In 2012, Russian science was enriched with a new work by a prominent Russian sinologist, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, laureate of the State Prize of the Russian Federation, Director of the Institute of the Far East of the Russian Academy of Sciences M. L. Titarenko "Russia and its Asian partners in a globalizing world.

Strategic Cooperation: Problems and Prospects "(Moscow, Forum Publishing House, 544 p.) (editor-in-chief, Doctor of Economics V. I. Shabalin).

The new book is based on M. L. Titarenko's scientific articles, reports and speeches at various forums and conferences, including international ones, in 2008-2011. They provide scientific analysis, assessments and forecasts of the development of the situation in the regions and countries of Asia adjacent to Russia and examine the state, prospects and existing problems in cooperation and various relations between Russia and its Asian neighbors, primarily with China, India, two Korean states, Japan, as well as with Vietnam and other ASEAN countries.

First of all, I would like to note that M. L. Titarenko has been defending and developing the idea of a "new Eurasianism" with enviable perseverance and determination in recent years (more precisely, since 1994), which is organically connected with the current problem of geopolitical self-identification of modern Russia as a great Euro-Pacific power (in particular, in the book "New Eurasianism" published in 2008).Geopolitical significance of the Far East. Russia, China and other Asian countries", a review of which was published in the journal "Asia and Africa Today"*).

It is important to emphasize that the author's conclusions about the Eurasian self-identification of Russia have acquired today not just theoretical, but first of all concrete practical significance.

The author considers it necessary to recall that insistent declarations, often voiced from the "Moscow heights", about the exclusive Eurocentric orientation of Russia and its absolute commitment to European values often cause a backlash among the countries of the European Union and NATO; moreover, there are cynical wishes that Russia should disintegrate into several states, to the scale of the current European countries (p. 5-6). Naturally, the manifestations of Eurocentricity have caused and are causing confusion among Russian partners in Asia, especially China and India.

However, the current President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, in his program articles published in late 2011 and early 2012 (Izvestia, October 3, 2011, January 16, 2012), clearly made it clear in which direction the domestic and foreign policy strategy of modern Russia will develop. In his opinion, our country can open up and play a worthy role, dictated by its civilizational model and great history, only when it can combine " the fundamental foundations of European civilization and the centuries-old experience of interaction with the East, where new centers of economic power and political influence are now actively developing."

Sections related to the geostrategic challenges of a changing world, the problems of Russia's self-identification within the framework of Eurasianism, and, of course, Russian-Chinese cooperation based on strategic partnership occupy an important, in fact central, place in the reviewed book.

Since the end of the 20th century, M. L. Titarenko emphasizes, a new, polycentric system of international relations has been developing. The search for adequate responses to global challenges and threats comes to the fore, but the scale of these challenges - despite the significant differences in interests and contradictions between States - nevertheless dictates a unifying agenda in international affairs. At the same time, the author rightly believes that the vector of world politics is gradually shifting from the Euro-Atlantic direction, which has completely dominated the international arena over the past centuries, to the Asia-Pacific region, whose importance in shaping the new world order, in his opinion, will continue to steadily increase (p.12).

In the new work of M. L. Titarenko (it contains 47 articles and reports) under-

* For more information, see: Chudodeev Yu. V. Once again about the Eurasian identity of Russia / / Asia and Africa today. 2009, No. 2 (editor's note).

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there is a huge set of problems at work, many of which are simply impossible to imagine in a short review. Let us emphasize once again that the book is written by one of the leading Russian Orientalists, who has always been characterized by a deep, essential approach to the analyzed phenomena.

In particular, the author examines the reaction of the world's leading powers (first of all, the United States) to the three-decade-long growth of China's total power (for example, the share of China in world GDP grew to almost 10%, in 2011 the PRC came out on the 2nd place in the world in terms of GDP - $5.878 trillion, overtaking Japan). It is natural that Washington, considering the rise of China as a challenge to its undivided dominance in the world, began to take certain steps to "contain" the PRC.

