The purpose of this article on Pentecostalism and some closely related evangelical/charismatic movements is to examine the implications that this religious trend may have for the future of Christianity and for the theory of secularization, namely for some of its standard components: rationalization, privatization, and social differentiation. I have some doubts about rationalization and privatization in general, and even more so in the case of Pentecostalism, since it is very rarely and ambiguously privatized, and it can also coexist with rationalization just like any other church in Dallas or Atlanta. But social differentiation is an important aspect in principle, and especially so for Pentecostalism.

Social differentiation implies the emergence of a special religious sphere, separated from the state and no longer automatically participating in the formation of the sacred unity of the people, faith and place. The religious sphere may also be partially separated from other social spheres, such as education and social security, or play a smaller role in these latter, but the separation of religion from the state has many consequences, usually positive, as in the United States, but, of course, very different-according to the characteristics of specific political cultures. Pentecostalism is an excellent example of social differentiation and (like its main predecessor, Methodism) the most expressive case of a transnational voluntary religious group that competes with other groups in the context of a political culture that is positive about religion.

Historically, Pentecostalism was an Anglo - American religious phenomenon, but today it is hardly correct to label it in this way, given the forms of its existence,

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as well as its distribution areas and sources. The debate about whether or not global Pentecostalism is the result of American exports is misleading, precisely because Pentecostalism should be understood as a successful hybrid that can constantly adapt to local conditions without losing its distinctive qualities. We need to take into account the motives of those who consider Pentecostalism essentially an American export. Some are hostile, linking Pentecostalism to the American culture wars and attributing two-thirds of Texas Christianity to it. Others view it through the lens of neoliberal praise of the market in all its forms. There are also those who view Pentecostalism as a manifestation of postmodernism. If being a hybrid means being "postmodern," then Pentecostalism is postmodern, although Methodism, Catholicism, and early Christianity are also hybrids, but by no means postmodern phenomena. Imaginary entities are syncretic if they intertwine various old themes with new forms that can change, enrich, or adapt to suit the cultural context; and whether to speak of syncretic forgeries or of enrichment in the process of adaptation depends on one's personal point of view.

Since the possibility of creating voluntary religious organizations, hidden in the very event of the Reformation, was realized in the English-speaking world over the past four centuries, there has been tension between the monopolistic territorial principle and pluralistic transnational voluntary associations such as Methodism and Pentecostalism. Religion is sometimes understood as a link that connects, first of all, "natural" forms - the family and the extended family, which is an ethnic group that has become a sacred brotherhood; and usually we are talking about some territory. Early Christianity arose in this situation, but left the Jewish parent body, breaking out of the womb, which has been a danger to it ever since. Recognized by Constantine, at least in part for the purpose of maintaining the unity of the Roman Empire, Christianity partially returned to fulfilling this role - to be a link, to unite the whole society, to a role that in any case requires constant confirmation. However, Christianity retains all its original meanings and principles, creating

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in their rituals and iconography, they create creative ambiguity and thereby simultaneously stabilize and undermine power structures. Some of these principles are occasionally brought to light by dissidents and manifest themselves in radical forms of Christianity, only to be pushed aside by the forces of the sacred union of faith and place, or faith and ethnicity, and by the inevitable dynamics of power and authority. Monasticism, understood as a form of Christian radicalism and literally walled up in church structures, was also pushed aside in the interests of power and authority. Radical forms of Christianity include both external dissidents, such as Quakers, and internal radicals, such as monastic orders. For example, Cistercians often lost their original radicalism by achieving collective wealth, which is quite easy to do if you follow an ascetic discipline.

If we leave aside the attraction of place and ethnicity, we must say that nothing can be achieved without power and authority, even if power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Pentecostalism appeals to people and their participation, but its pastors exercise power with particular force, and this is not surprising when you consider that mass participation and the occasional chaos generated by violent prayer calls require control and containment within certain space-time constraints. For example, the British Labour Party is supposed to be participatory and respond to" democratic impulses " at least historically, but it is much less participatory than the Pentecostal Church, although it is no less consistent in terms of party discipline. Some of those who believe Pentecostalism is authoritarian do not view organizational imperatives realistically, measuring everything with norms that are never implemented in practice, much less in Western institutions, both political and religious. After all, political parties, along with universities, academies, and churches , are a conglomeration of active groups fighting for dominance, which is why it is rather strange when discussing Pentecostalism to appeal to moral arguments, especially those who supposedly advocate a "value-neutral" analysis. It should be recognized that the study of Pentecostalism is an example of scientific social research that is influenced by the following factors:-

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However, there is a lack of clear political and cultural perceptions, so that academic judgments are at least partly made with an eye to the values that colleagues are considered to share.

