The modern development of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia shows both considerable achievements in the economic and social spheres, and the emergence of new difficulties generated during the rapid process of modernization. Established at the beginning of the 20th century on the basis of a primitive Bedouin society, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was radically transformed by the end of the century, incorporating the traditional foundations of Arab-Islamic civilization, some of the fruits and achievements of modern Western culture. The new integrated state of Saudi society is very difficult, but its reliable (so far) staples are Islam and traditions in the spiritual sphere and the state in the public sphere.

Keywords: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Aal Saud dynasty, state and development.

The development experience of Saudi Arabia over the past decade has shown the importance of the state as the main subject of socio-economic development. It is obvious that in the kingdom it plays an important role in economic, social, political, as well as in cultural and spiritual life. But before considering the activities of the state in these areas, let's turn to the consideration of its nature.

The Saudi state is foreign to the Western model of a modern state, despite the fact that they have a common goal: to provide conditions for the development of society in a market economy. The founder of Saudi Arabia, after the conquest and subjugation of various parts of Arabia in the 1900s and 1920s, took as a model for the new state the image of the Caliphate of the first "righteous" caliphs, the main principle of which was Sharia [Proshin, 1964]. At the same time, in the more backward province of Nejd, Ibn Saud laid the foundation for the formation of the state with the concept of the ummah (religious community), and in the more developed province of Hijaz - the concept of a secular centralized state with elements of representative power. The emergence of such a symbiosis of two heterogeneous principles of statehood was caused by a pragmatic goal - to unite Arabia under the rule of one dynasty, but it had long-term consequences (for more details, see [Yakovlev, 1999, ch.II]).

The combination of the secular and the spiritual, religion and politics, has been characteristic of the political culture of Islam since the Caliphate. However, in the context of the need for state-building, given the increasing potential threats to the power of the A'l saud dynasty from both certain groups of tribes in Arabia and Great Britain, which wanted a greater degree of control over Arabia, Ibn Saud did not have time to gradually establish a harmonious combination of the principles of Islamic and secular statehood in the course of modernization. The former were stronger in society, but were hostile to change, the latter were obviously necessary, but had no support in society.

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In the concrete historical conditions of that time, Ibn Saud made the tribal principle an important support: various nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes became the social support of the king's modernizing policy and the source of legitimacy for the Aal Saud dynasty. At the same time, he did not really intend to preserve the tribal foundations of social organization or the principle of consensus in relations with tribes, all of which clearly prevented the centralization of power on a national scale. He needed the tribes to solve specific problems and only in a weakened form. If Ibn Saud were to represent only the interests of nomadic tribes, the country would return to a state of early feudal stagnation, if he leaned towards the urban bourgeoisie of the Hejaz and gave preference to the interests of merchants and moneylenders, he would lose his foothold in central Arabia. Realizing this, Ibn Saud immediately began to build the state as an institution of the highest political and social value. Thus, the state he created became not only an arbiter of various social forces and a regulator of economic life, but also a patriarchal patron. At the same time, the traditional patriarchal form of relations masked their changed nature and softened the perception of change for the inhabitants of desert Arabia.

In backward Arabia, only the state had the capacity to modernize the entire social and industrial organism (although, unlike in Western countries, this was not a creative, but a catch-up modernization). The King also took into account the experience of republican Turkey, where the principle of statism was used as the basis for state construction. The foundation of the state created by Ibn Saud was based on religious, tribal and secular principles. This contradictory symbiosis allowed not only the new state to survive, but also - thanks to the oil factor-to form a peculiar model of statehood. The principles of Islam (including Sharia), patriarchal paternalism, and the secularism of Western-style statehood became important system-forming elements of this model.

The authoritarian royal regime had full legislative and executive power, as well as control over the administrative system in the provinces. The regime sought to preserve religious and tribal loyalty, and later also socio-political loyalty. The central State Administration Apparatus (the Council of Ministers) had directing, regulating and controlling functions in economic life. Political life proceeded in a specific form of intra-dynastic, intra-clan or inter-tribal relations, the authorities had to take into account the opinion of both the ulama (al-Sheikh family) and the tribal aristocracy (Jiluvi, Sunayyan families, etc.). Social development was partly spontaneous and partly regulated by the State, based on Islamic and national-state considerations.

In the course of modernization carried out by King Faisal in 1964-1975, the absolutist nature of the king's power increased due to the diminution of Islamic and tribal principles (but not the rejection of them) (see: Yakovlev, 1999, pp. 125-130). The primacy of the State remained undisputed. The rigid vertical organization of power was tempered to some extent by the traditions of paternalism and tribal democracy. However, with the modernization of Saudi society and the consolidation of the principles of the capitalist system and bourgeois society in the socio-economic life (according to the Western model), the state was forced to respond to such drastic changes.

An important milestone in the development of the state was 1992. Saudi Arabia was declared an Arab, Islamic, fully sovereign state, whose religion is Islam, and whose constitution is "The Book of Allah the Most High and the Sunnah of His Prophet." The country maintained a monarchical form of government based on the principles of "justice, council and equality". An Advisory Council of "pious and worthy people" appointed by the King was created to participate in the affairs of public administration (in fact, an advisory body).

