Rus - Russia - USSR ... In this semantic triangle, the thought of emigrants revolved, sometimes reviving the glorious past of their lost Homeland (Rus), then referring to the pre-War period and filling the heart with longing (Russia), then evoking feelings of hopelessness and despondency (USSR). The latter, perhaps, is well illustrated by the words of M. Tsvetaeva: "If I were in Russia, everything would be different, but there is no Russia (sound), there are letters: USSR, I can't go to the deaf, without vowels, in the whistling thick" (What is in your name?..). What associations and ideas appeared in the minds of emigrants of the first and second "waves" when pronouncing and writing the name ("sound") Russia - as opposed to the "voiceless" ("whistling thick of letters") USSR?
The special position of a proper name in the language is dictated by the fact that its nominative capabilities focus on denoting a single reality, and not a class of objects. So the proper name doesn't matter, but it does make sense. Because of this, the proper name names, names, it naturally always correlates with one subject (denotation). N. V. Krushevsky pointed out this difference between proper names and common names at the end of the XIX century (Essays on the science of language. Kazan, 1883); and half a century later it was proved by a Polish linguist
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E. Kurilovich: proper names have a narrow sphere of use and have "extremely rich linguistic content" (Essays on Linguistics, Moscow, 1962). The German philosopher and logician of the late 19th century, G. Frege, in his article "Meaning and Denotation" (1898), gave an exact description of the meaning of a proper name: this is "a way of representing a denotation in a sign".
The name Rus has always attracted the attention of etymologists (more than a dozen articles have been published in recent years alone), since it is not just a geographical name (toponym), but also plays an important pragmatic and ideological role in the Russian language and culture. It could not stay away from the "onomastic revolution" after 1917, when many former (pre-revolutionary) names in the Soviet language were replaced by new ones and pushed to the periphery of public consciousness. Before the 1917 revolution, Rus was used as part of the historical terms Kievan Rus, Belaya Rus, Moscow Rus, Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia (the dignity was restored on November 5 [18], 1918), or in a rhetorical and poetic style (poetry, phraseology, proverbs and sayings).
The emigrant "circle of life" not only did not kill the semantic associations inherent in the name Rus in pre-revolutionary times, but, perhaps, even more activated them. In the emigrant editions of the "first and second wave" (1918-1930s), several "layers" of the meaning of the proper name Rus can be distinguished.
We did not encounter any terminological use of the name Rus as the second word in compound names. However, this element is used in complex formations such as Great Russia (Great Russia), Belarus.
In contrast to Soviet journalism, the terms Velikorus (Velikoros - the name has spread since the second half of the XIX century), Belorussian, Maloros and the adjectives formed from them velikorussky( velikorossky), malorossiysky are quite often found on the pages of emigrant publications: "The Bolsheviks sometimes "frighten" the people now with the "return of the monarchy", but they invariably resurrect them other, more terrible, though also imaginary "scarecrows": "serfdom of landlords", "bondage of factory owners", "oppression of all other nationalities by the Great Russians" (Vozrozhdenie. 1937. N 4107. 20 Nov.); "I am convinced that all of us, i.e. all intelligent Russian people, carry in our veins such a mixture of national bloodlines that it is extremely difficult for us to define ourselves on the basis of geographical origin - especially in matters of Little Russian and great Russian, we will very simply collide when necessary it will, yes, probably, and there will be no need to come to an agreement" (Russian Voice, 1939, No. 415, March 19).
In the Soviet language, the consistent elimination of adjectives small and great that carry negative associations has become normative
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when identifying peoples or nationalities, or state entities (Grand Duchy of Finland). "Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language "(edited by D. N. Ushakov) designations velikorussky, velikorusy (velikorosy), velikorossiysky, malorossiysky, Maloros, Malorus, Malorus supplies litters " knizhn.(oe) outdated.(yeloe)", " dorevol.(yu.) " with an ideological clarification for velikorussky, Velikorussky - "the name arose in the Moscow state on the basis of a great-power ideology that declared the Russian nation "great" in comparison with the Ukrainian and Belarusian" and for malorussky, Malorussky - "the chauvinistic name of Ukrainians" (Ibid. Vol.1, 2).
Even a new name appears in the emigrant press - Prykarpathian Rus, which ideologically carries an important function for emigrants: "The third component of the late Czechoslovak republic-the unfortunate and defenseless Prykarpathian Rus, renamed by the rascal "Monsignor" Voloshin into the Carpathian "Ukraine", is left at the mercy of its closest neighbors " (Russian Voice, 1939, N 415. 19 March).
