Food in the context of wedding rituals acts as an integrating symbol designed to unite the parties of the bride and groom, to create a new group of relatives. The culinary code is used to model the fertility and wealth of young people. Bread and salt of the wedding feast are a symbol of wealth and love attraction, and also perform protective functions. Game and egg in the wedding ceremony are certain markers of mythological time.

Key words: wedding ceremony, food symbolism.

All the rituals of the Komi (Zyryan) wedding ceremony end with feasts that emphasize the importance of the event not only for the family circle, but also for the entire society. The food code of culture is the most important component of the traditional picture of the world, a cultural marker that is significant for the self-identification of an ethnic group. Ritual food is interpreted as the most convenient way to symbolize ritual transformations. This is explained by the fact that out of the whole set of symbols involved in the ritual, only food is represented by a complete cycle - from cooking to destruction/absorption, which clearly demonstrates the transformation of natural, natural products into cultural ones [Baiburin, 1993, pp. 86-87].

The purpose of the work is to consider the meaning of food in the context of wedding rituals, defining its symbolic content. The study covers the first half of the XX century - a time of sustainable preservation of traditional culture. The paper is based on field materials collected in the districts of the Komi Republic at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries using a questionnaire specially developed by the author, as well as materials obtained in the middle of the XX century and deposited in the Scientific Archive of the Komi Scientific Center (at the KSC). Uranus.

At the Komi (Zyryan) matchmakers did not sit down at the common table until the bride's parents let them know that they were not against their proposal. It was believed that if you sit at the samovar in the bride's house, then matchmaking will not succeed. According to traditional ideas, only relatives could be present at the common table, and marriages between them were impossible. In Priluzye, the girl, expressing her consent to the upcoming marriage, herself put a samovar on the table for matchmakers. If she refused the offer, the samovar was placed by her mother [Zherebtsov, Gagarin, Kuratov, Dukart]. On Izhma, after the agreement, a table was arranged for the bride; the bride and groom treated those present, but they did not sit down to the common table themselves.

The rite of needlework ended with a meal in the bride's house. The groom brought home-brewed sur beer or wine as a gift, which can generally be seen as a way to exchange gifts between the worlds of the bride and groom. Obtaining the status of the bride was secured by giving her relatives of the groom a beer tues, which actually meant the seriousness of intentions. If the bride did not take beer with the consent of her parents, then the agreement was considered violated. In the period after hand-sewing and before the eve of the wedding Vari-

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whether beer. The beginning of beer brewing after matchmaking, as in the North Russian wedding rites, was considered an event confirming the conspiracy [Andreeva, 2004, p. 79]. Serving beer (wine, moonshine) in the Vologda wedding rite was a magical act, a sacrifice made on the occasion of the beginning or end of some business, with its help they consolidated the agreements reached [Makashina, 2006, p.320]. On Izhma, the bride treated the participants of the hand-sewing ceremony with wine brought by the groom, while the glass was supposed to be covered with bread. Note that a glass covered with a piece of bread is also placed on the memorial table. In this context, the Komi proverb about marriage as a second birth is of interest: VerсS sayad munмmyd vyl pвv chuzhмm kod (To marry, that is to be born again) [Komi..., 1983, p. 149].

Reconciliation of the two parties expresses a special element of the rite of handshaking: the bride and groom shake hands covered with handkerchiefs across the table, and the bride's godmother separates the handshake by hitting a loaf of bread, after which the parties exchange handkerchiefs. In this context, the use of a loaf as a symbol of material well-being is very significant. Luz-Letsky Komi people serve pancakes, a stack of which the groom must turn over so that the bride's relatives can make sure that there are no injuries on his fingers.

After receiving the beer, the bride would make the rounds of her relatives and invite them to the wedding; the groom would do the same. This rite in each house ended with a feast, the main treat of which was pancakes. In Priluzye, guests were also served scrambled eggs. In some areas, the bride traditionally visited the graves of her ancestors: the girl brought food, laid it out on the grave mound and invited "parents" to the wedding.

