For half a century of independent development, India has established itself as a state capable of influencing the course of world events. Its achievements and huge potential give reason to believe that it will turn into a great power in the foreseeable future.

The changed balance of power in the world after the end of the Cold War marked the beginning of a new stage in human development. This is no longer the Cold War, but it is also not a new world order. The destruction of the bipolar world system has given all countries the task of creating a new structure of international relations and clarifying their place in it.

It is already obvious that in the twenty-first century the world will not be unipolar, although there can be no return to the two-pole model. The current dominance of the United States in the world as the sole superpower does not mean that the international order will be "Pax Americana", because America does not have the real power and resources to rule alone a world in which the economic and political influence of other countries - European and Asian-is increasing.

The accelerated process of globalization has brought geo-economic factors to the fore. Industrialized Countries seek to monopolize the Land's resources and secure access to the markets of developing countries. In addition, the North is doing everything possible to protect its own markets from the products of developing countries.

Economic and political inequality in the world can hardly be the basis for smooth, conflict-free development. The deepening of such inequality (and so far there is no reason to believe that it is decreasing) can lead to new conflicts and confrontations. In addition, the global, regional, economic, and political consequences of the collapse of the Soviet Union will continue to affect global processes for quite a long time with unpredictable results.

INDIA AND GLOBALIZATION

During the second half of the 20th century, the center of economic and political activity gradually moved to Asia from North America and Europe. While in 1940 Asia produced only 19% of the world's gross domestic product, in 1995 this figure rose to 37%. And it is estimated that by 2025, Asia will produce ⁵⁵% of the world's gross product1 . Of course, Asia still has a lot of problems to solve. The most important of these are poverty and the uneven distribution of wealth between and within countries.

A huge independent and not yet fully appreciated power in world politics is represented by China, which so far focuses its main efforts on domestic affairs and does not show much activity outside the Asian region. There is every reason to believe that China's influence on global processes will increase as it moves along the path of reform and the evolutionary transformation of society.

As for India, it has accepted the changed world with all its complexities and challenges and has actively taken advantage of new opportunities to strengthen its economic and political position. In its foreign policy, it has never before focused on a single country or group of countries and has sought to pursue a diversified foreign policy, "playing all over the field."

After two centuries of colonial rule, India had to establish itself as an independent State, capable of significantly influencing international affairs. For half a century of independent development, it has done a lot in this direction, significantly increasing its authority in the world community. But India still had major unresolved internal problems that made the process difficult. Nevertheless, its achievements and enormous potential give reason to believe that in the foreseeable future it will turn into a real great world power.

The development of a new model of international relations is directly linked to globalization, which affects the national interests and security of individual sovereign States. The formula of globalization adopted in developed countries does not always take into account the peculiarities of many developing countries. Integration into the global market also has its own political aspects. The experience of recent years shows that under certain conditions, globalization can be accompanied by infringement of national interests and weakening of the security of the countries involved in this process.

Globalization fully meets the interests of rich, developed countries. But what about other less fortunate and poorer countries and peoples? With the help of aggressive globalization, the ultra-sufficient consumption of a minority of the world's population has reached an alarming size for the majority of the world's inhabitants, including India, Russia and other countries. In fact, the entire economic and military power of the West has come to the defense of its superconsumption, or, as some Western economists and political scientists put it mildly, hedonism.

The Indians have no objections to globalization in the conceptual sense. Many of them believe that it corresponds to the spirit of Indian philosophy. However, they do not believe that globalization should be above the interests of the individual, the family or the state. These basic institutions are

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They have been developed by humanity for centuries and retain their unique identity and vitality in the global community. The world order must assume the existence of individual, national and cultural identity. Globalization should not mean subjugation and infringement of national sovereignty and culture. Therefore, India does not accept theories like "the end of history".