At the same time, M. L. Titarenko draws attention to one very significant point in modern US-Chinese relations. A new and, in his opinion, still insufficiently meaningful phenomenon of modern international relations is the "merger" of the powerful economies of the United States and China that is taking place before our eyes. According to the author, such a phenomenon of the post-imperialist era requires a deep analysis in terms of the consequences for the global economy and China's bilateral relations with other leading actors on the world stage. By presenting this phenomenon as "joint governance of the world," Washington is also trying to revive the notorious thesis of the growing " Chinese threat."

Naturally, the author focuses on Russian-Chinese relations. M. L. Titarenko examines them in various sections of the book in the broadest aspect - political, economic, and cultural, without ignoring the problems and prospects for their further development. The author constantly emphasizes that in the context of the emerging new geostrategic situation in the world, one of the main goals of Russia is to further expand and deepen relations of strategic partnership and interaction with the PRC. An important response to the challenges of the changing world was the Russian-Chinese Treaty on Good Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation signed in 2001, which opened the way for broad cooperation, primarily political, between our two countries.

At the same time, the author does not ignore many problematic issues in relations between the Russian Federation and the PRC, in particular, economic and even ideological ones. Thus, in recent years, despite the crisis, our mutual trade turnover has grown slightly, reaching the level of $80 billion in 2011. China has come out on top in Russia's total trade turnover (this trade has recently become scarce for our country), but Russia is still on the 14th place in the list of the main foreign trade partners of the PRC (p.30). However, by 2015, it is planned to increase the bilateral trade turnover to $100 billion, and by 2020 - to $200 billion.

Unfortunately, the investment reserve in relations between Russia and China remains unsatisfactory: it is only about $ 1 billion. for each of the parties. The author is forced to note the weak development of investment cooperation between our countries, although China has become the world leader in terms of gold and foreign exchange reserves (about $4 trillion) (p. 43.58). Therefore, the establishment of large-scale cooperation between the Russian eastern regions and the Chinese side in the creation of joint processing plants, improvement, modernization and construction of transport and other infrastructure facilities, including the modernization of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the BAM, the construction of the Kaliningrad-Moscow-Vladivostok-Khabarovsk-Yakutsk highway, etc., is still at the stage of planning and development.

In today's globalizing world, the global financial and economic crisis has naturally affected both the Russian and Chinese economies. Both countries experienced a slowdown in economic growth (in China - up to 7.5%, in Russia - up to 3-4%). In China, the crisis has reduced the growth rate of Chinese exports, one of the main engines of the country's economic growth in recent decades. At the same time, as the author rightly emphasizes, the crisis also played an important stimulating role in changing economic models of development in each of the countries, prompting the Russian leadership to actively seek to reorient the economy from the "oil and gas needle" to the production of goods with high added value, and the Chinese leadership to turn the export orientation of the economy to the development of the domestic market.

As you know, at present, the Chinese authorities have declared a policy of building a harmonious society within the country and harmonizing international relations. In this regard, M. L. Titarenko raises an important question about the interaction, similarities and very noticeable differences between Russian and Chinese cultures, civilizations and philosophies. Much of this, the author emphasizes, has to do with the philosophical tradition and national mentality.

Thus, pragmatism is part of the Chinese national mentality. Any relationship, according to the Chinese, is built on the coordination of interests, not ideas. In this regard, many Chinese historians and political scientists still assess the Russian-Chinese treaties of the past as unequal; among many Chinese researchers, the point of view about the alleged "seizure of a significant part of Chinese territory by tsarist Russia"is still being discussed. "We need to look for something in common," writes M. L. Titarenko in this connection, " that can become the basis for a constructive dialogue of cultures, first of all, for the interaction of Russian and Chinese cultures. We have no reason to idealize the situation and turn a blind eye to existing problems. We must see them, treat them carefully, and seek out, develop, and make recommendations on ways to establish a dialogue with our Chinese friends, partners, and neighbors" (p.78).

M. L. Titarenko does not ignore the purely psychological nuances in the relations of Russians and Chinese to each other, in their current state.