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It was re-established on the basis of the old Council (Majlis) that existed in 1926-1936 in Hijaz). The economic and social basis of the state is "property, capital and labor". The State guarantees the inviolability of private property, undertakes to protect Islam and implement the principles of Sharia law, according to which it ensures human rights. It supports the social security system and encourages charity. Thus, the system - forming principle of Saudi statehood-the principle of statism-was confirmed, which brought it even closer to the Western model of statehood, which in the second half of the XX century showed an increasingly active state intervention in the economic, political and social life of the country.

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By the end of the XX century. Basically, the modernization process in Saudi society has been completed. According to the long-term plans and consistent actions of the state, a modern economy has emerged in the country, based on modern productive forces and functioning on the basis of capitalist principles.

In the main branch of the national economy - oil and gas - the state-owned company SAUDI ARAMCO operates. The volume of oil produced remains high, and measures are being taken to increase daily production levels to meet demand from growing consumers in China and India. In 2008, SAUDI ARAMCO developed a five-year expansion plan. It is planned to increase the volume of investments in the exploration of new fields and the development of the old fields of Gavar, Saffania, Marjdan, Beri, Zuluf and New Manifa (from $ 10.7 to $ 13.7 billion). It is planned to increase the number of operating oil wells from 187 to 248 by 2013, the volume of oil produced to 12.5 million barrels per day, and then to 15 million barrels per day. Natural gas production meets the needs of the domestic market, and some of the gas is exported. SAUDI ARAMCO plans to increase its gas production from 5.5 billion cubic feet per day to 14.5 billion cubic feet. [The Middle East..., 2008, N 17, p. 11, 20].

The course of economic diversification over several decades has led to a change in the ratio of the shares of crude oil and petroleum products in the total volume of oil exports in favor of the latter. New refineries and petrochemical plants have been built in various parts of the kingdom, and new ones are being planned. For example, SAUDI ARAMCO, together with another major state-owned industrial corporation, SABIC, has started to modernize the oldest oil refinery in Ras Tannura, with capacity increasing from 2.4 million barrels per day to 3.6 million barrels per day by 2013. [The Middle East..., 2009, N 17, p. 15].

The use of planned methods of economic development allowed the state not only to concentrate its efforts and resources on strategically important industrial facilities, but also to attract foreign and national private capital there. The emphasis was placed on the creation of special industrial zones, the beginning of which was laid earlier: the area of the ARAMCO oil fields in the Eastern Province, on the coast of the Persian Gulf, which naturally emerged in the late 1930s and early 1940s, became just such a special industrial zone. In the 1970s, the experience of its formation and operation was used in the formation of new industrial zones in the Jubail (Persian Gulf coast) and Yanbo (Red Sea coast) regions. 20 years later, as the country's socio-economic development progressed, the task of developing other, previously backward regions arose. Once again, this policy of "economic zoning" is purposefully implemented by the state.

New industrial zones are being created in the areas of Jeddah, Medina, Hail, al-Harj, Jizan, Dammam, and 9 new zones (industrial cities) in the western, central and north-western parts of the country. The largest of them, apparently, will be the Economic go-

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The family of King Abdullah, which is being built on the site of the small town of Rabig on the west coast of the kingdom. In particular, it is expected that the new seaport will enter the top ten largest ports in the world. In the Medina industrial zone, it is planned to create knowledge-intensive, high-tech industries, as well as a City of Knowledge and training centers with the participation of specialists from the University of Taipei with the assistance of specialists from Malaysia. It is worth noting the validity of the Saudis ' claims to create a post-industrial industrial sector: already in 2009, the capitalization of the information technology market in the country was estimated at 135 billion riyals, which put this area of the national economy in third place after finance and oil. The rapid growth of Internet users in the country is notable: in 2008-7831.4 thousand people (34% of the population), in 2009-10 033.7 thousand (34.7%) [Saudi Arabian..., 2000, p. 41-43, 97, 224; Saudi Arabian..., 2010, p. 201].

The state announced plans for the development of the capital of Riyadh (the formation of new districts and the construction of the metro). Cities in the kingdom are growing rapidly: in 1950 15% of Saudis lived in cities, up from 80% in 2010. The capital's population was 350,000 in 1968, 2.8 million in 1992, 4.6 million in 2008, and is expected to reach 11 million by 2020. The city is growing horizontally, 99% of residential buildings are private villas. The task is to activate high-rise construction. So far, only in the center of the capital are the Faisaliyya Towers and the Royal Tower (300 m). The state intends to invest together with private capital in the development of infrastructure (construction of roads, light metro) and energy capacities. Plans to create two satellite cities with a population of 1.5 million people are being discussed. Private banks are ready to provide financial assistance to the government in implementing such large-scale projects, but it is obvious that the main role in their implementation will again be played by the state [The Middle East..., 2009, N 14, p. 11, 40-41].