Traditions on the eve of the wedding of Komi (Zyryans) have local differences. For example, in the Sysolsky Komi Republic, on the eve of the wedding, the bride receives an egg from each participant of the ceremony for crying to her friends and puts it in a special bast basket. On the wedding day, she presents these eggs to everyone present for wishing a happy life [Kulikova Elena Yegorovna...]. The ritual and magical purpose of this rite is associated with the production of childbearing opportunities for girls and young women who were expected to replenish the community; the egg acts as a symbol of a new reborn (or emerging) life [Sokolova, 1979, p. 140]. In this context, the Mari tradition looks remarkable. At the feast of ploughs, young women who were married in the current year presented the senior priest with a ladle of beer and two eggs, and in return received two eggs. The priest said a prayer that included the following words:" be as full of prosperity and kindness as an egg " [Calendar holidays..., 2003, p.48]. At a wedding feast in the Komi Republic of Luz, the bride presented the groom's relatives with eggs brought with her, and she was given eggs for beer. The actions with the egg included in the structure of the wedding ceremony are based on the wishes of increasing the childbearing abilities of the bride and the future well-being of the new family. In the mythopoetic picture of the Komi world, the egg is a symbol of the origin of life, and in ritual practice it is a marker of fertility. An additional argument in favor of this is the literal translation of the Luz Komi word poztyr (egg) - a full nest; in the vocabulary of other ethnographic groups, an egg is denoted by the word kolk.

The ceremony of the wedding eve on the Pocket lasted for two days. The first day, designated as pancake seyan ryt (lit. evening of eating pancakes), ended with a meal, the main treat of which was pancakes. The groom had to eat the pancake first. The next day, the godmother blessed the bride and groom with beer. Each of them took three sips from a single glass, and then threw the rest backhand onto the mat, which in the structure of the house was associated with the World Tree. On the Fly, everyone who came to the bride was treated to beer. On the lower Sysola, on the eve of the wedding, it was customary to arrange a feast, where three fishmen, fried meat and sweet pie were served. A dish was placed on the pie, on which everyone put money with wishes for the well-being of the young. In the upper reaches of the Pechora River, a participant in the ritual threw small amounts of money into the pan for eating a pancake [Gagarin, Dukart].

The groom's friend brought fried fowl to the bride's bath attendants. This treat is called differently. So, on Udor, it is defined as baynik yai (lit. bath meat) or cancer of the yai (lit. raven meat), on verkhnyaya Vychegda and Izhma - mur kok yai (translation is difficult). The use of poultry meat, which acts as a demiurge in the Zyryan mythology, in this ritual emphasizes the symbolic orientation of the rite and reflects one of the areas of fishing activity of the Komi (Zyryans).

Thus, in pre-wedding rituals, the attributes of the feast were pancakes, eggs and beer. By exchanging "gifts", the parties of the bride and groom expressed their desire to ensure good relations between themselves.

On the day of the wedding in the house of the groom, the parishioners were blessed with an icon and bread, with which they went to the bride's house. There, a friend bought sweets (sweets, dried turnips - a boy) at the table where the bridesmaids were sitting (see the picture). The groom's party brought a keg of beer, an even number of pies, tues chomra (porridge richly seasoned with butter), and roast duck. The transfer of the bride to the groom took place theatrically. Doors

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At the bride's place, Siziabsk village, Izhemsky district (ex. Izhmo-Pechersk uyezd), 1929. Photo by V. Gulyaev. Collection of the National Museum of the Komi Republic.

the house was opened only after receiving a ransom, the symbolism of which is associated with the" extraction " of the bride in another world. As a ransom, the groom gave bread to the bride's parents, roast duck to the bath attendant, and pies to the bridesmaids. All participants of the ceremony were treated to beer. Izhma Komi, who moved to the Kola Peninsula, did not bring beer/wine to the groom when treating the participants of the wedding train [Kotov, 1989, p. 52]. The wedding day was celebrated with a short feast at the bride's house, where the groom was introduced to new relatives. There were soup, porridge or scrambled eggs and pastries on the table for the visitors. Before leaving for church, the bride and groom drank wine from the same glass [Gagarin, Dukart], which symbolized participation in the common share embodied in the ritual drink [Morozov, 2002, p.20]. The idea of sharing the common share and unity of life goals of the bride and groom is also expressed in the tradition that obliges young people to eat one spoon before the wedding. It is reflected in the proverb: Sid ladmныny, vesigтиti panнn syӧny (They get along so well that they even eat with one spoon) [Komi..., 1983, p. 100]. In the corners of the handkerchief that the bride gave to the groom, his godfather tied pieces of bread. The couple held on to these corners when the bride was taken out of her home [Plesovsky, 1968, p. 76]. Going out to the crown, the young people walked around the table in the sun three times, and the bride tried to pull off the tablecloth-for good luck (cf. breaking dishes-for good luck, broken dishes-for good luck). The same practice is also typical for Pinezhye weddings [Tuchina, 2002, p. 67].

