This article analyzes problems of preservation and reproduction of religious tradition in modern society using the example of Russian Orthodoxy. The author uses the apparatus of the phenomenological philosophy of A. Schutz to analyze the translation of "high" forms of tradition. P. Bourdieu's concept of habitus is used to describe the mechanism of the transmission of tradition in its "popular" manifestation. In the first case, the transfer of the semantic content of the tradition is realized under the conditions of the We-relationship in the immediate environment, where people are able to understand each other in the best possible way. In the second case, the concept of habitus allows us to describe how the tradition that has been developing for a long time within the community of believers remains at the level of practice, often not reaching the level of discourse and consciousness. Thus, a community of believers has various options for understanding and preserving the tradition: from attempts to penetrate the sense of the cultural heritage left by predecessors and to follow it today, to the preservation of the external manifestations of faith and the practices it presupposes in unchanged form. Therefore, religious tradition now appears in a variety of forms.

Keywords: religion, Orthodox Christianity, tradition, society, phenomenology, understanding, A. Schutz, habitus, religious practices, P. Bourdieu.

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RELIGIOUS tradition is studied by representatives of various scientific disciplines, there are many approaches to this concept and attempts to define it. They, in one way or another, address the problems of continuity and changes in society, the inheritance of any activities and values from the past. Tradition is something that preserves stability, gives people a sense of continuity and constancy. It is constantly being produced and reproduced, while undergoing changes that are not always fully recognized by those who make them.1 The presence of a religious tradition contributes to the emergence of a group identity in people, their awareness of their differences from other groups. The community that emerges from tradition has a certain cultural baggage inherited from its predecessors. It includes practices, creeds, and historical experiences that give many individuals a sense of connectedness and unity, as well as a sense of belonging to an ancient tradition. They have a common sacred language, rituals, symbols, relics, etc.

In this article, the analysis of religious tradition will be based primarily on existing research on Russian Orthodoxy. Some comparisons with other religions will help clarify certain aspects of the topic. We will consider two theoretical models designed to explain how religious tradition exists and reproduces in today's changing world. Why does it appear in so many different ways? In today's conditions, can a community of believers adhere to the ancient tradition in its original form? Who are the bearers of the religious tradition? Obviously, this is a very heterogeneous group. Within it, we can distinguish, firstly, "advanced" bearers of the tradition (religious ascetics, priests, monks, etc.) and, secondly, "ordinary" parishioners with varying degrees of ecclesiasticism and spiritual needs.M. Weber noted that people differ in their religious giftedness... not everyone has the charisma necessary for a specifically religious lifestyle... Methodically working for their own salvation, religious virtuosos everywhere formed a special religious "estate" within the community of believers, which often had a special role to play.-

1. Bell, С. (1992) Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, p. 118. Oxford University Press.

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a very specific feature of any class is a special social prestige in the circle of co-religionists.2
Despite all the conventionality and some simplification, this division into "virtuosos", i.e. a kind of spiritual elite, and "simpletons", carriers of" folk religion", is widespread and, apparently, not without reason. Different methods are used to study these types of religiosity: ethnological and structuralist methods are often used to study folk religion, and phenomenological philosophy is often considered suitable for studying the world of "virtuosos". We will follow this example and apply the conceptual framework of A. Schutz's phenomenological philosophy to analyze the translation of "high" forms of tradition, and to describe the mechanism of transmission of tradition in its "grassroots" manifestations, we use the concept of practical logics by P. Bourdieu, exploring the heuristic possibilities of the latter. It seems to us that these two completely different theoretical approaches will allow us to see the important aspects of the reproduction of religious tradition, and their comparison will bring us closer to answering the questions raised.

Model of "virtuosos": reproduction of spiritual practices in the immediate environment

A considerable number of ascetic and mystical texts record and convey to us descriptions of the higher spiritual states of saints. Special literature is devoted to the analysis of the content and conditions of achieving this direct experience.3 We will note some of the features identified by the researchers, which we will need for further analysis.

Meaningfulness of spiritual practices is a characteristic feature of Orthodoxy 4. His spiritual tradition "is characterized by a distinct, vivid image of-

2. Weber M. Khozyaistvo i obshchestvo [Economy and society]. Essays on Understanding Sociology, T. P. Obshchnosti, Moscow: Publishing House of Higher School of Economics, 2017, p. 196.