In 2009, two state investment funds (the Saudi Industrial Development Fund and the Public Investment Fund) announced their readiness to support the establishment of two large petrochemical plants on the Red Sea coast near the city of Jizan (Jizan Economic City zone). This will be one of 9 new economic zones (economic cities) planned by the General Investment Administration of Saudi Arabia [The Middle East..., 2009, N 10, p. 14]. According to the government's plans, the creation of such industrial zones solves two strategic tasks: expanding cooperation between the state and the private sector, as well as creating new jobs for the rapidly growing Saudi youth.

A natural part of socio-economic development is the creation of modern infrastructure. During the first and eighth five - year plans, a system of modern highways was created from scratch in the country, large commercial and passenger sea ports and airports were modernized or rebuilt. These facilities provide conditions for the successful functioning of the domestic market and export-import operations. When creating infrastructure facilities, the state initially relied on the activity of private capital, and this justified itself. In the same way, the state began to act in the energy sector, but time after time there were various problems-both insufficient efficiency of private companies and lack of investment for the development of the industry.

Despite the presence of large reserves of hydrocarbons in the country's bowels, the state has long sought to develop the extraction of various minerals. Gold production is steadily growing at five deposits in the Western Province. Saudi Arabian Mining Company, established in 1997, is expected to produce 250 thousand ounces in 2011 and 500 thousand ounces in 2013. [The Middle East..., 2009, N 17, p. 41]. However, this company was created primarily for the development of bauxite and phosphate deposits in the Northern province of al-Qasim. The most important project of the mining industry was the discovery in May 2001 of large bauxite reserves (az-Zabira and Ras-az-Zur deposits). The area between the cities of Qasim and Hail, according to experts, contains more than 90 million tons of bauxite, which allows for the production of 3.5-4 million tons per year to create capacities for processing 1.4-1.8 million tons of alumina and producing about 740 thousand tons of aluminum per year. The available reserves should be sufficient

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for 30 years. For the implementation of this project in 2003, the US corporation Bechtel, which has been operating in the kingdom for a long time, was involved, and in 2007 cooperation agreements were signed with Canadian, Chinese and Korean companies.

The manufacturing industry is not as important in the kingdom as the mining industry. In 1975, there were 472 modern industrial plants in the country, and in 2008 - 4072. Reflecting on the kingdom's industrial development prospects, Sheikha Deya bint Ibrahim Al-Khalifa, President of the Riyadh Consulting Company, said in an interview:: "We can't produce the same cheap products as China. We can't compete with China. At the same time, we cannot rely solely on the import of goods that we need. Our goal is to develop a high-tech manufacturing industry with a less expensive and more highly qualified workforce" [The Middle East..., 2009, N 17, p. 22-23].

The sphere of circulation (trade and finance) remains mainly in the hands of the private sector. In general, private capital has become a real economic force in recent decades. For example, with the total GDP (at current prices) in 2005 - 1172.4 billion rubles. The share of rials in the private sector was 29.6%, while the public sector accounted for 17.7%, while the oil sector accounted for 52.7%. respectively-1396.2 billion riyals, 32.7, 19.3 and 48.1% [Saudi Arabian..., 2010, p. 126]. The State continues its targeted policy of assistance to the private sector. For example, in June 2003, the Saudi Non-oil Export Insurance Program was launched [Saudi Arabian..., 2009, p. 145].

* * *

It is important to note that the state is not recognized as self-sufficient in the process of socio-economic development. Back in 1962, the reformer Faisal named the inviolability of the principle of private property as the seventh in his reform program (the famous "ten points"). A little later, in 1966, in an interview, the reformist King Faisal said: "We intend to move forward through broad planning, guided by our Islamic laws and faith... We have chosen an economic system based on free enterprise, because we are convinced that it is absolutely consistent with our Islamic laws and corresponds to the conditions of our country, allowing people with initiative and any groups to work for the common good. This does not mean their unrestrained growth, we will intervene when the government deems it necessary, but without prejudice to the basic principle... " (cit. by: [King Faisal..., 1980, p. 61]).

In the 1980s, as the oil boom faded and the foundations of the modern economy and society (health care, education, social security) were being created, the authorities began to implement privatization, the main goal of which was to increase the degree of private capital participation in the national economy. This has become an important part of the policy of economic liberalization. In particular, it was planned to increase the efficiency of existing enterprises, ease the conditions for foreign trade operations with guarantees from the Saudi Fund for Development and Capital Movement, finance production projects in developing countries with the support of this fund, and circulate foreign currency within the country. It provided for the creation of private educational institutions and medical institutions along with State educational and health institutions.

The oil industry, or rather the oil and gas industry, was and remains under the control of the state, and the revenues from it are at the disposal of the state. In 2000, the Royal decree established the Supreme Council for Oil and Mineral Resources. All other branches of the national economy created over the past decades are potential ones.

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objects for privatization. (Another clear exception to the list of privatisations is the National Cooperative Insurance Company.)