In addition to the use of Rus as part of these designations, it is involved in the formation of such phrases that allow you to distinguish the following circles of meanings in the name, or stable associative fields: the circle of historical associations associated with the ancient past of the state, so the name is often accompanied by the epithet holy-Holy Russia; monarchical associations - closely intertwined in the minds of monarchical emigrants with the idea of monarchy, and the state without a tsar, emperor-was presented to them as decapitated, incapacitated; the circle of church associations with traditional definitions combined with the name Rus, - this is Orthodox, Christian. The use of the name Rus in church and other stylistically colored contexts gave rise to pathos and pathos and led to the formation of a circle of rhetorical associations: "The book gives a vivid image of the moral image of the Sovereign Emperor Nicholas Alexandrovich and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, the greatness of Their spirit, Their unwavering loyalty to the ideals of Holy Russia, Their boundless love for the Fatherland and the Russian People, and Their Martyr's Way of the Cross" (Russian voice. 1939. N 414. March 12); "General Dietrichs attaches great importance to the religious aspect of the task before him, and here, among the Cossacks, the true sons of Holy Russia, the course of action he has adopted finds a direct response in the hearts "(Appeal. 1919. N 46. 5 [23] Sept.).
Longing for the Motherland, places dear to the heart, and the Russian language is contained in the designation Svyatorusye, which encompasses all the variety of emigrant memories: "It is difficult to influence such a mass phenomenon,
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as a language, but this is especially difficult outside of the motherland, outside of the air, which itself, according to the old expression, smells like Holy Russia " (Russian Voice, 1939, No. 413, March 5). However, the connection with the lost Homeland of emigrants is constantly maintained, at least by transferring this name to the future Russia after the Bolsheviks, or to the Russia that was in exile and keeps it in its hearts and traditions. Thus, a new circle of associations of name continuity and statehood is born.
In the minds of emigrants, there is a clear link that connects the concepts of "former Russia" - "continuation of Russia (Russia) in emigration" - "Russia reborn, recreated"in a chain. The name Rus gets an extended use and revives the old, old Russian, when the inhabitants of the country were called by this designation: "... Pushkin is also honored by American Rus, by arranging lectures, reports and literary and musical evenings" (Dawn. 1937. N 35. February 11) - the semantic mechanism is metonymy: the name of the country is transferred to people. In a journalistic text, the name Rus becomes a symbol associated with the name Russia. The name Russia was associated with the state-territorial structure, the name Rus-with its spiritual, national and religious identity: "Russkaya Gazeta"... it will wage all sorts of struggle against foreigners who dream of seizing Russian territory and enslaving or destroying the Russian people, which is unacceptable! We are against the division of Russia - we are for a Free, Indivisible Russia " (Russkaya Gazeta. 1937. N 1).
Thus, the proper name Rus in the emigrant journalism of the "first and second wave" actualizes the meanings due to the previous historical and cultural associations, and new ones are acquired that are connected with the emigrant "circle of life". This is the difference from the Soviet language, where this name in the 20-30s of the XX century was on the linguistic and cultural periphery.
The peculiarity of the use of the name Rus by emigrants-in contrast to the Soviet language - appears at the semantic and syntactic (compatibility) levels, being determined by a pragmatic factor. Unlike the pre-revolutionary discourse, the name Russia can no longer do without its semantic concretizers - in the words of S. I. Kartsevsky, the "particularization" of the word took place; the previously dense semantic definiteness of the concept ("imperial Russia", "Russia as a state in Europe") was replaced by an unstable semantic content (is there such a state entity? is there even a country that can be "assigned" or "named" this name?).
Epithets very eloquently show this "particularization": for the "former" Russia, they are - national Russia, self-determination.
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modern Russia, sovereign Russia, tsarist Russia, imperial Russia, Russian Russia, former Russia: "France, an ally of the former Russia, is being pushed to make financial sacrifices for the sake of helping Germany, and the latter supports the USSR, the enemy of Russia" (Voice of Russia. 1931. August 2). For "new", Soviet Russia, the epithets are: Soviet Russia (or the abbreviation sov borrowed from the Soviet language. Russia ); forced Russia - " Forced Russia is silent, but emigration is divided and wanders in darkness... "(Voice of Russia. 1931. Aug 2); ragged and rouged Russia - "[Leo London] paints a picture of ragged and rouged Russia in front of millions of French people " (Vozrozhdenie. 1927. October 4); crucified Russia - " ...we must faithfully and amicably stand under the holy banner raised by the Rightful King. We must do at once what is most hateful to all the enemies of crucified Russia and, consequently, what is most useful to them" (Russian Banner, June 4-7, 1925), etc.