From the church, the young people returned to the house of either the bride or the groom, where they were greeted with an icon and bread and salt. It was believed that the more you take a bite from a loaf, the richer your life will be [Gagarin, Dukart]. In the traditions of Komi, the words nyan-sov (bread-salt) are a stable formula for wishing happiness, health, and a comfortable existence [Mythology of Komi, 1999, p.345]. The combination of bread and salt has a sacred meaning: both bread and salt were endowed with magical power. At all stages of the wedding ceremony, the bride and groom were showered with salt, which was attributed to protective properties [Sidorov, 1997, p. 207]. However, through salt, it was possible to harm a person. So, salt, unnoticed spilled between the newlyweds at the wedding table, doomed them to constant quarrels. Hence, a necessary condition for wedding rituals is to protect the young.

On Verkhnyaya Vychegda, wedding bread was called gybanik. A salt shaker-duck was tied to the loaf, and an icon was placed on top. All this complex blessed the young. Verkhnevychegodsk Komi wedding bread is called Luksha nyan (lit. Luksha bread). Traditionally, all mourners at a wedding, regardless of their proper names, were called Luksha (Lukerya). In this context, it is interesting to look at-

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This is a Mordovian wedding custom: the groom's mother baked a large luksh pie filled with layers of millet porridge, fried chicken and eggshells. Relatives of the bride baked various figures from the dough, including two large birds, fir twigs and stars. They were used to decorate a wedding cake, in the center of which figures of two birds were installed. They went with him for the bride. The top of the cake was served to the table in the bride's house, and the bottom was taken to the groom's house [Dines, 1963, p. 122-123].

In the bride's house, after the wedding, a dinner was arranged, after which the friend took a tablecloth, wrapped two glasses, two plates of bread, a salt shaker in it and took it all as a dowry. On the Vishera, young people went to the groom's house only in the evening; they took the tablecloth from the table where the young woman was sitting, with all the remains of bread: so that the bride would not get bored [Plesovsky, 1968, p. 84].

On Sysol, after the wedding, the young people went to the groom's house, where the bride gave gifts to her father-in-law and mother-in-law. "Bride best Bogie mother Yong Mitch musician artists, Stekl Costas Suini kick titties. Cerca Pirin si set ins analyse (inclen batlike) Yes su: "Kazi tai ins primita, Sz I men adopt, me Aries than Kuta". Gspcs, cods TSTS way, set encaisse Yes vistal: "Kazi tai gspcs primita, szi I men accept, ovmsa tanked" (the Bride takes the icon of the mother of God, wrapped in a towel, for glass inserted two candles. Entering the house, she hands the icon to her father-in-law with the words: "As you accept this icon, accept me as well. I will live here." A gift brought with you is presented to your mother-in-law with the words: "As you accept this gift, so accept me, I will live with you"" (PMA, A. T. Turova, 1997).

In Priluzye, on the day of the wedding in the groom's house, the bride was seated for some time at the stove and served a pot of sour cream, which she accepted with the words: "I will live here, eat" [Yugova Evdokia Semyonovna...]. This custom marks not only the bride's inclusion in "her" locus, but also her future place in a new home (the ward space is called inpвv-the female half). Such a spatial organization of this ritual could also mean "acquaintance" with the" ancestors", symbolizing their blessing.

The parties of the bride and groom sat separately at the wedding table. When seating at the table, the hierarchy was strictly observed, correlated with the social stratification of society: more respected guests were seated closer to the red corner. On the lower Vychegda, during the wedding feast, the bride's relatives occupied seats closer to the stove, and the groom's relatives - to the door. On the wedding table, there were only whole dishes. This rule of table setting was strictly observed, since dishes with various defects in traditional society are endowed with negative symbols [Chudova, 2001, pp. 76-78].

The wedding feast was distinguished by the richness and variety of dishes served. In the house, the groom was treated to fish soup, jelly, meat soup, fried fish and meat, rice and millet porridge, scrambled eggs, milk, etc. The fish soup was served first, and the bride tasted it first. However, on the Fly, it was forbidden to treat a wedding with rybnik: it was a ritual dish of the memorial table. Sysolsky Komi did not serve flour jelly on the wedding table, which was associated with a memorial meal. The wedding menu of the Izhma Komi people who moved to the Kola Peninsula was based on venison dishes and dairy products (Kotov, 1989).

On the wedding table of izhemtsev there was always a whole cooked swan. The swan was served only at weddings, and it was strictly forbidden to eat its meat on other days. Sometimes the swan was replaced by another forest bird, but always cooked whole. The brother of the bride's mother or her godfather divided the carcass into pieces and served it to each participant of the ritual feast. The exclusivity of this dish was intended to emphasize the importance and significance of the feast, which was one of the ways to unite two parties, create a single team of relatives. According to the traditional ideas of the Sysol Komi, shooting a swan means losing your spouse, so swan meat is not used for food [Chudov Mikhail Andreevich...].