3. For example, see: Zarin S. M. Asceticism on Orthodox-Christian teaching. SPb.: Printing House of V. F. Kirshbaum, 1907; Shpidlik T. Dukhovnaya traditsiya vostochnogo khrististva [Spiritual tradition of Eastern Christianity]. Systematic presentation, Moscow: Publishing House "Paoline", 2000; Khoruzhiy S. S. To the phenomenology of asceticism, Moscow: Publishing House of Humanitarian Literature, 1998.

4. Even all kinds of sacred rites in Christianity have numerous quite rational interpretations that explain their meaning and significance (see fig.

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an enthusiastic impulse and even pathos of understanding and interpretation. The tradition seeks to make the experience of the feat meaningful, elaborated, interpreted, interpreted exhaustively, to the end, only in this way it agrees to accept it and include it in its corpus. " 5
Researchers note that the spiritual practice peculiar to tradition is a common property, can be carried out only in its own spiritual environment, it is characterized by dialogical verification by universal or conciliar experience, and "the verification of its truth consists in establishing its conciliarity" 6.

Tradition has always been very attentive to the question of the ways, mechanisms and ways of its transmission and reproduction. Within it, there is an institution of spiritual guidance, mentoring, which refers to the indispensable and original conditions for the existence and continuation of the tradition. The teacher-student relationship plays a primary role in all areas of spiritual practice, "through the relationship with the mentor, introduction to experience, teaching of experience is carried out"7. Spiritual mentoring practices were diverse, but relationships with the living bearer of the tradition were a prerequisite.8
Having noted these features of the Orthodox tradition found by researchers, we will turn further to the phenomenological philosophy of A. Schutz in order to build a model explaining the mechanism of transmission and reproduction of religious tradition at the level of the spiritual elite. Schutz introduces the concepts of the immediate and wider environment, which are characterized by different degrees of mutual understanding of people. Individuals in the immediate environment co-exist in time and space. They, as Schutz puts it, "grow old together." Their minds are synchronized and focused on each other. They have the same environment, originally set

for example: Borner R. Byzantine interpretations of the VII-XV centuries on the Divine Liturgy. Moscow: PSGGU Publishing House; cultural center "Spiritual Library", 2015. p. 27).

5. Horuzhiy S. S. On the phenomenology of asceticism. p. 252.

6. Ibid., p. 247.

7. Ibid., p. 227.

8. Hieromonk (now Metropolitan) Hilarion (Alfeyev) notes that "in the IX-XI centuries. In Byzantium, the practice of spiritual guidance to the laity by non-ordained monks existed and was widespread; this practice included the acceptance of confession by monks who did not have spiritual dignity" (Hilarion (Alfeyev), Jerome. Venerable Simeon the New Theologian and Orthodox Tradition, Moscow: Krutitskoe Patriarchal Metochion, 1998, p. 166).

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a shared intersubjective world. They mutually experience their partner and make sense of the shared experience. Schutz calls these social relationships of the immediate environment We - relationship. Only the people in them have the right to assume that they fully understand each other, since it is possible to equate the self-interpretation of one person's experience with the corresponding self-interpretation of his partner's experience. Their interpretative schemes are almost identical, and what is very important, those who live in the we-relationship have a fundamental opportunity to ask each other a question that clarifies the authenticity of the understanding.

A. Schutz contrasts the relations of the broad environment with the near environment. In them, the actors are anonymous, and because of their remoteness, they have indirect experience. Their mutual correlation in reality is absent, but exists only in the imagination. Therefore, they are accessible to each other only by typing. The broad social environment appears as standard types, i.e. people who behave in a "typical" way. Specific behavior is attributed to them, and their activities are perceived as typical and functional (for example, a typical saint, a typical elder, or a clergyman).

Participants in broad-environment relationships draw conclusions about other people's consciousness processes based on indirect inference based on the previous and initially acquired experience of we-relationships in the immediate environment. The totality of the experience gained in the immediate environment and the ideal types created on its basis are interpretive schemes for the wider environment and are transferred to it. A. Schutz believes that if a person did not have the experience of synchronously realizable comprehension obtained in the immediate environment, then he would not be able to understand the wider environment. According to Schutz, any interpretation using a typical construction is probabilistic in nature and is determined by the experience of the observer at the time of its creation. The further the interpretations move away from the living connection of the we-relationship, the more reason there is to doubt "whether the unconditionally assumed is really the case" 9.

9. Schutz A. Izbrannoe: Mir, svetiyashchiy smyslom [Selected works: The world that glows with meaning]. Moscow: "Russian Political Encyclopedia" (ROSSPEN), 2004, pp. 902, 931.