We can offer such a heuristic distinction between religious and political: if politics is the exercise of a choice from a clearly defined set of options at a certain time and place, then religion refers simultaneously to a closer personal horizon and to the horizon of eternity. The hidden dialectic of both the immediate and eternal horizon of faith, on the one hand, and the temporary (in the sense of a certain period) horizon of politics, on the other, is the subtext of my text, even if my argument focuses on the dialectical relationship, on the one hand, of the forced unions of faith, family, place and people, and, on the other hand, on the, voluntary unions - fraternities and sisterhoods that cross all borders.

Within the framework of this argument, I believe that Judaism is oriented towards geimat (Heimat, homeland, fatherland) and is periodically pushed into the diaspora (or exile), while Pentecostalism is essentially Diasporal, but from time to time leans towards geimat Oddly enough, Catholicism has historically been an expression of geimat and the "holy land" principle Nevertheless, he has always maintained transnational ties and very often struggled with the Jewish faith of his parents when the Jews dragged out their diasporal existence. Pentecostalism, on the other hand, is a modern expression of Diasporic existence, but with a clear sympathy for the Jewish aspiration of Zion. In this respect, it resembles the early Reformed Church, which originated in exile and was, like Pentecostalism, imbued with images from the Hebrew Bible. Protestant countries like America and Britain saw themselves as the New Jerusalem and nurtured Christian Zionism in order to promote the successful realization of Jewish Zionism's goals. Pentecostalism is also characterized by this Philosophemitic mood. It can even be said that African Pentecostalism, especially the so-called "prosperity gospel", is an Afro-Jewish amalgam that goes back to the African and Jewish worldliness, worldly orientation, and such key texts of the Hebrew Bible as the prophecy of Joel and, of course, the books of the so-called "minor prophets", which express the expectation of the future. that God bestows good things upon His faithful People after all trials, poverty, and hardships.-
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tightness. Some Pentecostal churches, such as La Luz del Mundo (Light of the World) in Mexico and Olive Tree Church (Olive Tree Church) in South Africa, are quite clearly Jewish, reinforced in the latter case by the experience of apartheid as an internal exile. The same is true of the black Zionist churches in South Africa, many of which have historically received an injection of Pentecostal genes. Do not think that these churches are incompatible with the atmosphere that the Gospels associate with "beggars" suffering their own misery. After all, the Gospels promise that the lowly will be exalted, and when the poor and lowly read about this promise, they may well have their own interpretation of what this exaltation will consist of. One Pentecostal leader in Nigeria put it succinctly: "How many of you want to be poor? Perhaps the Pentecostal interpretation is as true of the Bible as any other interpretation."

While I mainly seek to place the broad concept of Pentecostalism within the framework of the dialectic of voluntary transnational associations and the territorial principle, I also consider parallel and sometimes overlapping dialectical relationships. There is a dialectical relationship (or tension) between: monoculturalism and multiculturalism; free spirituality and institutional religion; religious austerity and consumerist hedonism; equality in spirit and priestly or pastoral mediation of the spirit; cultural revolution outside the realm of the state and political revolution through the State with appropriate manifestations of power and persuasion; modern means and ancient ways of mental and physical development. healing; modern technical means of communication and forms of spreading spiritually-mobilizing messages, which have a long history; reformation (or crisis) and continuity; liturgical time, which has a cyclical character, and time as an aspiration forward in anticipation of a major or eschatological change, the idea of which goes back more than two thousand years ago to the "axial epoch" world religions and early Christianity.