The State now allows the private sector to operate in areas that were previously exclusive to it. The flexibility of government policy is evident in the fact that private capital is offered two forms of privatization: full transfer of the enterprise to private hands and partial, with the preservation of state participation (at least 40%). In the early 1980s, private capital received a 30% stake in the country's largest industrial company, SABIK. In 1997, the process of partial privatization of the country's state-owned telephone networks began (to improve operational efficiency and reduce the cost of operations). Several private companies, in cooperation with the State Postal service, have started delivering fast mail and parcels. In terms of importance and complexity, the national airline Saudi Arabia should be placed first in the privatization process. It remains a monopoly on domestic and foreign airlines, causing significant losses to the state. Various attempts in the 1980s and 1990s to streamline management and reduce costs were unsuccessful. By privatizing it, the government hopes to improve passenger service, increase the company's profitability, streamline costs, and diversify the company's revenue sources. An important step towards achieving this goal was the creation of a private joint-stock National air transportation company by the decision of the Council of Ministers in October 1998, which also included Saudi Arabia [Saudi Arabian..., 2000, p. 123-124].

Major privatization projects also include seaports and public utilities. In July 2007, by the decision of King Abdullah, as Chairman of the Supreme Economic Council, the list of objects for privatization was expanded. It includes the Seawater Desalination Corporation (offering at least 60% private equity participation in individual operations of the corporation), the Saudi Electric Power Company (additional capital is needed for large-scale power generation capacity projects), and the Saudi Railway Organization (funds are needed for the construction of new sections of track and 35 crossings for cars and camels on the route). on the existing Riyadh-Dammam road), such important social facilities as labor exchanges, and in the agricultural sector - veterinary points and water supply networks [Saudi Arabian..., 2009, p. 33-38].

In August 1999, the Government approved a project developed by the Supreme Economic Council of the Kingdom, which proposed a privatization program as part of economic reforms. Its main goals are: "The safety and welfare of society. Steady growth of the national economy, which ensures a real increase in the population's income. Price stabilization. Ensuring the rational use of labor and optimizing labor resources, including "Saudization". Control of the national debt within reasonable limits. Fair distribution of income, investment, and business opportunities. Diversification of the economy and increase in state revenues. Creating a strong legal framework for investment. Ensuring that the Government provides opportunities for the growth of the national economy in accordance with the national development goals. Strengthening the ability of the national economy to effectively enter the world economy. Expanding the private sector's contribution to the national economy through the government's privatization program " [Saudi Arabian..., 2000, p. 111-112].

In its current activities, the Government takes measures to attract private capital to implement various economic projects, following the main directions of the Seventh (2000-2005) and Eighth (2006-2010) Five-year plans. In particular, it is proposed to take part in projects to create new energy capacities for small settlements, in the construction of schools and other educational institutions in cooperation with the state on favorable terms, as well as in the management of infrastructure facilities (seaports, highways) and state institutions (hospitals, post offices). The Ministry of Education expects that charitable foundations will step up their efforts in developing preschool education and programs for the disabled [Saudi Arabian..., 2000, p. 114; Saudi Arabian..., 2009, p. 48].

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The evolution of the Saudi national economy from a single-industry to a multi-industry one, which began in the 1980s, but takes on real features twenty years later, will obviously entail changes in relations between the state and the private sector. As the share of oil revenues in the budget decreases, the state's ability to achieve absolute dominance weakens due to monopoly control over resources. As the share of resources in the form of taxes collected increases, the supreme power needs to negotiate with certain groups of the ruling elite on the conditions for withdrawing resources. Thus, the diversification of the Saudi economy over time should also affect the socio-political life of the kingdom.

With the change of epochs, the economic strategy of the state must inevitably change. The principles of the "mobilization economy" that provided high rates of economic growth in the 1970s and 1990s remain a thing of the past. But what was a plus twenty years ago is now becoming a minus. The national economy and its new driving mechanisms take on a modern, real shape, and it is revealed that the" market forces " themselves are not able to ensure the successful development of the kingdom. The country has long developed a state-monopoly system along with a private capitalist system, and only the state can organize their interaction.

It is worth noting that, despite the obvious "oil" and "Arabian" specifics, the so-called "two-layered" Saudi economy is quite common in the West. F. Braudel clearly distinguished "capitalism in its various forms" and "market economy "or" two floors "of the Western economy:" the monopolistic sector and the competitive sector", seeing this as a "living dialectic of capitalism" (see [Braudel, 1992, pp. 649-651]). The peculiarity of the Saudi economy is that power is not separated from property, and the ruling family of the Saudis at the same time manages a conglomerate of various industrial and financial corporations. This allows it to regulate economic development through formal and informal mechanisms, both at the state-monopoly level and at a lower level. The interests of the national economy and the interests of the state coincide in the main, and this consideration clearly requires the latter to promote the development of a capitalist (and possibly in the future - post - capitalist) economy.

* * *

The kingdom's social development is based on the oil and gas sector. Thus, despite the rapid growth of the population from 22.5 million in 2004 to 25.4 million in 2009, GDP per capita grew steadily, amounting to 41,668 and 55,535 rials, respectively. Life expectancy increased from 54 years in 1975 to 72.7 years in 2007, which is higher than in most Arab and developing countries. The infant mortality rate (per 1,000 children) dropped from 185 in 1970 to 26 in 2005. The main part of the population lives in cities: in 1975-58.3%, in 2010-82.1% [Saudi Arabian..., 2009, p. 141; Saudi Arabian..., 2010, p. 128].