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mutual perception.In particular, he notes that the resentments, biases, distrust, and prejudices that have emerged during the years of alienation and hostility continue to have a serious psychological impact on strengthening the friendly and trusting atmosphere in relations between the peoples of Russia and China. In this regard, the most important problem that requires great efforts in both the Russian Federation and the PRC, according to the author, "is the problem of strengthening mutual understanding, trust in each other's goals and actions, and ensuring the unity of word and deed" (pp. 39-40). But at the same time, the author emphasizes the need to streamline the issue of Chinese migration (according to official statistics, the number of Chinese labor migrants in the Russian Federation is about 210 thousand), and conclude a special intergovernmental agreement regulating this issue.

Mikhail Titarenko touched upon an important issue of cooperation between Russia and China at the regional level, in particular, in Central Asia. In his opinion, the tasks of revitalizing the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), whose 10th anniversary was celebrated in June 2011, are very relevant in this regard.In the short period of its existence, the organization has become a significant factor in regional and world politics, an important link in the emerging new polycentric world order. It is no secret that issues of security and political stability in the Central Asian region (CAR) have been at the core of the SCO's functioning since the very beginning of its existence. This is the fight against such unconventional new threats and challenges as international terrorism, separatism and extremism, as well as drug trafficking. It is known that the process of formation of young independent states in the CAR was accompanied by objective socio-economic and political difficulties, which made the region an area of potential and sometimes real activity of forces of internal extremism and religious radicalism. According to the author, the SCO experience in solving these problems is useful from the point of view of creating a regional security system in the wider area of Eurasia - in the Asia-Pacific region (APR).

While acknowledging the SCO's contribution to improving the situation in Central Asia, establishing cooperation and building trust between the countries of the region, the author is forced to note the organization's weak economic activity. "Unfortunately," he writes, " with its huge potential, the organization can hardly boast of achieving significant practical results in the economic field." According to M. L. Titarenko, serious economic and social problems are growing in the region, vital issues of water distribution, energy and transport problems are not being radically resolved. The Business Council and the Interbank Association of the SCO, which has huge resources, show little activity. The organization showed obvious indecision in connection with the events in Kyrgyzstan, which negatively affected the organization's credibility (pp. 49, 65, 400-413).

An important place in the new book of Academician M. L. Titarenko is occupied by sections devoted to the problems of the Korean Peninsula and the new format of international cooperation and dialogue - "Russia-India-China" (pp. 433-540). Naturally, the author examines the complex and ambiguous relations between the two Korean states and the issues of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, correlating them with the positions of Moscow and Beijing. Here it is important to assess the situation and possible prospects for its development. According to M. L. Titarenko, Beijing has much higher stakes on the Korean Peninsula than Moscow, so it is quite acceptable and even profitable for the Russian Federation to measure its reaction to what is happening on the peninsula with China's actions. The author justifiably believes that a solution to the problem of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is unlikely in the medium term, and a war between the two Korean states for the sake of their unification is completely unthinkable (although he considers the unification of Korea to be an inevitable process). Currently, for all interested parties, "the scenario where relations between the North and the South gradually move towards a model of 'peaceful coexistence' that takes into account both changes in the situation in the South and what is happening in the North is more preferable" (p.448).

Finally, the last section of the book, which seems quite natural and natural, is devoted to the RIC (Russia-India-China) and BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China, which became BRICS with the accession of South Africa) formats, and not just to the relations of the countries represented, but, more importantly, to the dialogue of civilizations and cultures. The objective prerequisites that determine the importance of their cooperation, according to the author, are: interest in maintaining global stability, peace and security; development and modernization of the economy, culture, education, and science; ensuring sovereignty, territorial integrity, and unity; countering the forces of international terrorism, religious extremism, and ethnic separatism; and finally, the need to preserve the identity of national cultures in the context of deepening cooperation and dialogue of civilizations (pp. 503-504). The following thesis of M. L. Titarenko is important: "Russia needs to change its development model, move away from the model of primitive copying of the consumer society of the West and its mass culture, and embark on the path of innovative development" (p.501).

In conclusion, I would like to emphasize the exceptional relevance of the new work of Academician M. L. Titarenko. The global nature of the research, the entire range of material presented in the book, and the author's scientific arguments are subordinated to an important goal-strengthening relations of good neighborliness and cooperation between Russia and the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, and activating the eastern vector of Russian foreign policy.

Yu. V. CHUDODEEV, Candidate of Historical Sciences

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