I will try to briefly outline how to determine the place of Pentecostalism within these tensions. Pentecostalism is a cultural revolution outside the realm of the State, reshaping old structures through basic forms of government.-

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It is a new technology-driven strategy, inspired by a forward-looking sense of the end of the old world, rather than a constant cycle. It mobilizes the "languages" of the people that were not previously heard, and its leaders are representatives of the internal intelligentsia represented by competing captains of the religious industry. It asserts the possibility of direct access to the Spirit through a strong religious institution, rather than a free spirituality. It offers the fruits of ascetic discipline to people who seek liberation from involuntary material need or from the forced spiritual poverty of rational business. Pentecostals are inspired by spiritual forces, as they feel inspired to strive for a better life in all its dimensions. They represent a modern example of the Victorian drive to improve along with others, driven and inspired by the same motivations. It is clear that when sociology deals with the analysis of religious groups that seek to strengthen and improve in all their dimensions, it is confronted with the simultaneous dynamics of spiritual aspiration and the spiritual decay that accompanies strengthening. If Vaclav Havel was right when he said that the utopian vision of communism failed, among other things, because it entered a phase of disintegration and became the embodiment of the realm of lies, then the sociologist who seeks to understand the "causes of things" must take into account both spiritual and material forces. Decomposition and aspiration are also present in our academic writings, and political scientists who avoid such terms as decomposition will not be able to make sense of the material they are working with. This means that the Pentecostal self-understanding that they are spirit-driven but also subject to spiritual temptations is not an illusion, which is why I use such words as inspiration, aspiration, inspiration, and corruption. This self-understanding is part of our data and where we begin our search for a more complete understanding of this phenomenon.

Mobile Identity, global cultural Revolution and counter-revolutions

The spread of Pentecostalism throughout the entire global religious economy, with the exception of the Islamic regions proper , is one of the manifestations of a shift in the center

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the impact of Christianity on the global South. This is not just a movement across the equator to the south, but an exit from the sphere of dominance of the global North, especially Europe and North America, which is manifested not only in numbers, but also in autonomous dynamics. And this, strictly speaking, is not the actual movement to the south, because the area of Pentecostalism's spread includes the countries of the Pacific basin from Singapore to Korea, as well as territorial China and the Chinese diaspora.

Within the global religious economy, the main rivals of Pentecostalism are Islam and Catholicism, but in different ways, depending on what is offered. Islam offers a global transnational community that, whatever its internal varieties and divisions, seeks to organize the life of entire societies and States on a territorial basis and in accordance with religious law. In pluralistic countries, it often competes to end the competition. Pentecostalism, on the other hand, lives by means of the market and according to the principle of voluntariness, and although it is immediately recognized wherever it appears, it is divided into parts, fragmented, which prevents it from becoming a monopoly faith in any territory. Many competing denominations, led by religious entrepreneurs, are unlikely to seek to establish a theocracy or wage a collective holy war. Islam has sacred centers, whereas Pentecostalism is decentered. Pentecostalism is also different from the transnational Catholic Church, which emphasizes unity under one authority, attracts pilgrims to sacred centers, and preserves much of the organic and territorial character that it adopted in the old, pre-modern times. Catholicism is vigorously defending itself as an institution, even if at the expense of Catholics, as recent sex scandals show. But you can say that Pentecostal tithing, if it is actually collected, is also a form of exploitation for the survival of the institution. Every institution defends itself, whether it is an army, a branch of the government, a charitable organization, or a church. Be that as it may, Catholicism, Islam, and Pentecostalism/Evangelicalism are the main "players"at the moment. Unless I'm touching on the parallel and possibly much larger significance of Catholicism and Islam in terms of claims

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If there is no universal monotheism in a globalizing world, then only because these topics are much larger than the place I have or my competence.

Here it is necessary to say about the need to be careful, both for myself and for others. Figures are a form of propaganda, not just information, and in this area, one should especially be wary of exaggerations, which, in particular, can be caused by very vague definitions. For example, most African Christians still belong to traditional denominations, even in countries where Pentecostals are the largest religious group. Charisms flow across denominational boundaries, and at least in some parts of Africa, many believers attend, say, Anglican and Lutheran churches, but at the same time go to Pentecostal churches that they consider more African in spirit and style. And this makes the calculations problematic. Moreover, in Africa, the independents who attracted the most attention, in part because they were seen as the most African, are still thriving, although the focus of researchers has shifted from them to Pentecostal mega-churches. The interest in mega-churches has also diverted attention from the vast array of small religious initiatives, many of which are run by smart businessmen. Some parts of cities in two-thirds of the world, from Santiago to Seoul to Johannesburg, are honeycombs with many tiny cells of this kind of religious " social capital." When you see this in the unsafe areas of Johannesburg, you know that something really amazing is happening, but again, you should be careful about the nomenclature and numbers. How to understand this multi-faceted phenomenon and the infinitely multiplying denominations is a complex question. If you study these processes long enough, you will get used to very contradictory statistics and futurology. To see a large, new and officially recognized church in Beijing's university district is just as amazing as it is in Johannesburg. There are eleven choirs and six Sunday services, each of which attracts about a thousand people, mostly young people, many of them students. In China, there is the city of Wenzhou, where 15 percent of the population is Christian and there are groups called "boss Christians", but this does not mean the imminent Christianization of China. As well as Taiwan, where until recently

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there was a very different political regime, although just as repressive and hostile to religious freedom, and where Christians - no more than 3-6 percent. The upper limit for the spread of Pentecostalism/Evangelicalism in Latin America is between 10 and 20 percent, and most likely the same limit for the spread of Christianity in general in China.