Thanks to the active policy of the state, new social forces were formed: the national bourgeoisie, the working class, the intelligentsia, and the bureaucracy.

The development of the education system has been and remains one of the most important priorities of the Saudi state. The era of "oil intoxication" ended, when it seemed that everything could be bought for petrodollars. Today, more and more attention is being paid to the development of the human factor. In 1998, the government's efforts to eliminate illiteracy in the Kingdom were awarded a special UNESCO prize. In the last decade, despite financial difficulties, the state's expenditures under the item "human resource development" remain among the largest in the budget.-

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in 2008 - 104.6 billion riyals (25.5%), in 2010 - 137.4 billion riyals (25.5%).

Government spending on university maintenance is increasing. For example, allocations for the development of the King Saud University in 2010 increased by 35.3% compared to 2009, and the King Saud University in 2010 increased by 35.3% compared to 2009. King Abdulaziz University - 20.2%, King Khaled University - 29.8%. The number of schools increased in the short period from 2007 to 2009: primary-13,454 and 13,626, incomplete secondary-7,503 and 7826, full secondary-4,516 and 4,816 [Saudi Arabian..., 2009, p. 129, 225; Saudi Arabian..., 2010, p. 116, 118, 202].

The authorities are well aware of the importance of not only material, but also intellectual development of society. Thus, at the initiative of the Crown Prince, now King, Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, a full computerization of the national education system was launched in secondary schools in the 1990s as part of the "Prince Abdullah National Project", and the curriculum was changed. It provides for an increase in hours spent studying exact sciences and the possibility for students to choose courses based on their own interests. This directly contradicts the traditional teaching methodology, which is based on the predominance of religious disciplines, rote learning and obedience to the teacher (Braudel, 1992, p. 254).

At the same time, the problem of labor remains acute. The national economy emerged and acquired its current quality with the direct and substantial participation of foreign labor. Foreign workers of various professions and skill levels are present in the Kingdom on a temporary and permanent basis, making up a quarter of the population and half of the workforce. In 2009, the population was 25,373. 5 thousand people, including 18,543. 2 thousand Saudis and 6830.3 thousand non - Saudis. The number of amateur population, respectively, is only 8611.0 thousand people, Saudis-4286.5 thousand, non-Saudis-4324.5 thousand [Saudi Arabian..., 2010, p. 216, 220]. The situation in the labor market of civil servants is regulated by the Ministry of Civil Service, and there are labor exchanges for private sector employees. The new Labor Law adopted in 2005 provides for the priority of indigenous citizens of the country when applying for a job.

In line with the goals of the Eighth Five-Year Plan, it is planned to optimize the use of foreign labor not only through its "Saudization", which is slow and difficult. Increasing the number of jobs for the rapidly growing indigenous population remains an important goal in the course of socio-economic development, in particular to reduce unemployment. At the same time, it is planned to restrict the employment of foreigners in some specialties and in some industries, as well as to increase the use of the latest, less labor-intensive technologies. In this regard, the authorities are forced to make a strict choice between economic expediency and profit, on the one hand, and increasing social tensions and potential internal threats, on the other. In particular, the Saudi authorities are under pressure from other countries-members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, offering to ease the conditions of labor migration within the region.

State control actually extends to non-economic spheres of life. In accordance with the decisions of the authorities, public life develops, numerous professional and public organizations operate, and several democratic institutions of power (the Advisory Council, municipal authorities) have been established. In the conditions of accelerated socio-economic development, they take on previously uncharacteristic functions - the formation of a modern worldview, a new work ethic.

Modernization of the country's socio-economic life in the 1970s and 1990s led to the emergence of qualitatively new working and living conditions. In Saudi society, due to the rapid increase in the standard of living and quality of life not only of the top, but also of the middle classes.

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the broad masses of the people have developed a tendency towards a consumerist attitude to life, and its meaning has become seen not in producing, but in consuming without much effort. This trend was superimposed on the long-standing traditional worldview of the nomad in the conditions of natural-patriarchal management. The material displacement of the Saudis from pre-industrial to industrial conditions did not correspond to their behavioral patterns with a tendency to minimize labor efforts in the sparse conditions of the desert. The presence of millions of foreign workers on a permanent basis is perceived by a significant part of the population as a natural process, increasing dependency sentiments and hopes for unconditional state assistance. A considerable part of the indigenous population still ignores "low-prestige professions", preferring clerical work as a government official, service in the army and police, where the received modern education remains a necessary formality.