In other areas (Vym, Udora), the special significance of the wedding table was emphasized by serving whole-cooked game (duck, capercaillie), less often a hare. Here you can see the contrast between game meat and domestic animals (skтинtinӧy yai). In the mythological picture of the world, a bird, or rather a duck, appears as a symbol of fertility [Mythology of the Komi Republic, 1999, p. 370]. In this regard, the practice of showering fluff on newlyweds in the Komi Republic looks attractive. The popular explanation connects the lightness of fluff with an easy life: "As fluff flies, so do you walk easily "[Yugova Evdokia Semyonovna...]. In this context, the bride's dowry is also of interest, including, in particular, a wooden salt shaker made in the form of a duck, which was made especially for her niece by her maternal uncle. In the vocabulary of individual groups of Komi, maternal uncle and duck are designated by one word-chжzh. Very often, such salt shakers have movable lids decorated with sculpturally carved ducklings. The salt shaker duck was a symbol of the bride, a young woman with small children. In this regard, the metaphor of children in the bride's lamentations looks attractive:"...We used to play as a brood of ducklings / Like in a nest chicks game-

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whether we are... "[Plesovsky, 1968, p. 238]. At Mari's Yule feast, girls traditionally sing songs in which they compare themselves figuratively with the children of a swan and a duck [Calendar holidays..., 2003, p. 243-244]. On Udor, such a salt shaker is solemnly carried to the groom's house by one of the groomsmen of the groom's wedding train, called balya (lit. lamb).

The wedding table offers a variety of dishes. On the first day of the feast, porridge is served before the young people leave. The newlyweds eat with one spoon, and each participant of the ceremony eats a spoon. Sometimes this porridge is richly flavored with salt. The bitter-salty food of the wedding ceremony is contrasted with the sweet couture of the memorial table. On the Udder, young people are treated to bread brought from the bride's house, abundantly sprinkled with salt. The use of salt in the context of wedding rituals does not look accidental, since salt is considered a means of provoking sexual attraction. In this context, the practice of girl divination for a quick marriage in the Komi Republic is interesting: a girl ate a spoon or thimble of salt and flour before going to bed and washed it down with the same amount of water [Konakov, 1993, p.15]. According to traditional ideas, salt added to a "love potion" causes a thirst for love or recognition; through eating, the process of recognizing the betrothed takes place [Baiburin, 2004, p. 9]. On the Luz and Letka, instead of porridge, fried eggs cooked in a small clay pot were served. Before putting young people to bed, in Kerch region, a young person is smeared with sour cream, which the wife must lick off-so that she loves her husband more.

The main rituals of the second and third days of the wedding feast are associated with the test of the young. The ritual actions of different ethnographic groups coincided. In the Vymsky Komi Republic, it is customary to bake a sweet pie with a filling of cottage cheese, in which a thin dratva is hidden. Such a pie, called zhникnik chegan pirгg (lit. cake to be divided by the groom), the groom had to divide into two halves, and then connect them together. Letskie Komi, baking esta pirгg (lit. pie with splinters), hid in it small splinters and small coins. Those who came across them had to kiss the newlyweds, and the newlyweds in return treated them to beer. In the Vym and Nizhnevychegodsk traditions, the second day of the wedding was called ichmon pyrгg lun (lit. daughter-in-law's pie day). In the husband's house, a young wife (ichmon) baked pies ichmon pirгg (lit. daughter-in-law's pie). The mother-in-law (inka) was looking to see if the young woman could bake pies. All the other participants in the wedding ceremony interfered, built all sorts of intrigues to the young hostess [Olga Stepanovna Shlopova...].

Letsky Komi people arranged a test for a young hostess on the third day of the wedding and called it pirгg seyan lun (lit. pie-eating day). The second day of the wedding they called Sur yuan lun (lit. beer drinking day). The young wife brought a glass of beer to each of her husband's relatives and gave them a "gift", and the latter threw small money on the tray. On the third day of the wedding festivities in the Komi Republic, relatives of the groom, dressed in ragged clothes, walked around the village and "begged". They accepted baked goods and eggs as gifts. When the basket was filled, the participants of the ceremony returned to the wedding table and treated everyone present. The newlyweds were especially fed, and the bride was given an egg and told: "As you love an egg, so love us" (Boyko, 2008, p. 55).

Thus, the purpose of the wedding feast, during which the parties of the bride and groom exchanged "gifts", was to establish good kinship relations. In the wedding menu of some ethnographic groups, there were no dishes associated with funeral and memorial rituals. The attributes of the wedding feast were bread, egg and game-symbols of fertility, designed to ensure the fertility and well-being of the new family.