The Indian concept of peace is to reconcile and harmonize personal and public interests, as well as cultural and national identity, within a broader pluralistic order. However, today strong developed countries are trying to push the weak and developing countries, which are home to two-thirds of the world's population, to the periphery of history. Real disarmament and a world without weapons remain a distant dream. The end of the cold war did not end all conflicts, it only changed their nature. India, perhaps more acutely than any other major power, feels the main challenges facing humanity, including those related to the current stage of globalization. There are at least two reasons for this heightened perception of contemporary issues. The first is the long historical experience of a country that has passed through many trials, defeats and victories and has preserved its identity, diversity and unity. And the second is the scale of its internal problems. Indians have always been open to all winds, all trends and all influences. But they have always preserved their national identity. Even the Vedas taught them to accept and assimilate all the positive and life-affirming things in the world: "Let noble thoughts come to us from all sides." ²

INDIA STANDS FOR PRESERVING THE DIVERSITY OF THE WORLD

New ideologies for the development of the world should answer a number of fundamental questions: in what direction will the world develop in the XXI century and what will be the new world order-unipolar, multipolar or some other. Will the West be able to implement its values in the rest of the world, including through globalization?

The future of humanity, as former Indian Prime Minister A. B. Vajpayee rightly stated, will not be determined by the incorrect and baseless theory of a"clash of civilizations." The main mistake of this theory is that civilizations do not and cannot collide. All civilizations are rooted in a common set of values and ideas that all peoples share in their quest for peace, justice, truth, and comradeship. All civilizations have a civilizing influence on people. And this is part of the very definition of any civilization. In addition, we should not confuse civilization and history. Human history is a narrative of encounters and conflicts, as well as peace and progress. And this is true for all countries on all continents. In turn, when we talk about civilization, Vajpayee continued, we are essentially talking about the desire of various societies for humanism, which is transmitted from generation to generation through spiritual values, culture, art, philosophy, science, agriculture, industry and everyday life of ordinary people ^.3

The need to preserve the diversity of the world and human values can be traced in the works of many Indian authors. So, one of them, sociologist Jagdish Kapoor writes that in a market economy, what cannot be sold or exchanged has no value. Influence and power are being seized by hegemons operating within a single-pole system that is becoming unstable and has reached the destructive and aggressive stage of "consumerism protected by weapons". Under the guise of globalization, an uncontrolled anarchic situation is emerging. The current world is in a state of deep crisis. And no amount of force of weapons of mass destruction and mass media can transform it into a global sanctuary of a unipolar oligarchy. A new just and sustainable order must emerge. Hence the need to find a new paradigm of sustainable development for humanity ^.4

Another question is still relevant : how possible are new lines of confrontation in the world that have replaced the previous confrontation with kapi-

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socialism of the Soviet type? Unfortunately, the dividing lines and sharp and bloody conflicts in the post-cold War world are a fact of reality.

INDIA ADAPTS TO NEW CONDITIONS IN THE WORLD

Changes over the past decade have objectively contributed to strengthening the position and growing influence of India, which really claims to be a great power in the XXI century. Unlike Russia, India in its foreign policy has not taken any drastic moves that contradict its previous course, much less deny it. It adapts flexibly to changes on the world stage, based on fundamental considerations of protecting national interests and security. India has embraced the changing world with all its complexities and challenges, and has actively embraced new opportunities to strengthen its economic and political position. Nevertheless, the decision to reorient foreign policy was obviously not an easy one.

Over the past decade, India has gone through a difficult path of adaptation to the changed conditions in the world, including due to the loss of the position of the Non-Aligned Movement, of which it was the leader. This process of finding its rightful place, corresponding to the capabilities of a billion-dollar country, is still ongoing.

In this regard, the following should be noted. First, under all circumstances, India bases its foreign policy on protecting national interests. Secondly, by modifying its foreign policy course in accordance with the requirements of the time, it does not take the path of abandoning the past. Its current course is a continuation and development of the foreign policy of previous decades. And third, India conducts its foreign policy and defends its security in a democracy. It can also be said that India's foreign policy is essentially consensual, that is, it enjoys the support of the majority of society.

This policy has deep historical roots, and it was largely formed before India became an independent state. The principles and ideology of foreign policy were formed during the liberation struggle. From time to time, certain aspects of it changed, but the essence remained more or less unchanged ^.5

Natwar Singh, the Foreign Minister of the United Progressive Alliance (UGA) Government, which came to power in May 2004, bluntly stated that there has been a national consensus on foreign policy for the past 57 years. The far-reaching foundations of such a policy were laid by Jawaharlal Nehru before independence. Its key elements were peace, development, anti-colonialism, anti-apartheid, friendship with all peoples and strengthening the UN. Even non-aggressive Governments were unable to change the fundamental principles of this policy, as they had no alternative plans ^.6

In the 1990s, there were two significant changes in India's foreign policy. The first was due to the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of the so-called unipolar world. India had to adapt its policy to the new conditions and requirements of the time, while remaining committed to the non-aligned ideology. The second change was related to India's nuclear tests in 1998.

