faraj has a story about how the leader of the Arab tribes Aus and Khazraj Malik Ibn Ijlan turned to the Ghassanid king, called Abu Jubayla, for help against the Jews of Medina. The king made a campaign against the city and stood with the army in its vicinity. Not wanting to storm the fortified homes of the Jews, Abu Jubayla went to a trick. He invited the leaders of the Jews to a fortified building; they were let in one at a time and then killed. Then, after Abu Jubayla had left, Malik similarly invited the leaders of the remaining Jews to a feast; they entered one by one and were killed. One of the Jews standing at the door of his residence noticed that the voices of those invited could not be heard, and warned the others about the danger [Kitab al-aghani..., 1905, vol. 18, pp. 96-97] 15.
A similar episode occurred in 806 in the Muslim possessions of Spain. The inhabitants of the city of Toledo sought independence from the Emir of Cordoba. By order of the emir, the governor of Toledo built a citadel in the city, where the troops were stationed. Then a reception was given in the citadel for the noble citizens. To avoid a stampede, the invitees were asked to enter through one gate and exit through another. They were let in in groups of about ten, and then killed; the corpses were thrown into the moat. One of the Toledans, realizing what was going on, told the others that the steam rising from the moat, which was initially explained by the preparation of treats, was fumes from blood [Tarikh..., 1982, p.67; As - sifr..., 2003, p. 112-113]. One cannot, of course, claim that any one of the episodes under consideration is written off from another. But it cannot be said that some colorful details from the news of the Toledo massacre that spread throughout the Islamic world could not be included in the narratives of the events in al-Mushakkara.
If we assume that the news we have reviewed is at least individually correct, we can draw the following conclusions about the state of affairs in north-eastern Arabia on the eve of the Hijrah. The stronghold of the Sassanids was Bahrain, occupied even under the founder of the dynasty - Ardashir I. There were fortresses with Persian garrisons and settlers. The Sassanids did not want to invade Arabia: such a campaign would be tedious for the army and expensive for the state, moreover, with unclear chances of success: the Arab tribes hostile to them could simply migrate to other places. For the same reason, Khosrow I Anushirvan initially did not want to undertake a campaign in Yemen and decided to take this step only due to a significant change in circumstances in relations with Byzantium16. Instead, the Sassanids preferred to act through loyal Arab leaders, one of whom was apparently Hausa Ibn Ali al-Hanafi. The position occupied by the latter can be determined from the references of Muslim authors to the headdress granted to him, which, according to Hisham Ibn al-Kalbi, cost thirty thousand drachmas. An-Numan III received a cap from the Sasanians, the price of which was sixty thousand drachmas [Kitab al-aghani..., 1905, vol. 1, p. 22; Annales..., 1964, p. 1018]. These figures do not reflect the wealth of Arab rulers. In the Sasanian empire, the decoration of each grandee had to clearly correspond to his rank. According to some sources, there were special books that indicated what clothes and jewelry a particular nobleman could have. Therefore, from a comparison of the headdresses of an-Numan and Hauza, it follows that the Sasanian "table of ranks" was also extended to Arab rulers loyal to the Persians, and the ruler of Yemama occupied a lower place in it than the Lakhmid king before.
15 A similar story is found in one of the manuscripts of the diwan (collection of poems) of the Early Islamic poet Hassan Ibn Thabit (d. c. 659) [Diwan..., 2006, p. 14-15].
16 The arguments in favor of this statement are presented by the author of these lines in the monograph on Khosrov I Anushirvan [Mishin, 2014].
Another observation applies to the Arab tribes. In the above reports of Abu'l-Faraj, the Arabs accompany a caravan with royal goods. In the Narrator's Hammad, the reason for the conflict is that Hausa does not allow them to do so. It is safe to assume that the Arab tribes received a reward from the Persians for such services. It is quite possible that the loss of their ability to obtain it caused the conflict, although due to significant discrepancies between the news reviewed, it cannot be said that it was this conflict that led to the massacre in al-Mushakkara.
So, the episode studied reflects many significant features of the situation in the north-east of the Arabian Peninsula of the pre-Islamic era. Firmly holding their strongholds in Bahrain, the Sassanids ensured the necessary situation in the interior of Arabia with the help of loyal rulers and Arab tribes attracted - including through them. This state of affairs was extremely unstable: a conflict could occur at any moment, sometimes with such a dramatic ending as in al-Mushakkara. But there were few such episodes: it seems that the Sassanids generally managed to implement their policies effectively.
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al-Bakri Talif... wa-l-mawaki. al-bilad asma min istajam ma Mujam ( what from names countries and places. An essay... al-Bakri). Beirut: Alam al-qutb, 1983.
al-Kalbi Hisham ... li... al-kabir wa-l-Yaman Ma Nasab (A large tree 'addite and Yemeni Arabs... Hishama... al-Kalbi). Beirut: Alam al-qutb, Maktabat al-nahda al-arabiyya, 1988.
al-Nuwayri Talif... al-adab. funun fi al-Arab Nihayat (The limit desires in arts literature. An essay... 15. Beirut: Dar al-qutub al-ilmiyyah, 2004.
al-Jumahi Sallam bin Muhammad li al-Arab shuara Tabaqat (Categories Arabic poets Muhammad Ibn Sallam al-Jumahi). Beirut: Dar al-qutub al-ilmiyyah, 2001.
Khaldun Ibn Tarikh (History Ibn Khaldun), Vol. 2. Beirut: dar al-fikr, 2000.
Al-Kutiyyah Ibn Talif al-Andalus. iftitah Tarih (History conquest Andalusia. Written Ibn al-Kutiyya). Бейрут: Дар ал-китаб ал-лубнани, 1982.
Hayat Ibn Khalifa Tarikh (History Khalifa Ibn Hayat). Nejef: Matbaat al-adab, 1967.
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