If Pentecostalism is a transnational and mobile expression of pluralism, fragmentation, choice, and the principle of voluntariness, then it can well be seen as a wave coming from the future. Of course, more traditional Christian communities, such as those in Africa and India, often view him with suspicion - as an uninvited guest, a destabilizing factor. However, the movement towards competitive pluralism is by no means universal and faces counterbalancing trends, especially in Islam, but not only. There are many variations of the "integral" or organic principle, once militantly promoted by the "Catholic fortress", particularly when combined with national passion, which is often the case. In Latin America, the source of opposition to the principle of voluntariness is usually cultural nationalists from among the intelligentsia, as well as religious nationalists. The same is true of Orthodox countries, such as Greece, Russia, and Ethiopia. Defenders of their place, people, and faith, both religious and non-religious, vigorously resist the intrusion of competitors, especially if they can be convincingly presented as outsiders. There is a special type of nationalism in post-imperial territories, for example, in India and Africa, where traditional confessions rooted in these territories are considered an authentic expression of the national ethos. There, competition is not allowed on the grounds that it is a different form of colonialism, and Pentecostalism, especially the "prosperity gospel," is rejected as an invasion by the forces of American cultural imperialism, even though the notion that gods, "goods," and good are closely related is ancient and ubiquitous. Many anthropologists, as representatives of the international intelligentsia, until recently encouraged the efforts of state elites in post-imperial countries to avoid competition and maintain or even reconstruct what is considered an authentic local religion or ideology. The international intelligentsia defends multiculturalism where it already exists, in the absence of-

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Western Europe and North America. Indeed, the intellectual attitude that voluntary religious organizations should be encouraged to compete on equal terms, since this is a manifestation of respect for human rights, has been replaced by the opposite attitude: to condemn competition as a manifestation of proselytism that is hostile to human rights in the sense of the rights of a religious community to protect its integrity from encroachments by competitors. The Moscow Patriarch and the Israelis are quite unanimous in their attitude to the invasion of competitors, and perhaps they are right.

So there are many examples of resistance to pluralism and multiculturalism, and the ethnic cleansing that took place can be linked to religious cleansing in a very confusing way, and it is to be expected that commentators in the media will complicate their statements by identifying various political, economic, cultural, ethnic and religious aspects. Even from a scientific point of view, it is difficult to say what can and cannot be considered a religious conflict when it comes to Rwanda, the sepoy rebellion in India, or the persecution and forced conversion of Indian Christians in Orissa. If there is Islamophobia on a global scale, then there is a similar Christianophobia.

In the old Protestant regions of North America and Northern Europe, Pentecostalism was for the most part a late, if not new, expression of Evangelicalism and pietism. In Scandinavia, for example, and also in the UK, it has found a place, albeit very modest, in the space of free churches. In North America, Pentecostalism is an offshoot of the Methodist and Reformed traditions and is numerically inferior to evangelicalism in the American Christian "born again" culture. But the mixture of black and white Revivalism that ignited on Azusa Street in 1906, whatever the many anticipations elsewhere, from India to Wales, has given rise to a special form of inspired religion, both ancient and modern, reviving through "baptism in the Spirit, "" speaking in tongues.", liberation and healing, which is able to cross any boundaries between "cultural species". Outside the old Protestant regions, Pentecostalism has now realized the missionaries 'impossible dream of" inculturation "and" rooting " - here, there, and everywhere. Although in many cases

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In other contexts, such as South Africa, it reproduced racial, cultural, and gender divisions. This fact should be taken for granted. Such divisions are always restored, as is the sacred union of faith and territory.