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The phenomenological concept of A. Schutz shows why the transmission of religious tradition in the most complete and preserved form is realized in the conditions of social relations of the immediate environment. The people who support them are in we-relationships, are able to understand each other in the best possible way, they have the same environment, shared experience, and the same interpretative schemes. The assimilation of tradition from its bearer in direct communication forms a living chain of succession: from teacher to student, from confessor to novice, from mentor to murid (in Islam). This is the subject of a classic article by V. S. Sementsov on the mechanism of transmission of traditional religious culture:

It is transmitted from one person to another, the sacred text, with all boundless respect for it, played a rather subordinate, instrumental role in teaching; the main goal was not to reproduce the text, but the teacher's personality - a new, spiritual birth of the student from him. It was precisely this - the living personality of the master as a spiritual being - that was the content that was passed down from generation to generation through the sacred text... The essence of broadcasting traditional culture is that with the help of a number of special techniques, the spiritual personality of the teacher is revived in the student. In cases where this transfer of personality takes place, the culture is reproduced, otherwise it is not.10
According to our model, the goal and purpose of religious infrastructure (monasteries, parish churches, spiritual schools, etc.) is to create conditions for the preservation and development of the practice of spirituality and mentoring, when a wider layer is formed around a narrow community of "religious virtuosos", from which followers are recruited, "spiritual children" develop communication on a personal level between the circle of participants in the tradition and society as a whole. In this case, the spiritual tradition has a broad influence, serves as an ethical guideline, and becomes a significant factor in the life of society.

10. Sementsov V. S. The problem of broadcasting traditional culture on the example of the fate of the Bhagavad Gita. Researches. Translations. Publications, Moscow: Main Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, Nauka Publishing House, 1988, p. 8.

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For the same purpose of including the largest number of believers in an authentic tradition, there is an institution of professional clergy who are empowered to determine what is a genuine faith and practice, what is more important in it, and what is less important. They are empowered to interpret doctrine and tradition in the context of changing cultural and social conditions. 11 Before acting as authoritative custodians of the tradition for religious communities, prospective clergy should (ideally) receive training that involves not so much studying the written content of the tradition as long-term direct contact with its bearers. A spiritual school (which does not necessarily mean a formal stay in educational institutions) is designed to recreate the situation of immersion in tradition, when social communication with its bearers takes place in the conditions of the immediate environment.12
Does the reality correspond to the ideal model of tradition reproduction described above? In modern Russian Orthodoxy, the practices of clergy and elders are very widespread, but the question of whether continuity with the pre-revolutionary period was preserved in Soviet times has not been sufficiently investigated. How do modern Russian practices compare with those of other Orthodox churches? The development and transformation of a tradition inevitably occurs and has been repeatedly recorded by historians; sometimes these changes go unnoticed by the believers themselves.13 In co-

11. Nesbitt, P. (2007) "Keepers of the Tradition: Religious Professionals and their Careers", in J. Beckford, N.J. Demerath (eds) The Sage Handbook of the Sociology of Religion, p. 297. Los Angeles and London: Sage.

12. In reality, spiritual educational institutions often became a harsh school of life, a place of trials and suffering, through which students developed endurance, patience, willpower, and acquired "the ability to survive in any conditions." Despite the "strictly regulated performance of their religious duties", most graduates of theological schools remained believers throughout their lives, although many chose a secular path (Manchester L. Popovichi in the world: clergy, intelligentsia and the formation of modern self-consciousness in Russia / translated from English Moscow: New Literary Review, 2015. pp. 203-222, 244-253).

13. In particular, significant changes took place in the XVII-XVIII centuries during the formation of the Orthodox theological school. Its model was formed in the course of borrowing and adapting the Catholic model created by the Jesuits and initially had nothing to do with Orthodoxy. The methodology and structure of the courses, their problems and terminology were taken from the Jesuit colleges. Theology was taught according to Catholic textbooks, which made minimal corrections in the Orthodox spirit. This new school is so welcoming-

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In Soviet times, repressive measures led to the fact that religious practices were pushed out of the officially recognized religious life into the area of local private culture. Priests were replaced by "informal leaders, and local shrines became the centers of religious life." 14 In general, in Soviet times, there was obviously a degradation of religious life, a loss of "high" forms of tradition, and a significant decrease in the number of its authentic bearers. Even official documents of the church sometimes indicate the existing risk of forgeries and substitutions in this area.15
Direct transmission of spiritual practices in the context of social relations of the immediate environment is the main way to reproduce the tradition. It is necessary to note its limits and some limitations. We are talking about a relatively small scale - a small number of believers can be covered by live communication. In the course of religious socialization, the individual does not always meet any bearer of the tradition, who becomes a link in its transmission. As we move away from the we-relations of the immediate environment and approach what A. Schutz calls the relations of the broad environment, the assimilation of religious tradition becomes more pronounced.