It is significant that unemployment in the country has been growing in recent years at the expense of young people with secondary and higher education. In 2009, the total number of unemployed people was 463 thousand, of which 168.1 thousand had secondary education, 258.7 thousand had higher education [Saudi Arabian..., 2010, p. 221]. Interior Minister Prince Naif bin Abdulaziz said in response to this issue: "We can't just blame businessmen for the slow pace of Saudization. Our young people should also bear some of the blame. Young people should prepare themselves for any job. Their desire to work for even a small fee will encourage employers to cherish them and raise their salaries" (cit. by: [Filonik and Vavilov, 2004, p. 118]).

Special mention should be made of the efforts that the State has made in recent decades to raise the status of women in Saudi society by developing women's education and allowing young women (accompanied by their relatives) to go abroad to study. The share of women in the total labor force is still small( 16.5% in 2009), but it is growing significantly in some areas and sectors of the economy (health care, primary education, entrepreneurship). Women occupy lower and middle-level positions in the State apparatus (ministries of Foreign Affairs, Health, universities). It is estimated that there are about 3 thousand women engaged in large and medium-sized businesses in the country. Several women serve on the Boards of the Riyadh and Jeddah Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and some are among the country's richest people. Following the course of "Saudization", the government intends to create new jobs specifically for women, including in the industrial sector.

Women's education, which emerged half a century ago at the beginning of the modernization process, has now become an integral part of the development of Saudi society. In 2009, for example, in the total number of students at all levels of education, there was almost complete equality between men and women: 51.6 and 48.4% (primary - 52.8 and 53.3%, complete secondary - 22.6 and 21.8%) [Saudi Arabian..., 2010, p. 220, 202]. In recent years, the Advisory Council has made several recommendations on women's rights: to increase their admission to higher education institutions, to facilitate entry into the civil service, etc. [The Shura Council..., 2007, p. 65, 82-84].

Demographic problems may become a potential source of increased social tension. The share of young people in Saudi society is already extremely high. With an annual population growth of 2.3%, young people under the age of 15 accounted for 8.11 million people in 2009, or 31.97% of the total population; the next age group of 15-39 years is 11.58 million people, or 45.66%. In the last decade, the authorities have been concerned not only with the problems of adapting the younger generation of Saudis to the realities of modern society, but also with more specific issues of ensuring life needs, creating jobs and channeling the growing discontent of the younger generation into a safe channel. The solution of this problem was and remains primarily a matter for the state.

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* * *

At first glance, the experience of the development of the Saudi Kingdom in recent decades indicates a pattern that seemed absolute to liberals of all shades: the development of capitalist principles in socio-economic life inevitably leads to democratization. But this is not entirely true. There is democracy in Saudi Arabia, but it is of a different nature from the Western one: It is based on the traditions of tribal democracy and the will of the State to build a more just society.

The political system of the state that has developed over half a century is enshrined in the basic Acts adopted in 1992, which essentially became the country's constitution. According to them, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an Arab Islamic state, the constitution is the Holy Koran and the Sunnah of the Prophet (traditions), the language is Arabic, the capital is Riyadh (Article 1). The system of government in Saudi Arabia is monarchical, with the ruling dynasty founded by King Abdulaziz bin Abdul Rahman Aal Saud, headed by with the sons of his sons (Article 5). The source of the regime's power is the Holy Qur'an and the Sunnah of the Prophet, which must comply with other laws (Article 7) [Saudi basic Acts, 2005].

Vivid examples of the non-formal significance of this article about the importance of the religious factor were the sanctions of the Supreme Mufti of the kingdom in 1979 to allow the use of military force to liberate the Grand Mosque in Mecca captured by the rebels, or in 1991 to allow military operations against the regime of Saddam Hussein together with non-Muslims (just as half a century ago the fatwa of the supreme mufti allowed King Abdulaziz to start using radio communication in the country). At the same time, in recent decades, the contradictions between the realistic and pragmatic course of the authorities and the ultraconservative views of some of the Ulema have become increasingly visible. It became known about the removal of some imams who denounced the government's actions in their sermons, the closure of the Muslimun newspaper, which expressed extreme fundamentalist views, and the arrests of religious activists who publicly expressed dissatisfaction with the authorities.

The section on the State (Articles 44-71) of the Basic Law contains provisions on the almost absolute power of the King, who is also the head of government, the supreme commander-in-chief, appoints ministers and senior officials, convenes and dissolves the Consultative Council (Majlis ash-shura). At the same time, it was noted that the Majlis (council) The King's Office and the Crown Prince's Majlis will be open to all citizens, so that everyone can use their right to discuss any issues with the authorities (Article 43).

An important and unique element of Saudi statehood is the presence on the territory of the country of the holy places of Islam - the Grand Mosque in Mecca and the Mosque of the Prophet Muhammad in Medina. And the Basic Law states: the state preserves and provides two Holy Mosques, guaranteeing safety for pilgrims (Article 24).

In the section "Rights and obligations" it is noted that the state protects human rights in accordance with the norms of Islamic Sharia (Article 26). It also describes in detail the State's obligations in the social sphere: social protection of citizens and their families, providing opportunities for work, protecting the rights of workers and entrepreneurs, providing education and combating illiteracy, and providing medical services to every citizen (Articles 27-31).