Epithets, even if they are relative adjectives, acquire a strong value in the journalistic text. This phenomenon is well known in the language: relativity can easily turn into quality, this is especially true for political concepts and terms in critical periods of society's development. Cf. adjectives Soviet, communist, revolutionary, and some others. in the language of the revolutionary era, they acquired a strong quality, which sometimes turns out to be dominant (Morphology and syntax of the modern Russian literary language, Moscow, 1968). In the language of emigration, evaluation is evident in adjectives, participles, and other syntactic constructions: living Russia is "... a wandering revolutionary octopus that has settled on living Russia " (Vozrozhdenie. 1939. July 7); resurrected Russia - "Resurrected Russia will never forgive the shed blood of the innocent" (Vozrozhdenie. 1937, November 20); thinking, creating, and working Russia - "The entire struggle of Dzerzhinsky, Stalin, and other apparatchiks against the Trotsky - Zinoviev opposition was and remains only the "mouthpiece" of the struggle waged by all thinking, creating, and working Russia against the reactionary, obsolete scholasticism of Leninism" (Dengi, 1926. November 21.Christ's Russia - "Communism will die , and Christ's Russia will triumph" (Voice of Russia. 1933. January-February-March) and many others.
Obviously, these examples are enough to say that for the emigrant consciousness the name Russia acts as an image: on the one hand, the personification of Russia takes place, on the other hand, a semantic and spiritual echo is formed with the biblical sufferings of Christ: the resurrection of Russia, Russia will also rise, tortures over Russia, Russia is starving, the enslavement of Russia by the Bolsheviks, the vitality of the Russia, so that Russia becomes free and contented, Russia
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under the Bolsheviks, the Bolshevik disintegration of Russia, decapitate Russia, Russia flowed with streams of blood and tears, etc.
The metaphorical perception of the name Russia gives rise to a comparison with a free steppe horse: "From the outside, and even from a distance, it is difficult to imagine and appreciate the terrible ruinous nature of the Stalinist communist gang, which bridled and saddled the free steppe horse - Russia and is still driving it wherever it wants" (Russian Voice, 1939. March 26). Associative coupling of the name Russia with a daring horse ride and troika (compare Gogol's "Dead Souls") or long multi-verst stretches between stops on the way (compare Pushkin's "Stationmaster") or a young foal (compare the poem "Soviet Russia" by S. Yesenin, where the image of a young foal is easily guessed rural, rural Russia) Apparently, the Russians have penetrated quite deeply into the semantic structure of the name Russia, so that the appearance of the comparison in the journalistic text as a development of the symbol is not accidental. A symbol is only alive when new forms of verbal or linguistic expression appear within the boundaries of a given pattern-image (the semantic connection of the symbol).
The perception of the name Russia not just as a geographical term (toponym), but as an image leads to the appearance of a large number of phrases that characterize the attitude of different parties, movements, and groups to the word: love for Russia, enemy of Russia, in the struggle for Russia, executioners of Russia, murderers of Russia, defeatists of Russia, etc.
From a semantic point of view, applications act as a means of characterizing an object through a parallel name. In emigrant publications, one of the most frequent applications is the word Motherland, which is often paired with the name Russia: common Homeland-Russia, unhappy Homeland-Russia, Great Motherland-Russia.
Thus, the name Russia in emigrant journalism (1919-1930-ies) indicates a special pragmatic tension of this designation and its rich semantic content, which allows us to "read" and isolate in it actual meanings associated with both historical allusions and modern reality for emigrants. The name Russia turns out to be an image that reveals hidden, "hidden" meanings in the text, ideas and associations compressed in it.
The Soviet language was characterized by the desire to completely separate and break the name from the old, pre-revolutionary, tsarist ideas, associations and fill it with new semantic content. In the emigrant consciousness, the name of the country was embedded in a multidimensional historical and chronological system of forms of a single word (paradigm), the elements of which - in addition to the above-were-
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The Soviets, the U.S.S.R., the U.S.S.R., the Soviet Russia, the Kremlin, the Soviet Department, the Soviet Union, the Tri-Series, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Genghis Khan, and the East were united.
One of the most frequent uses in emigrant journalism was the use of the names Soviet Russia, Soviet Union. Even if these names are used as nominative units, their apparent neutrality: the ideological qualifier Sovetsky solves the whole thing - its pragmatics are negative for almost all emigrant groups. The spelling has not yet been established: you can find such forms as Soviet Russia, Soviet Russia, sov. Russia. The first of them is evidence that the adjective is perceived by emigrants only as a lexical definition, and the phrase has not yet become a composite term; the second-indicates that a composite term has been formed from two nominative units, the third-is obviously taken out of the "Soviet" language, where this syllabic abbreviation was used very often. wide.