Orthodox collegiums at the intersection of cultures, traditions, and epochs (late 17th - early 19th centuries). Moscow: Politicheskaya entsiklopediya, 2016, pp. 71, 210. Another example of the transformation of religious practices in the 20th century concerns the participation of believers in the main church sacrament - communion. Orthodox people in the 1970s would have experienced "shock when they realized how much their own practice of communion differs from that which was adopted, for example, before the revolution" {Beglov A. Praktika prichashcheniya pravoslavnykh prikhozhan sovetskoy epokhi / / Gosudarstvo, religiya, tserkva v Rossii I za rubezhom. 2012. N 3-4. P. 35).

14. Panchenko A. A. Ivan and Yakov-unusual saints from the marshy area. "Peasant Hagiology" and religious practices in Russia of the New Time, Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2012, p. 288.

15. The hierarchy of the Russian Orthodox Church, in particular, condemned the "Young stardom". See: materials of the meeting of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church of December 28, 1998 [https://mospat.ru/archive/1999/02/sr291281/, accessed from 20.11.2017]). Valuable material for research using the biographical method is contained in the book: Kikot M. Confessions of a former novice. Moscow: Eksmo Publ., 2017. In this interpretation of the subjective experience of being in a modern Orthodox monastery, there is a description of the practice of "revealing thoughts", which has degenerated into a system of denunciations of nuns against each other, which the abbess accepts (pp. 56-64). Communication with modern elders and confessors (pp. 98, 117, 121, 131), according to M. Kikot, often ends badly: "Some left, some got sick, and some went crazy." (p. 97).

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it is arbitrary and there are reasons to doubt the adequacy of the interpretation of its meaning. Remote and anonymous believers, adopting a tradition in indirect communication, involuntarily introduce into it behavior learned from everyday life, experience acquired in secular we-relationships. The bearers of tradition are people who have learned the norms and practices of the surrounding non-religious world. Everyone brings a secular background to their religious life. According to the researchers, " the overwhelming majority of modern believers are neophytes. This means that their behavior-even if they strive for a deep understanding of religious culture - is still under the determining influence of their pre-church experience for a long time."16 The secular social experience of an individual, his belonging to a particular social group, continues to have a significant impact on him even after his church membership. Therefore, the forms of religious life of different social strata differ in their nature and content. Even generally valid and unchangeable religious dogmas are superimposed on the type of thinking peculiar to a particular social group and "generate a certain symbiosis peculiar only to this group from generally valid religious and social group collective ideas"17.

The problem of understanding the religious world of our predecessors

As E. Giddens notes, the forms of life created by modernity "tore us away from all traditional types of social order"18, radically changed all the characteristics of everyday existence, including the most intimate and deeply personal ones, and made them incompatible with religion. Since the time when the religious tradition was formed, the state of society and people's self-consciousness have radically changed. Society

16. Ipatova L. P. Sovremennye osobennosti osvoeniya pravoslavnoi traditsii [Modern features of mastering the Orthodox tradition]. Sotsiologicheskiy analiz vzaimodeystviya i dinamiki [Sociological analysis of interaction and Dynamics]. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2008, p. 434.

17. Ibid. L. P. Ipatova comes to the conclusion that " the conversion of our contemporary to faith after a period of secular life does not lead to a simple reproduction of the "traditional" type of religiosity (the idea of which is rather caused by the widespread myth of the Golden Orthodox age that once was in Russia, but which is by no means any kind of religious expression). a certain historical reality)" (Ibid., p. 447).

18. Giddens E. Posledstviya sovremennosti [The Consequences of modernity], Moscow: Praxis, 2011, p. 115.

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It has become fragmented and individualized, and its members today seek not eternal salvation, but happiness and well-being, are focused on personal interests, and demand economic growth and social guarantees. When a modern person tries to read an ancient text, he is forced to complete the meanings, actively constructs elements that are missing for understanding, introducing what was completely unknown to ancient authors and readers. Is it possible to avoid this by taking refuge in a religious tradition? When the struggle for cultural control over modern society is lost, can the believer go into a deaf opposition to the secular world and thereby preserve his ancient tradition intact? For example, in the United States, Orthodox Conservative writer Rod Dreher concluded that conservative Christian denominations no longer define norms in American society, so those who want to preserve the true tradition should settle and live in separate closed communities and preserve their Christian culture, which is opposed to the Western mainstream. This is what he calls "Benedict's choice." 19 Orthodox Christians see salvation from the evils of the modern world in sticking to tradition. This concept is of great importance for believers. It is based on the identity of the denomination, the legitimacy of the power of the hierarchy, theological reflection and spiritual practices of followers of church teaching. There is a large theological literature on the tradition. One definition of this term can be found in the catechism of Metropolitan Philaret (Drozdov):