Currently, the guiding principles of India's foreign policy are based on pragmatism and the protection of national interests, while preserving the fundamental basic ideas in this area. India believes that in the current era, foreign policy should optimally respond to new challenges and open up new opportunities. India sees foreign policy as an integral part of all efforts aimed at nation-building in the economic sphere, solving social problems, and protecting national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security in the broadest sense of these concepts.

Under this policy, India aims to achieve the following goals: to achieve understanding and support in the international community of its interests and concerns; to preserve and protect India's right to make foreign policy decisions; to strengthen relations of mutual trust and respect between countries on the basis of equality; to strengthen India's role as a factor of peace, stability, security and balance in the international arena.

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WEST REDISCOVERS INDIA

The 1990s were marked by dramatic changes in the global balance of political forces. The world has witnessed an unprecedented challenge by Asian states to centuries-old European leadership and US hegemony. This challenge is connected not only with the growing economic and military-political influence of Asian countries, but also with the strengthening of their national identity. Some politicians and scholars believe that the achievements of Asia represent a challenge to the West that is somewhat stronger, though less antagonistic, than that of communism ^.7

What role does India play in this configuration?

The West sees India as a possible center of power and a major market, given its human resources and relatively fast-growing economy. After all, it is one of the ten fastest growing economies in the world, which may allow it to move from the fourth place in terms of GDP (in terms of purchasing power parity) to the third place in the world in 10 to 15 years, while maintaining its current pace of development.

The US views India largely in the context of US-China relations. America also pays great attention to India's role in the regional balance of power. This is not just about India-Pakistan relations, including the Kashmir issue or the nuclear standoff between the two countries. The United States believes that India has not yet become a great power, but it has the potential to be one ^.8 India is increasing its regional and even global influence and is ready to make a breakthrough in economic growth. It can become an important factor in the strategic balance of power in Asia much faster than it seems today.

The policy of expanding cooperation with India was especially vigorously pursued by the Republican administration of George W. Bush. In recent years, relations between the two countries have developed at an unprecedented pace. Part of the US political establishment believes that India fits well with America in geopolitical terms, primarily because of its commitment to democracy and the rule of law. India also attracts US businesspeople as a potential huge market. In the context of American global policy, India and South Asia are seen as an important region for the United States. The US presidential administration explicitly states that America has strategic, political and economic interests in South Asia.

India is developing an intensive dialogue with the United States in political, economic, scientific, technical and other areas. The meeting of the Prime Minister of the Government of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) A. B. Vajpayee with President George W. Bush in New York in September 2002 was of fundamental importance, during which both sides confirmed their desire to develop bilateral relations on a qualitatively new basis, taking into account their common strategic interests in Asia and other regions. Another milestone in relations between India and the United States was the meeting between Vajpayee and Bush in January 2004, at which a plan for large-scale cooperation was developed. In particular, it provided for cooperation between the two countries in the field of civil nuclear industry and civil space research, as well as a dialogue on missile defense. At the same time, it was noted that the interests and opinions of India and the United States do not always coincide. However, this is not a reason for conflict or confrontation between the two countries.

As for the United Progressive Alliance Government, it has clearly stated that it attaches great importance to developing and deepening relations with the United States, which is India's largest trade and economic partner. Since the time of Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Narasimha Rao, India has had very close ties with the United States, Foreign Minister Natwar Singh said. In addition, "the Americans realized that India, in fact, is a very strong power, and it is in their interest to have good relations with us. We welcome this and will continue to work in this direction." At the same time, the minister believes that the previous government led by Vajpayee made "excessive efforts to please the United States." India's relations with the United States, according to N. Singh, should allow them to trust each other. But there is no fundamental change in Indian-American relations. "We cannot be' natural allies 'if Colin Powell grants Pakistan the status of a' major non-NATO ally 'without even consulting India." ⁹