The designation Soviet Union in emigrant journalism is written either with a lowercase or uppercase letter. The pragmatic potential of this designation in the eyes of emigrants turns out to be unambiguously negative: "We know very well how difficult it is for Russian people, sitting behind the wire of that huge prison called the Soviet Union, and forced to see everything through the false glasses of red Soviet newspapers, to understand what is happening in the white world" (Russkaya Pravda. 1925. September-October); " The rulers of the Soviet Union are criminal gangsters who use the services and knowledge of political gangsters. Both types have the same characteristic: atrophy of the psychic centers that control the ideas of moral values" (Russian Voice, 1939, February 26). A striking graphic sign that translates the name into the plane of irony or semantic fictitiousness is quotation marks: "Izvestia is indignant at the interference of the French Chamber in the internal affairs of the 'Soviet Union '" (Days, February 15, 1925). There was also a syllabic spelling of owls. union: "Some deputies, talking about the bloody feasts of the Chekists in Georgia, at the same time supported the desire of Georgians to break away from the USSR. Izvestia saw this as a speech against the "unity of the Soviet] union" "(Days, 1925, February 15). In fairness, it should be noted that the disorder of these spellings was also characteristic of the Soviet language in the 20s.
In emigrant journalism, the term "metonymic substitution" is also used. <Soviets of Workers 'and Peasants' Deputies) for the designation of the Soviet State, taken from Bolshevik publications: "In German industrial circles, which have
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the case with the Soviets, quite a strong impression was made by the arrest of a major businessman living in Moscow, Yuli Isaakovich Hessen "(Today. 1930. 14 Jan.); "...rejoicing for the" clique "of Japanese "plutocrats", the Bolsheviks promise the Russians only a crane in the sky: "it is very possible that the Soviet-Japanese agreement will give a new impetus to rapprochement between America and the Soviets.".. Wait! " (Days. 1925. 30 Jan.).
Even during the Civil War, the designation of the territories occupied by the Bolsheviks was born - Sovdep, Sovdepiya. Although the names were especially widely used by anti-Bolshevik parties and groups, they even penetrated Bolshevik speech usage, but in the 1920s they were replaced as offensive and discordant; "Since bribery is flourishing in the Soviet Department, which is unprecedented in the history of Russia, most refugee echelons were able to get out of Soviet Russia thanks to large bribes to Soviet employees" (Steering wheel. 1920. December 1); "... over the past year, people began to escape not from personally directed scorpions, but simply from monstrous, impossible and unbearable-political, material, legal, cultural-conditions that turn life in the Soviet Department into a real hell " (Vladimir Nabokov. We and They / / Steering Wheel. 1920. 2 Dec.).
The abbreviation of the USSR attracted the closest attention of emigrants. The novelty, strangeness and incomprehensibility of such a designation gave rise to a variety of associations or interpretations. One of them is the reading of the second component as a noun of the Union of Soviets of Socialist Republics: "... Japan's main rival in the Far East (...) They are not America or China, but the closest and most insidious neighbor in the face of the Union of Soviets of Socialist Republics, or in short, the USSR." 1932. September-October).
An attempt to adapt the abbreviation of the USSR to names in = uya (- uja) is often found on the pages of emigrant publications and may indicate two processes:: on the "linguistic" method of "fighting" an alien ideological and political term; the adaptation of a toponymic abbreviation to the Russian language system according to the type of Russia and neologisms of the post-revolutionary period Sovdepiya, Bolsheviziya: "... starting from the North Caucasus, through the Volga and Urals to Western Siberia and then up to the Pacific coast, a terrible wave swept through the USSR a wave of earth-digging uprisings, in which broad strata of the grassroots authorities of the Soviet party apparatus took the closest part, on the side of the earth-diggers "(Voice of Russia. 1933. January-February-March); "There, in the USSR-ai, in the fifteen-year savage torture of quartering the soul and body, the Russian people unconditionally make an atoning sacrifice for the grave sin of temporary weakening in the faith of Christ and brotherly love, and, being reborn, by-
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gradually awakens to the revival of national unity "(Voice of Russia. 1933. January-February-March).