The term "Sacred Tradition" refers to what true believers and those who honor God pass on to one another by word and example, and what their ancestors pass on to their descendants: the teaching of faith, the Law of God, the sacraments and sacred rites.20
No matter how one defines a tradition, it will always be a matter of passing it down from generation to generation, from ancestors to descendants.

19. Dreher, R. (2017) The Benedict Option: A Strategy for Christians in a Post-Christian Nation. New York: Sentinel. Saint Benedict of Nursia in the sixth century he created a network of monasteries in Italy with strict regulations, where the faithful opposed the barbarian world and sought a life of quiet reflection and prayer.

20. Filaret (Drozdov), mitr. A lengthy Christian catechism of the Orthodox Catholic Eastern Church. Sixty-sixth edition, Moscow: Synodal Printing House, 1886, p. 7.

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Something created by previous generations must be assimilated, preserved, and passed on to posterity. Does this imply an understanding of the world of predecessors? If it does, then the phenomenological theory gives disappointing conclusions about the possibility of such an understanding. Its interpretation is in many ways similar to how it occurs in broad-environment interactions, i.e. it is related to the typing path. In principle, it is not feasible to ask the question to the predecessor, "there is no possibility of verifying the interpretation performed" 21. The main condition for understanding-the mutual correlation of actors - is completely absent. It exists only in the imagination of those who live today. But its setting will be one-sided: the ancestor is not focused on its behavior in any way, it is completely independent of it. Schutz believed that "since the source of my experience of the world of predecessors is the communicative acts of my immediate and wider environment, the criteria of closeness of experience and content content that apply in these areas can also be transferred to the world of predecessors"22. Knowledge about the world of our predecessors and its interpretation are obtained from our communicative acts.alter ego of the immediate and wider environment. Therefore, understanding the world of predecessors is very problematic, it is constructed by typing. Types are interpretive schemes of understanding created by previous generations. Such an interpretation is inevitably probabilistic and depends on the interpreter's we-relations, which are rooted in contemporary reality.

There are very few highly qualified confessional specialists in the history of any religion, such as patrologists. Apart from them, hardly anyone understands what is contained in the texts that were written one and a half to two thousand years ago. No one but professional historians knows how the institutions of society functioned in ancient times, what was the mentality and vocabulary of its inhabitants. Scientists argue among themselves about the change in the meaning of terms over thousands of years, about the transformation of institutions and human consciousness. To discover the meaning of a text, it is necessary to trace the relationships that arose between people in everyday life, in the family, and about the text at the time of its creation.-

21. Schutz A. Izbrannoe: Mir, svetyaschiy smyslom [Selected works: The world that glows with meaning]. pp. 917, 956-958.

22. Ibid., p. 955.

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dangers, authorities, etc. Any text does not exist alone, it is always a continuation of other texts or a response to them: "The meaning of the text is revealed by correlating different texts and a network of textual relations"23.

The interpretation of available historical materials is based on philosophical assumptions. For example, the Byzantine period may have a Republican interpretation that emphasizes the active participation of the Orthodox people in political life. 24 Another widely held view asserts the opposite - that Christianity of the first centuries was characterized by the desire to "live unencumbered by political concerns, without worrying about what is happening in the public sphere" 25, since the political sphere is not the right place where the highest possibilities of a person are revealed. Thus, the fact-based understanding of a religious tradition can be diverse and there are no criteria for the authenticity of its interpretation.

Since the reliance on textual sources is unreliable, the translation of tradition involves a live interaction with its authentic carrier, so, as the researchers note, "tradition gives a clear advantage to directly personal forms: oral instruction and personal example, book learning obeys them, playing an additional and auxiliary role... literature and text are secondary"26.