Today, Pentecostalism, along with other charismatic movements, is the most expansive form of Protestantism in many parts of the global South, particularly in Latin America and Africa. Like Proteus, Pentecostalism quickly takes root as it is promoted by dynamic people who are both changing and adapting to the local context at the same time. There are elements in Pentecostalism that easily assimilate local spiritual practices, and Birgit Meyer rightly points out that these local practices are assimilated under the sign of the Holy Spirit, even if they are assigned new roles as demons rather than gods.1 In other words, they are understood as real and not illusory, whereas older denominations rejected them as pre-scientific prejudices. The demonic is always present, no matter what language we use. Pentecostalism deals with the demonic, and its exorcisms represent a way of ancient therapy carried out in a modern space, just as a Pentecostal sermon is a compelling dramatic story that is told in accordance with modern and even fashionable ideas about narrative. What some see as an export of the American faith is for others a reactivation of ancient indigenous forms of spirituality that are far removed from Protestant ethics; and for others, including myself,it is a powerful hybrid that transforms ancient spiritual worlds under the sign of the universal Holy Spirit and using modern ways of influencing people. 2
Missionaries and key Pentecostal leaders

It is well known that the successful leaders of Christianity in the modern period were most often local catechists, rather than foreign missionaries. At the same time, the role of missionaries,

1. Meyer В. Translating the Devil. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999.

2. Bastian J. -P. Le Protestantisme en Amerique Latine: une Approche Socio-Historique. Gevena: Labor et Fides, 1994.

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including their scientific contributions to anthropology, literacy and historical knowledge, entomology, cartography and geography, has recently been re-evaluated, for example, in Patrick Harris ' work on Swiss Calvinists such as Henri-Alexandre Junot in South-East Africa, and David Maxwell's study of the outstanding Pentecostal missionary Frederick Burton who preached among the Luba people of the Congo 3. Burton is atypical because he came from an upper-class background, while most missionaries belonged to lower-class and marginal groups in Europe and North America and reached out to similar classes and groups abroad. I came up with this idea when, in the Mexican state of Yucatan, in a village, I saw a very good replica of a Welsh chapel surrounded by palm trees, and I observed missionaries with Scottish names who came from the American South, who worked at the hospital in Merida, in the same places. The low social background of some missionaries may have been an important factor in determining the dismissive and hostile atmosphere that surrounded them. The educational work of missionaries in Africa has long been recognized, but much less is known about, say, the same work of Protestant missionaries in Latin America, or the role of Protestants in the Mexican Revolution, or the key role that Presbyterians played in creating higher education in Korea and Taiwan.

Modern Pentecostalism is part of the flow of people of all types and positions that crosses borders, moving from rural areas to megacities. It's a religious caravanserai or protective convoy en route to the metropolis, and a charismatic mega-church complements the metropolis. Using the market metaphor of a global religious economy, Pentecostalism competes with traditional, former state churches, with Catholics and Anglicans, as well as with the main evangelical churches, primarily in Africa and especially among young people and women. At the same time, charismatic impulses also take place outside the Pentecostal direction proper: either in traditional churches, for example, in the Middle Ages.-

3. Harries P. Butterflies and Barbarians: Swiss Missionaries and Systems of Knowledge in South-East Africa. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2007. The Maxwell Study it's not finished yet.

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Some of the most prominent Christian groups in the world are Lutherans in East Africa and Copts in the North, or in various mega-churches, many of which now preach the "gospel of health, well-being, and liberation." In Latin America, Pentecostal competition has shaken and disturbed all the major Protestant denominations that were established there in the 19th century, including Adventists, many of whom have medical and educational capital that Pentecostals do not have. 4
In the past, the link between a colonial empire, such as the British Empire, and the spread of a particular religion, such as Protestantism, was weak. I emphasize the weakness of this connection because an influential trend in recent revisionist historiography, such as Norman Etherington's Oxford History of the British Empire, not only redefines the role of the mission, but also draws attention to the significant independence of the mission from the empire, even though the religion of the imperial mother country is inevitably transferred to the colonial territories regardless of whether as far as the imperial government, as it was in Great Britain, prevents this and hinders destructive cultural reforms.5
But now the old imperial map is changing, and Pentecostalism is blurring past boundaries. Pentecostalism has become a local religion not only in Latin America, but also in French-speaking and Portuguese-speaking Africa. The Pentecostal and charismatic presence in Ethiopia is very strong, thanks in part to students at the University of Addis Ababa. In Angola and Mozambique, this influence is fueled by the circulation of people within the language community within the borders of the former Portuguese Empire, including Brazil and extending to Portugal itself. Cross-border flows move in all directions. If they reach Portugal through the spread of the Brazilian Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, they also capture large diasporas from the post-imperial territories, reaching the old Christian lands and completing the return mission. Pentecostalism is most often associated with the diaspora, rather than with Gamat, although there are notable exceptions, especially when it comes to the Jewish community.-

4. Greenleaf F. The Seventh-day Adventist Church in Latin America and the Caribbean. Vols. 1 - 2. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 1992.