The state's obligations in the field of culture are also defined: the state pays great attention to science and art. It encourages scientific research, preserves Arab and Islamic heritage, and participates in the development of Arab-Islamic and universal civilizations (article 29). It is stated that the mass media should act to educate the masses and strengthen national unity in the country.

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in accordance with the traditions and laws of the state (Article 39). It is noteworthy that in the current conditions of the "cultural challenge" and the expansion of Western mass culture, the Saudi state is ready to resist them. According to Dr. Abdallah ibn Abdel Muhsen al-Turki, in order to protect "one's social and cultural identity from the tyranny of Western culture", one must " adhere to the Divine Guidance, the Qur'an and the Sunnah of the Prophet, the foundations and principles of Sharia, be proud of one's religious and cultural identity and adhere to it in practice. This identity guarantees... a place of honor when it comes to human rights in the international community " [At-Turki, 1997, p. 101]. According to Russian Arabists, the state's cultural policy has clearly defined guidelines, is carried out purposefully and steadily, "sifting out" those elements of modern Western culture that do not correspond to the Muslim and Arab identity [Filonik and Vavilov, 2004, p.125].

At the same time, fidelity to traditions in the understanding of the Saudi authorities does not at all contradict the continuation of changes. In May 2003, King Fahd, in a speech addressed to the members of the Advisory Council, stated: "We strive to ensure that our internal affairs become the object of our own reform... We will review laws and decrees in order to increase the participation of the people in government decision-making. Within the framework of noble Sharia principles, we will open up wider horizons for women." by: [Kosach, 2007, p. 37]).

At the initiative of the current King Abdullah, the King Abdulaziz Center for National Dialogue was established, the importance of which is to establish a regular dialogue and interaction between society and the authorities - in the absence of "normative" institutions of a democratic society according to the Western model. In fact, the creation of the Center for National Dialogue can be called both an initiating reform, since society as a whole is not yet ready to live according to Western principles of democracy, and an authorizing reform. The fact is that in January 2003, 115 representatives of the Saudi " new class "of energetic and enterprising entrepreneurs and intellectuals who received higher education in the West submitted a petition to members of the Saudi family" Vision of the present and future of the Motherland", which proposed continuing reforms in the sphere of political life as an alternative to new problems brewing. In February 2004, a new document of this kind "Together on the path of reform" was published, which was signed by 905 representatives of different strata of Saudi society. The authors of both documents, while offering dialogue to the authorities in the person of the ruling dynasty, saw the existing system of statehood as a basis for dialogue in the unity of system-forming principles - monarchical, Islamic and tribal (see more: [Kosach, 2007, ch. 1]). Nevertheless, some of the signatories of the second document were arrested. Thus, the government has clearly defined the limits within which it is ready to conduct a dialogue with society.

The Saudi family has shown that it does not intend to cede its dominant position and delegate even some of its prerogatives as a single " political class "to the"new class" that has emerged as a result of modernization. For example, the current heir to the throne, Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz, holds the positions of Minister of Defense and Aviation, Inspector General of the Armed Forces, heads the Supreme Committee of the Islamic Conscription Council, the Supreme Council of Muslim Affairs of the Kingdom, the Board of the State Corporation for Civil Aviation, the board of the State Corporation "Saudi Airlines", the Supreme Committee for Economic Development, the State Committee for Strategic General Committee for Military Industry, General Committee for Tourism Affairs, is the Vice-Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors of the Board of Directors

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the National Security Council, the Supreme Council for Oil and Mineral Resources, the Supreme Investment Council, the Supreme Economic Council, and the Supreme Council of the Royal Family. He also manages the Sultan bin Abdulaziz Charitable Foundation, established in 1995, which supports various educational, medical, scientific, social and cultural projects in the Kingdom and other countries (for more information, see [Sultan bin Abdulaziz..., 2007]).

Objectively, the main task of the current regime is to maintain stability in society and sustainable economic development of the country. An indispensable condition for this is the preservation of the existing state. The experience of most Eastern countries, which successfully carried out modernization in the XX century, shows that its final stage was cardinal changes in political life, which brought the political system in line with the changed socio-economic conditions, while maintaining the ruling and ruling groups at the top of power (see: [Yakovlev, 2006, pp. 409-430]).. The secret of such a policy was formulated at the end of the 19th century by the English jurist W. W. Smith. Bejgot. He argued: "Our statesmen should lead society, not let society lead them." U. Bejgot advises the ruling and ruling strata: "Until the lower classes have learned to act together, there is still the possibility of preventing this, and it can only be prevented by the greatest wisdom and the greatest foresight on the part of the upper classes. They must avoid not only all evil, but also all semblance of evil; while the power still belongs to them, they must remove not only all real grievances, but, where possible, all apparent ones. They must voluntarily satisfy any demand that can be met by peaceful means, so that they do not have to meet against their will such a demand that can disturb the peace of the country" [Bedzhgot, 1905, p.14, 16].