The activation of formations in-uja to denote political and geographical realities is not a purely emigrant invention, but was generally characteristic of the language of the 20s: Skoropadiya (after Hetman Skoropadsky), Sovdepiya, and even Eresefeseria (A. Mazon. Lexigue de la guerre et de la revolution en Russie (1914-1918). Paris, 1920). Obviously, modelness also provoked the emergence of a neologism in the language - the designation of Bolshevism by analogy with the name of the Soviet Department: "This, once very talented, writer [A. A.]. Tolstoy] changed his emigrant existence to Soviet life back in 1922. In Bolshevism, he immediately occupied a very well-fed place near the powers that be... "(Vozrozhdenie. 1939. July 14); "No bells can be rung in Bolshevism" (Days, February 10, 1925).
Writing the initial abbreviation S. S. S. R. (with dots, that is, as a graphic abbreviation) is rarely found in emigrant publications, much more often-without dots. This process was also typical for the Soviet language: "dot" spellings began to give way to lexicalized (without dots), and in the early 30s they practically disappeared (Word formation of the modern Russian literary language, Moscow, 1968). The designation of the USSR was the subject of linguistic and ideological manipulations among emigrants, and many of them denied the right to exist to the concept itself, not seeing in it real content elements.: "After the same Stalinist droshkies, the Latest News obligingly ran and still runs, splashing themselves, now from head to toe, with Bolshevik mud. What the USSR means to them. Without a trace - "a normal state" - says the editorial of "Latest News" ... "(Vozrozhdenie. 1939. July 7); "They talk about the Anglo-French-Russian negotiations, as if for twenty years Russia has not been imprisoned in a dirty and bloody coffin called the USSR" (Vozrozhdenie. 1939. July 7); and many others.
The increased metaphorical and journalistic nature of the term USSR also caused negative associations of a phonological nature: "Officially, this year there was no Russia. It was renamed into four sounds of some robber whistle-the USSR... "(For freedom. 1925. January 1). The comparison of this abbreviation with the whistle and the appeal to folk - folklore motives of the whistle ("the whole country was whistled") are generally often found on the pages of emigrant publications, not only journalism. The generic affiliation of the abbreviation of the USSR was also not determined-male, female and neuter; "This very situation exists throughout the USSR under the rule of the Politburo: whoever the komyacheyka wants to destroy for some reason, it destroys" (Days. 1925. February 11); " ... emigration has to endure the struggle for the spiritual values of the Russian people, save what you want
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hinders the actual transformation of Russia "seriously and permanently" into an impersonal USSR" (d. 1925. 27 Jan.).
The unusual designation of the country by the abbreviation of the USSR gave rise to the ironic designation of the Three Series in emigrant journalism:"...it is not necessary to count on a well-fed and free life in the conditions of the Triesery "(Rus. golos. 1939. January 1-14); " The ignorant rulers of the Triesery, who are hysterically inclined, as true revolutionaries should be, cannot, of course, understand that in the old cultured England they treat all the phenomena of life calmly and equably, be it at least honoring a great national genius (...) And in exactly twenty-five years, England will celebrate the four-hundredth anniversary of Shakespeare's birth. But God willing, it will not be the Trieseria that will respond to this celebration, but the real national Russia " (Vozrozhdenie. 1939. July 14).
Metonymic substitutions for the names Soviet Russia and the USSR are often given to the names Moscow and the Kremlin as symbolic centers of Bolshevik politics and the Soviet state: "In fact, Moscow does not want to conclude a real alliance with Britain and France, but with Germany - and cannot" (Vozrozhdenie. 1939. July 7); "The same line of Moscow - exactly! - it was carried out from day to day by "Yumanite", on the explicit order of the Kremlin "(Vozrozhdenie. 1939. July 7); "Such are the thoughts of the Red Kremlin, thoughts that are undoubtedly large, broad, cunningly conceived and promise the Soviet government and the 3rd International broad prospects for ensuring their military invasion deep into the Asian states "(Voice of Russia. 1931. October 1).
Pairing the new name with the country's past history revives the old name Muscovy, which was used in foreign sources of the XVI-XVII centuries, and gives rise to the neologism Genghis Khan: "The modern descendants of Slavophilism go further. For them, the ideal of a real Russia lies in the depths of centuries, when Russia was only the East. Exalting Genghis Khan, they forget that the main desire of the Russian people of those times was-may God save the Horde.
And as soon as Russia got back on its feet, it soon reached out to the light of universal, European culture" (Days. 1925. February 10). Thus, publicistic designations of Russia serve as a means for emigrants, who find themselves mostly in European countries, to understand the role and place of their lost homeland in European history and culture.
Saint-Petersburg
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