5. Etherington N. (ed.). Missions and Empire. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Yes, it is chosen by ethnic groups such as the Maya or Quechua in Latin America, or when it creates hybrid churches, combining a territorial and voluntary element, as well as Protestant, Catholic and local elements, as in the case of the Redeemed Christian Church of God in Nigeria.

Pentecostalism as a Global Diaspora

Diaspora movements from post-colonial countries to the old Christian lands take many forms. For example, a Nigerian who goes to study in Russia finds a thriving megachurch with a well-developed and successful therapeutic function in Ukraine.6 West Africans come to Northern Europe and congregate in churches in major cities, from London and Amsterdam to Berlin.7 A small example: in the Saxon city of Halle, there are two Pentecostal congregations, both African, French-speaking and English-speaking. In London, Kensington Temple is a megachurch that has a multicultural center to welcome new immigrants from all over the world8. The Korean diaspora is a different kind of example. Initially, American Presbyterians were influential in Korea, and Christianity became associated with Korean economic and educational development, as well as national identity. But there have long been Rivivelist tendencies, and the arrival of Pentecostals has dramatically increased the number of Christian denominations.9
Christianity, including Pentecostalism and Charismatic megachurches, achieved success in Korea in the 1960s and 1990s. The Koreans then took their Christianity with them to North America, where conversions also took place, and carried it through the Pacific region all the way to the Philippines, and then to the Far East,

6. Wanner С. Communities of the Converted: Ukrainians and Global Evangelism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007.

7. Dijk van R. Time and Transcultural: Technologies of the Self in the Ghanaian Pentecostal Diaspora // Corten A., Marshall-Fratani R. (eds.). Beyond Babel and Pentecost: Transnational Pentecostalism in Africa and Latin America. London: Hurst, 2001. Chap. 12. P. 216 - 234.

8. Thompson D. Waiting for the Antichrist. Charisma and Apocalypse in a Pentecostal Church. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

9. Buswell R.E., Lee T.S. (eds.). Christianity in Korea. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2005.

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to the Vladivostok area. They are even active in Afghanistan and Kyrgyzstan.10 Another stream: Filipino immigrants to the United States acquired Evangelical or Pentecostal faith and brought it back to the Philippines, which is probably the country where the idea of "new birth" Christianity as an American export is most widespread.

Niche Markets for Global Pentecostalism: Small People, Marginal Peoples, New Middle Classes

Pentecostalism, with its accompanying charismatic trends, is influencing the global religious economy in various ways. First, it is a movement of "little people" who are detached from traditional hierarchies and places and see new opportunities for themselves, especially if they come together in disciplined religious groups for edification and improvement in moral, spiritual and material terms. These are groups with a thousand names that can be found all over two-thirds of the world in poor areas, where hives of social capital are buzzing. Then there is the "awakening" of minor peoples, including those "first nations" who, as anthropologists have long believed, resist Christianization.11 Here we have a Pentecostal variation on the awakening of national consciousness, except that it is inherently fragmented and does not encompass entire nations. Marginal groups are reexamining their usual stereotypes and re-disciplining themselves. In some cases, the spread of Pentecostalism coincides with the withdrawal of social assistance provided by the mainline churches, as was the case with Aboriginal Australians, or with the expulsion of missionaries, as in Ethiopia. People who are marginalized are exposed to a transnational horizon that seems to take them out of the immediate and dominant ethnic context. Another type of influence that can be considered more charismatic is the mobile international business culture. This effect can be observed in all