In the post-wedding period, rites were performed to visit the mother-in-law of the young and include the young in the circle of married women. In the Komi Republic, the word naklebinu is recorded, meaning a treat from the parents of a newlywed couple. Two weeks after the wedding, the young couple, along with close relatives, went to their mother-in-law for pancakes. Before that, the young woman was not supposed to leave her husband's house. On this day, the wife's parents gave the newlyweds cattle. It was customary to put twine on the udders under the pancakes, and the young man cut them into four parts. It was believed that if the knife is not sharp, then the son - in-law is bad. Therefore, the young man always carried a sharpened knife with him. In the structure of the wedding rites of the Izhma Komi Republic, there was a rite called "go eat sour cream": young people with wedding participants visited the home of the bride's parents. In Ust-Kulom, young people, going to their mother-in-law for pancakes, took their young wife's pies with them. With the help of pancakes, the son-in-law showed whether his wife was honest. If I'm honest, then the first pancake folded in four, he put to the side, if not-the first pancake or hung on a nail, or started eating it from the middle, or in the middle of the pancake with a finger or spoon made a hole. In the folk culture of Komi, the arrival of a son-in-law to his mother-in-law was associated with pancakes: "ZyatydlнN gӧstitny volмmys yitchylӧ blinkдd, zyatyavny vetlyny-pancake seiny vetlyny" (The son-in-law's guest house is connected with pancakes, to go to the son-in-law - to go to eat pancakes) [Materials...]. Vymsky Komi the arrival of the son-in-law on a visit to Maslenitsa was called vetlyny zyatyavny (lit. go as a son-in-law). If the son-in-law came to visit from another parish, then he, holding the reins in his hands, entered the hut through the barn

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and he turned to his mother-in-law with the words: "But, mother-in-law, are you ready for pancakes? And then me pachto bergida" (Mother-in-law, are the pancakes ready? And then I'll break the oven). In response, the mother-in-law said: "Nin vichchysyam is important, se pancake kisti" (We have been waiting for a long time, I baked a hundred pancakes) and put a plate of pancakes on the table, and my son-in-law instead put a gift, usually a handkerchief [Ibid.].

On Luz in the summer of the first year after the wedding, the mother - in-law brought her son-in-law from 50 to 300 eggs in a wooden box (poztyr karab-ship of eggs). She gave most of the eggs to her son-in-law, and the rest of the eggs were distributed to family members, excluding the young woman. On this day, a festive table was arranged [Plesovsky, 1968, p. 101]. In the Prionezhye region, there was a similar family custom: the mother-in-law gave 100 eggs to the newlywed son-in-law who came to visit her, and he presented a return gift [Vinokurova, 1996, p. 91].

On Udor, the rite of azla myntмm (lit. board in the meadow), which was timed to coincide with the celebration of the Trinity. The young woman who got married this year was treating everyone present to shang and other pastries that her mother had prepared. The organization of treats in different villages was different. So, in the village of Chuprovo, young women, holding hands, slowly moved in a circle with songs. Their mothers, who were inside the circle, threw pastries over their daughters ' heads. In the village of Vazhgort, the ceremony took place in a meadow called az/azla (az - Siberian hogweed). Treats were served separately for each gender and age group (young people, women, men, and the elderly) [Dukart, 1975, p. 148]. Another version of gifting (recorded in 1999) was timed to coincide with Peter's Day, the first appearance on the hay field. Young women during the az Mynt мm rite ran through a small gate-vertical pillars with a crossbar (d. Koptyuga), and as a treat they put rolls, dried fruits, gingerbread and sweets. Most likely, overcoming an obstacle (gate) symbolized the process of "transition", and the round shape of the treat-the completion of the" transition-transformation " [Staroobryadchesky Center..., 2002, pp. 108-109]. This rite was intended to consolidate the status of a young woman. In its semantic orientation, it resembles the vunina rite among the Russian population: a young woman said goodbye to her former girlfriends and asked married women to take her in "as a friend" [Sokolova, 1979, p. 198-201]. The azla myntмm rite fit seamlessly into the system of gifts that formed an essential part of the wedding ceremony and were designed to ensure the successful entry of young married women into the appropriate gender, age and kinship communities.

Thus, food in the context of wedding rituals acts as an integrating symbol of uniting the parties of the bride and groom and establishing good relations between them. Wedding table attributes (pancakes, eggs, game and beer) as symbols of fertility, they were supposed to ensure a prosperous family life for the young. Bread and salt of the wedding feast not only symbolized wealth and love attraction, but also performed protective functions.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 08.07.10.

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