Nevertheless, India insistently confirms its readiness to actively develop relations with the United States. In the epistle of J. R. R. Tolkien, Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh stressed to President George W. Bush on the occasion of his election for a second presidential term that the highest priority of both countries is to ensure security in the future world order. He assured Bush that India, as a partner in the fight "against terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, will stand by the United States in strengthening international peace and stability." The message also noted that India and the United States share the goals of combating religious extremism and terrorism, and expressed the hope that both countries will develop an "ambitious agenda for broader strategic cooperation" in the areas of high technology, trade and defense. ¹⁰

While developing relations with India, the Americans do not refuse to cooperate with Pakistan, which for decades has been a key country for the United States in South Asia. Some Indian politicians believe that Islamabad "bypassed" Delhi in relations with the United States during the anti-terrorist operation in Afghanistan. In essence, the United States is now pursuing a policy of balance of power in relations with India and Pakistan, acting depending on political expediency.

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Despite all the interest of the United States in further developing cooperation with India, both countries face considerable problems on this path. Of course, India shows interest in deepening cooperation with the United States in the economic, scientific and technical spheres. America, in turn, is likely to step up efforts to draw India into its orbit of influence, using, in particular, such mechanisms as deepening its integration into the world economy and trade. Nevertheless, in the political sphere, there are still many issues in relations between the two countries (nuclear disarmament, the reorganization of the UN Security Council and India's permanent membership in the Security Council, the role and place of India and the United States in South and Southeast Asia) that will require a lot of effort and time to develop mutually acceptable solutions taking into account the interests of.

THE US IS MONITORING THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND CHINA

A number of politicians in the United States believe that India and China, as growing forces, can potentially "destroy" the regional order in Asia. Therefore, a balance-of-power strategy should be pursued both in relation to these Powers and to a "weakened Russia". The conclusion is drawn from this: to prevent any desire of these three powers to join forces, which could harm strategic American interests in Asia.

For the United States, the main long-term goal is to prevent any regional hegemon from emerging in Asia, as it will seek to undermine the role of the United States. We are talking primarily about China, and to a much lesser extent about Russia or India ^.11

Some American politicians believe that America and India should cooperate more closely "when China is striving for hegemony, when Islamic terrorism is spreading from Afghanistan and Pakistan, and there is a dictatorship in Myanmar." They also see US-China and US-India relations as a kind of tool for influencing Russia.

The strategy proclaimed by China, India, and Russia to create a multipolar world is essentially aimed at limiting the leadership of the United States. The formation of a new world with centers of power in the United States, Europe, China, Japan, Russia and India can lead to a narrowing and even undermining of American influence. Therefore, Washington is trying to prevent this from happening.

The United States is closely monitoring the development of relations between India and China. In this vein, the 1998 nuclear tests in India, the development and deployment of India's Agni medium-range missiles, and the remaining unresolved border problems between the two countries are also considered. America is synchronizing its relations with China and India to a certain extent. Naturally, it cannot but take into account the growing economic and political influence of India in Asia and the world, which is considered by part of the American political establishment from the standpoint of using Indian potential to neutralize China's economic and military power.

When discussing U.S.-Indian cooperation, one cannot ignore the two countries ' different approaches to global issues such as the sole leadership of the United States and India's desire to create a multipolar world. While recognizing the importance of globalization, which is driven primarily by America, India believes that the benefits of globalization are distributed unevenly among countries and peoples, and much remains to be done to achieve justice in this regard.

India's approach to globalization differs from that of the United States in that it should be a careful, carefully calibrated, step-by-step integration of the economies of different countries. India sees its commitment to the fundamental principle of "unity in diversity"as particularly important. This principle applies both to the culture and religions of individual peoples and to their communities.-

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political views. Hence-the requirement of tolerance for the opinions of other people, countries and peoples, unobtrusive to them their own recipes and opinions.

In the joint declaration of Russia and India, signed during the visit of the Russian President Vladimir Putin. During the visit to India in December 2004, it is emphasized that the most effective way to address current problems and challenges is a multi-pronged approach based on the broadest international support. Multilateralism is a tool for creating a multipolar world. Speaking at the J. R. R. Tolkien Memorial Foundation Nehru in Delhi, Vladimir Putin said: "Attempts to rebuild the multi-faceted, diverse, modern civilization created by God according to the barrack principles of a unipolar world seem extremely dangerous." ¹²

The path to rapprochement between India and the United States has been and remains difficult. Both countries share different approaches on a number of major issues of our time. They are largely related to different historical experiences and current internal and external problems faced by India and the United States.