If the religious tradition appears today mainly in the form of various media, as a set of texts and symbols, architectural ensembles and images, rituals and holidays, memorable dates and images of saints, then the relationship with it should be described in terms of reconstruction. The rich, diverse and multi-layered archive of the past contains a legacy that is known to a very narrow circle of specialists, but for the general public it often remains incomprehensible and almost lost. From time to time, the legacy may be removed from this repository, subject to a new interpretation.-

23. Linde, С. (2009) Working the Past: Narrative and Institutional Memory, p. 170. New York: Oxford University Press.

24. Kaldellis E. The Byzantine Republic: people and Power in New Rome. St. Petersburg: Dmitry Bulavin Publ., 2016.

25. Arendt X. Vita Activa, ili O deyatel'noi zhizni [Vita Activa, or About the active life], Moscow: Ad Marginem Press, 2017, p. 25.

26. Horuzhiy S. S. On the phenomenology of asceticism. p. 268.

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description and explanation. The context and conditions will change the semantic content of ancient practices.

Within the framework of hermeneutics, scientists are trying to reconstruct the logic of the actions of those representatives of the tradition who lived many centuries ago, trying to get into the meaning of what they did. But it is absolutely impossible to say how the predecessors, guided by the same logic and meaning, would have acted today, in completely different conditions, in a modern context. How would the authentic meanings and content of an ancient tradition work in today's circumstances? In principle, the predecessors cannot answer this question: verification of any interpretation of this is impossible.

At the same time, a religious tradition may be in demand by a particular community or society as a whole for various purposes, namely in the form of its individual practices, external manifestations and symbols. These elements of tradition are updated in a new way, penetrate the consciousness of a certain group, and help it find answers to the current challenges of the time. It is possible that in this case they are given some new meaning, different from the one that existed in the previous context. Many researchers consider this to be a normal phenomenon, since the tradition does not live if its bearers just mechanically fix and reproduce the old times, passively repeat some ancient practice or idea. In contrast, the past works when it is used to create a specific desired present and influence the future. Tradition is alive and well when its various meanings are assimilated in the present, to some extent shape the future, and influence the definition of new goals related to the transformation of today and planning for the future. 27
The construction of a religious tradition also has important ideological and integrative functions. Often, the direct interaction of believers with each other remains anonymous and, in fact, is limited only to the sense of solidarity of personally unfamiliar people who identify with one tradition. This community can be called imaginary, in the sense that its members imagine themselves connected to a particular group of individuals, imagine that they have something in common with each other.

27. Linde, С. Working the Past: Narrative and Institutional Memory, p. 15, 223.

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general 28. But at the same time, believers of the same denomination are undoubtedly bound by this sense of loyalty to the common religious heritage and the meanings that they find in it. It is clear that in this case it is impossible to talk about an authentic continuation of the ancient tradition.

Folk Religion: a model of preserving tradition as Practices generated by Habitus

In the framework of the phenomenological concept of A. Schutz, the preservation and transmission of tradition is seen as something meaningful, conscious. As noted above, Christianity is characterized by the presence of meaning in both its beliefs and actions. However, any religion has another side, connected with the everyday practices of the mass of ordinary believers. Tradition is reproduced not only in conscious and reflective actions, but also in the preservation of the appearance of believers, a special style and ritual, in the preservation and accurate repetition of practices, including their physical manifestations, to the last detail. At the risk of their lives and careers, despite severe persecution and repression, believers in the USSR preserved many cults and piety, veneration of shrines and related narratives.

At the level of popular religion, many actions and beliefs often do not lend themselves to understanding, do not require comprehension or justification from the standpoint of morality. 29 There are numerous and widespread mass religious practices at all times: sacrifices, the cult of sacred objects, pilgrimages to shrines (they can be springs, lakes, tombs, trees, etc.), collecting material carriers of the sacred (water, pebbles, crackers, sand from the tomb, lamp oil). These sacred souvenirs not only remind of a pilgrimage trip and increase the status of their owner in his religious group, but also have functional and therapeutic properties: they help with various diseases, support in overcoming crisis situations, and relieve fears. These actions may also be a manifestation of some unconscious processes or structures 30.

28. Anderson, В. (1991) Imagined Communities. Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, New York.

29. Panchenko A. A. Ivan and Yakov-unusual saints from the marshy area. p. 21.

30. Ibid., pp. 269, 301, 58.

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How is tradition reproduced at the level of mass folk religion, how does it capture and format everyday practices? To investigate these questions, we will turn to the concepts of P. Bourdieu. At the beginning of his scientific career, he spent several years in Algeria conducting research on various ethnic groups, in particular, the Kabyles. On the basis of these ethnological studies, his first book was written, 31 which contains many observations on religion. It lays the foundations for the future concept, including the development of the concept of habitus 32.