The head of the Advisory Council, S. ibn Hamid, not accidentally noted that the process of reform and development in the kingdom is determined by the carefully thought-out and balanced plan of the king, which is based on "the needs of the current stage and the degree of evolution of Saudi society. We do not seek to jump over the stages of reform so as not to stumble over the first obstacle" (cit. by: [Kosach, 2007, p. 296]). It is obvious that not just one mosque, but the state, relying on the mosque, is able to prevent a split in Saudi society on the issue of continuing the modernization process.

* * *

Thus, in the process of modernizing Saudi society, the state was not only the main and decisive actor of change, initiating, directing and regulating the process of accelerated development. At various stages of this process, it established the correlation between traditional and modern principles, measuring their role and importance with changes in society itself and in the world. The state formed the current state of all spheres of society's life-economic, social, political and cultural. It, of course, retains and tries to maintain control over these areas in the future.

And what about Saudi society itself? It did not simply delegate its powers to the State by adopting the principle of patriarchy in the state-society relationship. The Arab-Muslim civilization has formed a different model of "state-society" than the Western, European Christian civilization, in which the religious basis of public life is preserved, and the divine nature is recognized as the source of power and law. And in the conditions of rapid modernization by historical standards, without surviving either its Renaissance, Enlightenment, or great revolutions, which in the West rejected Tradition, created a different system of values, and formed a rational and pragmatic basis for public life, the self-propelled guns-

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The Germans were able to preserve the foundations of their Tradition. And it turned out that for the time being, these traditional foundations can be combined with the latest material achievements of the capitalist formation.

Of course, at the beginning of the XXI century, in the context of globalization in Saudi society, a contradiction is brewing between the objective need for its entry into the world community and the desire of a part of society to isolate itself from the growing changes and close itself within the traditional culture and habitual way of life. This contradiction can hardly disappear or resolve itself. But it is significant that the bulk of the country's population-rich and poor, conservatives and reformers-are equally interested in maintaining the leading role of the state in public life.

Therefore, the state in Saudi Arabia, having played a historically necessary and crucial role as an agent and locomotive of modernization, at the beginning of the XXI century retains its importance as an initiator and regulator of modernization, meaning not just the power apparatus, but the state as a "sum of hierarchies" (F. Braudel) - political, economic, social, cultural and religious. It is likely that in the future, when implementing new reforms, the authorities will proceed not so much from the principle of efficiency as from the principle of stability, striving for a possible "harmony of interests" of various social forces in society.

The state is forced to change, because Saudi society has changed, and the external world has changed and is rapidly changing, from which it is impossible to isolate oneself in the context of globalization. But in the course of modernization, society retains a strong social, cultural and religious continuity in relation to the historical experience, which was not interrupted. Such a reliable support can significantly help the State's efforts to implement new reforms. After all, even today, when entering into communication with the state, residents of the kingdom, regardless of origin and social status, are guided not by key state institutions and laws, but by the "key figure" of a member of the Aal Saud family. The past is not left there in yesterday.

It seems that Saudi Arabia will strengthen and develop the trends in economic life that were manifested in the 1990s: increasing independence of the private sector and cooperation between the state and private capital on an equal basis within the framework of the "development economy" system, and no longer the "consumption economy" and not yet the "knowledge economy". In social life, the state is doomed to retain the obligations that were assumed during the reign of Kings Faisal, Khaled, Fahd and Abdullah, enshrined in the articles of the Basic Law. In the social and political spheres, we can expect a growing contradiction between the expectations of change on the part of educated Saudi youth and the desire of conservative forces to preserve the integrity of the current way of life. So far, the authorities are making far-sighted concessions, using the method of sanctioning reforms: recognizing the legitimacy of those transformations that have already emerged and strengthened in society. At the same time, there is still a tendency to reduce the role of the state as a full-fledged regulator of all public life and the only reformer. Apparently, some of these functions will be taken over by the modernizing Saudi society.

list of literature

Bedzhgot V. Gosudarstvennyy stroi Anglii [The State System of England]. Moscow, 1905.

Braudel F. Vremya mira, Moscow, 1992.
Kosach G. G. Saudi Arabia: internal political processes of the "stage of reforms", Moscow, 2007.
Proshin N. I. Saudi Arabia, Moscow, 1964.
Sultan bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. [B. M.], 2007.

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At-Turki, Abdallah ibn Abdel Muhsen. Islam and human rights on the example of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Riyadh, 1997.

Filonik A. O., Vavilov A. I. Saudi Arabia: search for inner harmony, Moscow, 2004.
Yakovlev A. I. Saudi Arabia: ways of evolution, Moscow, 1999.
Yakovlev A. I. Ocherki modernizatsii stran Vostoka i Zapada v XIX-XX vekakh [Essays on modernization of the countries of the East and West in the XIX-XX centuries].
Arab News. Riyadh.

King Faisal and the Modernization of Saudi Arabia. L., 1980.

The Middle East Economic Digest. L.

Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency. Annual Report. Riyadh, 2000.

Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency. Annual Report. Riyadh, 2009.

Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency. Annual Report. Riyadh, 2010.

Saudi basic Acts. Riyadh, 2005.

The Shura Council (Consultative Council) of Saudi Arabia: Past and Present. Riyadh, 2007.

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