Nevertheless, today the overall vector of US-Indian relations is clearly positive and is aimed at their further expansion and deepening. Time will tell how fast this process will go. But even now we can say that it will not be smooth and cloudless.

INDIA AND CHINA ON THE PATH TO NORMALIZING RELATIONS

India-China relations are fundamentally important for Asian security. Over the past 40 years, they have undergone huge changes. After India's defeat in a military conflict with China in 1962, when significant territories in the northeast and northwest were torn away from it, the situation became more complicated again in 1964. China then tested a nuclear device, to which India responded with a nuclear test in 1974. All this did not contribute to the improvement of relations between the two countries. At the same time, efforts have been made to normalize India-China ties, which have intensified in recent years. There was an intensive exchange of visits by state and political figures of India and China. During a trip to China in 2000, Indian President K. R. Narayanan said that India and China can become the most influential world powers if they cooperate at the regional and global levels.

Vajpayee's visit to China in June 2003 marked a significant step towards normalizing and improving relations between India and China. The first-ever "Joint Declaration on the Principles of Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation" signed during the visit sets out the main principles that will guide both countries in their relations with each other. The key points in the declaration are recognition of the need for economic development and prosperity of the two largest powers, preserving peace and stability in the Asian region and in the world as a whole, "strengthening multipolarity at the international level" and "developing the positive factors of globalization". The declaration stressed that "the common interests of both countries outweigh" their differences. India and China pose no threat to each other, and neither side will use force or threaten to use force against the other. It was also pointed out that India and China should aim to improve relations qualitatively "at all levels and in all spheres", resolving differences peacefully on a fair and reasonable basis, so that "differences in approaches do not affect the overall development of bilateral relations"¹³ .

The current OPA government also notes the importance of expanding ties with China. It states the need to develop trade and economic relations with China, continue focused negotiations on the border issue, and strengthen political contacts with China to ensure regional security. N. Singh notes that a certain breakthrough in relations with China occurred back in 1988 during the visit of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to this country. "Then the Chinese said-let's put aside border problems and move forward in other areas. It worked. We have had peace and quiet on the border for 15 years. Moreover, in the 2,000 years of our history, India and China have come into conflict only once - in 1962. So far, both sides have not conducted a thorough analysis of why this was possible. " ¹⁴

Continuing its policy of improving relations with China, the OPA Government held a series of talks with Chinese representatives in the second half of 2004 aimed at a "mutually acceptable" solution to the border issue, which would give a new impetus to bilateral relations. ¹⁵

(To be continued)

-----

^{Yashwant Sinha.} 1 Aspects of India's foreign policy. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of India, New Delhi, 2003, p. 148.

^{Vajpayee A. B.} 2 Inaugural Address at the Eponymous International Conference. New Delhi // http:// www.outlookindia.com/ 09.07.03.

³ Ibid.

^{Kapur J. C.} 4 In Search of a New Paradigm for a Sustainable Human Order // World Affairs, January-March, 2003 (Special Issue), p. 1 - 15.

^{Yashwant Sinha.} 5 The non aligned ideology is still relevant //Aspects of India's foreign policy. New Delhi, 2003, pp. 201,202.

⁶ "The Week". June 13, 2004.

⁷ "The Economist". London. 09.07.1994, p. 4.

^{Condoleeza Rice.} 8 Promoting the National Interest // Foreign Affairs. New York. January / February 2000, p. 56.

⁹ Interview of India's External Affairs Minister to India Today (Tune 14, 2004 Issue); to Outlook (June 7, 2004 Issue).

¹⁰ "Frontline". Nov. 20-Dec. 03, 2004.

¹¹ The United States and Asia: Toward a New U.S.Strategy and Force Posture. Zalmay Khalizad (ed.). Rand 2001// Rand.org/publications/MR/Mr1315, p. XIII.

¹² Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 06.12.2004.

¹³ "Frontline". New Delhi. July 05 - 18, 2003.

¹⁴ Excerpts on Foreign Policy from the Common Minimum Programme of the United Progressive Alliance. 27.05.2004; President's Address to the Joint Session of Parliament. 07.06.2004; Outlook. June 7, 2004.

¹⁵ "The Hindu". 19.11.2004.

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