If we present the religious tradition as a stable objective structure, independent of the consciousness and will of people who are ready to accept it as a given, then we can explain why it directs individuals to certain actions and generates special aspirations in them. To describe this kind of reality, P. Bourdieu used the concept of habitus, defining it as "an immanent law inscribed in bodies by a similar history" 33. It is a mechanism that spontaneously generates practices, sets the taste and style of individuals, regulates their perception, thinking, etc. Habitus is a product of the social environment, collective history, and the past.34 It acts as an interiorized social structure, a crystallization of the community's past practices.

The patterns of perception and evaluation characteristic of habitus are the result of an unconscious and unintentional action. It is somewhat analogous to the grammar of a language - from a limited number of non-reflexive rules, an individual produces an unlimited set of strategies and practices. To explain what habitus is, Bourdieu even points to Chomsky's model of generative grammar. Language proficiency is equivalent to proficiency in

31. Bourdieu, P. (1958) Sociologie de l'Algerie. P.: Presses universitaires de France.

32. Rey, T. (2014) Bourdieu on Religion. Imposing Faith and Legitimacy, p. 23. New York. Structuralist ethnologists have often studied the traditions of folk religions, believing that they reveal objective, unconscious structures that underlie all behavior and underlie the human mind. P. Riker notes that in the framework of the structuralist approach, a tradition independent of the observer, in which various oppositions are embodied, is doomed to continue (Riker P. Conflict of interpretations. Ocherki o hermenevtike [Essays on Hermeneutics], Moscow: Akademicheskiy proekt, 2008, pp. 97-108. P. Bourdieu's theory is called constructivist structuralism, and he adopted a lot from the structuralist way of thinking, in particular, he called habitus "structuring structure".

33. Bourdieu P. Prakticheskiy smysl [Practical meaning] / Translated from French by St. Petersburg: Aleteya, 2001, p. 115.

34. Ibid., p. 109.

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by this generating procedure. A native speaker " implicitly knows a very precise system of formal procedures for composing and interpreting language expressions. This system is constantly applied automatically and unconsciously to produce and understand new sentences. " 35
Bourdieu argues with the phenomenological approach: practices do not require those who perform them to be oriented towards each other, synchronized consciousness, etc.There is no need to ask a question about the intentions of the other. According to Bourdieu, habitus generates practices "automatically", it is "spontaneity that does not have consciousness and will"36. As soon as a person begins to reflect on his practice, he loses all opportunity to express its true essence. Practices do not presuppose the intention of the actor, they are coordinated without any calculation and conscious correlation. Bourdieu refers to an example from Leibniz: two wall clocks perfectly agree with each other, but this is achieved not by their mutual understanding, but by the fact that they are skillfully made and accurately go. Similarly to practice hours, members of the same group always agree more and better than their members know 37.

In the field of religion, habitus is inherent in each specific and long-existing community of believers. It is formed over the centuries, accumulates the history of the denomination, is stable, difficult and very slowly changes. Entering into a tradition means assimilating a religious habit. A believer is a bearer of practices characteristic of his religious group. These are established customs, rituals and the manner of their execution, the way of life sanctified by them, everyday behavior and conventions. Belonging to a religious group largely forms the taste and style of its adherents, as well as the form of their expression. Habitus has different dimensions: physical (appearance, posture, gestures, manner of dressing), aesthetic (taste and style), moral, cognitive, linguistic (language, speech), and so on. Believers of the same denomination adopt a similar habit, which is formed by many strong predispositions. It embodies tradition, it is a means of consolidating practices and transmitting them to the next generations.

35. Chomsky N. O prirode i yazyke [On Nature and Language], Moscow: URSS, 2017, p. 18.

36. Bourdieu P. Practical sense. p. 109.

37. Ibid., pp. 113-115.

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Today, in the appearance, style and behavior of many Orthodox people, paintings, films and books are reproduced that depict pious inhabitants of Ancient Russia or the Moscow Kingdom. In the cities of modern Russia, there is a network of specialized Orthodox clothing stores, there is Orthodox fashion, there are even Orthodox hairdressers, etc. Note that many religious communities follow a similar path, believing that tradition should manifest itself primarily in material things - in clothing, hairstyle, customs. Authoritative spiritual leaders determine which material objects will symbolize the preservation of the tradition. For example, for Hasidim, the preservation of Jewish tradition is impossible, in particular, without wearing clothes that were worn by residents of Jewish settlements in the XVIII century.

Thus, the believer is largely determined by tradition, he unintentionally produces practices and reproduces the very structures that gave rise to his habitus, although he acts spontaneously and has a sense of freedom.38 In P. Bourdieu's concept, tradition is preserved as a universe of ritual practices generated by habitus. This happens primarily on the physical level, without reaching the level of consciousness. The past is set in motion and lives anew in the body, and the actors do not know or understand what they are doing, but at the same time what they are doing has some meaning unknown to them. 39
P. Bourdieu's concept provides a key to explaining some important historical moments in the life of religious communities in our country. Researchers of Russian Orthodoxy believe that what distinguished it from other Christian denominations was its excessive propensity for rituals.40 External manifestations of faith, " rite, periodic repetition of certain gestures, bows,

38. Rigid structuralist determinism is considered a disadvantage of Bourdieu's theory. See more details: Sitnikov A.V. Metody izucheniya religii v sotsial'noi teorii P. Bourdieu [Methods of studying religion in P. Bourdieu's social Theory]. Series "Sociology". 2017. N1. pp. 38-50.

39. Bourdieu P. Practical sense. pp. 142, 134.

40. Archpriest I. Meyendorff believes that the Orthodox believer " at the elementary level, being unable to distinguish between the main and secondary, he prefers to keep everything. The formal and ritual conservatism of Eastern Christians has undoubtedly played a positive role in history. He helped them maintain their faith during the dark times of Mongol and Turkish rule. However, it has now become a problem" (I. Meyendorff, prot. The meaning of the legend // Meyendorff I., prot. Paschal Mystery: Articles on theology, Moscow: Eksmo; PSTGU, 2013, p. 68).

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verbal formulas " were often more important than dogmatic teaching.41 This was especially evident in the Old Believer schism of the seventeenth century, when the rite became higher than the content of Orthodoxy, and while maintaining the visible manifestations of faith unchanged, opponents of church reforms changed its more important features and, in fact, created a new religious tradition.42
It should be noted that the question of the compatibility of the practices of the bearers of mass popular religiosity and those whom we considered in the first part of the article and designated as religious "virtuosos" remains unexplored. In some cases, they are compatible, but often the former are outside the framework of Christianity, and the latter do not fit into the model of preserving tradition, understood in the sense of stable practices generated by habitus. The unique individual traits of saints with charisma and nonconformist behavior sometimes break through the personality-leveling hagiographic narratives. "Virtuosos" are sometimes very free to relate to the conventions and norms of the religious community and can even challenge their social environment. As an example, we will point to the founders of monasticism, holy fools, and some saints. A medieval holy fool is a saint who "commits reprehensible acts all the time: makes excesses in the temple, eats sausage on Good Friday, dances with public women, etc." 44 An integral part of foolishness was the denunciation of kings and the powerful of this world. And not only did the holy fools challenge the community, but antisocial behavior was sometimes observed in quite ordinary Byzantine monks who committed "strange acts": for example," taking off their clothes, went to the women's bath", from where they were naturally expelled with beatings and ridicule.45
41. Schmeman A. prot. Historical path of Orthodoxy, Moscow: "Pilgrim", 1993, p. 364.

42. Zenkovsky S. A. Russkoe staroobryadchestvo [Russian Old Believers]. In 2 volumes, Moscow: Institut DI-DIK, 2016, pp. 319, 348.

43. Researchers of the life of John of Kronstadt note a number of features of his practice: very emotional reading of prayers, reaching exaltation, improvisation during worship and adding their own phrases to the texts of services (Kitsenko N. Saint of our time: Father John of Kronstadt and the Russian people. Moscow: New Literary Review, 2006. p. 70_73).

44. Fedotov G. P. Svyatye Drevnoi Rus ' [The Saints of Ancient Russia].rabochy Publ., 1990, p. 200.

45. Hilarion (Alphaeus), Jerome. Venerable Simeon the New Theologian and Orthodox Tradition, Moscow: Krutitskoe Patriarchal Metochion, 1998, p. 174.

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Thus, the preservation of religious tradition is currently understood in different ways, appears in many different images, and there are several options for its reproduction. Tradition and the community that seeks to follow it do not have a consensus in understanding the path of their movement. From the point of view of phenomenology, the immutability of the external manifestations of tradition and the practices and rituals prescribed by it does not mean the preservation of the meaning of tradition. The same action or behavior will have different meanings in different contexts. On the contrary, those who advocate the immutability of external forms and rituals will insist that they represent the essence of the faith. The differently interpreted tradition becomes the basis for diverse and very different conservative social and political movements, which, as a rule, cannot get along with each other both on issues of the socio-political agenda and in understanding what constitutes the true tradition they are reviving.

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