10. Pelkmans M. Conversion after Socialism: Disruptions, Modernisms, and Technologies of Faith. Oxford: Berghahn, 2009.

11. Brook P. (ed.). Indigenous People and Religious Change. Leiden: Brill, 2005.

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from Singapore and Shanghai to Seoul, and among the emerging middle classes in countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa, Argentina, and Brazil. Managers find protection from corruption schemes and a space in which they can be emotional. Neo-Pentecostalism of this type is particularly close to the business values of the Far Eastern peoples. There is not the same suspicion of luxury and fear of the moral temptations of wealth that characterized the old Pentecostal groups belonging to the" holiness tradition " who sought to avoid being tainted by worldly influences. Pastors look and dress like managers and see this lifestyle as proof of divine blessing and the correctness of their faith. The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in Brazil shows a very businesslike style. It occupies spaces similar to movie theaters, with doors opening onto busy central streets. At the same time, this image of religion as a business should not obscure the way of life of many believers, such as those belonging to a Christian congregation in Brazil, which emphasizes purely spiritual goals in the spirit of quietism and avoids publicity, so that even its church can be difficult to find. The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God deliberately puts itself on display, while the Christian Congregation remains in modest seclusion.

The Pentecostal version of "university culture" is much less significant, with the exception of West Africa and, of course, Ethiopia, where a spiritual revival has taken place in some of the largest universities. At the same time, a Pentecostal intelligentsia is also emerging, capable of creating its own higher-level educational institutions than the Bible institute. In addition to the training that is provided in such institutions, Pentecostal preachers themselves combine the characteristics of "hidden intelligentsia" and captains of the religious industry; they are quite suitable for their work, because they learn in the process of their activities and survive in the market conditions. This means that they are close to people in language and culture, and that their failures are typical of newcomers and are associated with the temptations that money, power, and sex generate. Their choice is the choice of the poor, who strive for a better life by realizing their own opportunities, and not the choice of the poor, who focus on sponsors who mobilize these poor people

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from the outside in accordance with their own goals. David Lehmann considers one of the most characteristic features of Pentecostals is their indifference to sponsorship.12
Alternative dominant narrative and cultural mobilization

The global shift associated with Pentecostalism and the charismatic movement is the emergence of an alternative dominant narrative (master narrative) of our time. In the developing world, where large - scale transformations are taking place, today there is a Christian dominant narrative-along with the secular narratives of the international intelligentsia, international business, Islam, Catholicism and, for example, China. This narrative involves the cultural mobilization of the poor, which is carried out in its own way and in its own ways. This is not an externally supported movement. This is cultural mobilization, because since it is also political mobilization, it takes many forms according to social status and interest, despite some similarities with the liberal ideology of the market, especially in the activities of the captains of the religious industry. Like capitalism, it has no dogmatic attitudes about progress, but only space for its own development. If we take into account the catastrophes associated with Marxism, which at one time was the dogma of the intelligentsia, as well as its collapse, primarily in terms of its own criteria of success, then the existence of a pragmatic, autonomous and non-violent Christian alternative is of world-historical significance. No one was killed, which is why the Western media was so reluctant to pay attention to him. People, especially widows who are tired of macho men posing with Kalashnikovs, and men who have not been conscripted into the Sandinista brigades or guerrilla groups, find a socially acceptable alternative in Pentecostalism. To understand this change in male psychology, you can read David Smilde's study on referrals in Caracas 13.

12. Lehmann D. Struggle for the Spirit Religious Transformations and Popular Culture. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996.

13. Smilde D. Reason to Believe: Cultural Agency in Latin American Evangelicalism. Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 2009.

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Pentecostalism is attractive to women because it provides an extensive, if limited, field of activity, including leading megachurches, and changes their family situation. If Marxism was on the decline in the last half-century, Pentecostalism was on the rise. Its various variants, many of which partially coincided with underground groups, achieved success in China, especially among poor women, just at the peak of the repression accompanied by the destruction of temples. The time of Marxist repression in Ethiopia (and the Ugandan civil war) was also favorable for its underground distribution.14 In unfavorable social circumstances, people willy-nilly reached out to each other and got to know each other better.

Anglo-American, not French model

Another major shift associated with the spread of Pentecostalism and Charismatism is the success of the Anglo-American model of the future in comparison with the French secularist model. The revolutions of 1642 and 1688 in England and the revolution of 1776 in the American colonies proved more influential in the long run than the revolution of 1789 and its Russian continuation in 1917. French secularism has given the main narrative to intellectuals and radical liberals in Latin America, along with the Anglo-American model, but it is losing its power there, as well as in North Africa under the influence of Islam. Anglo-American liberalism proposed two models of modernization, one of which was influenced by Marxism. This second model ignores the influence of culture and focuses on the passivity of victims, rather than on activity and pragmatic self-help. No one doubts today about the millions of victims of repressive structures, but at the same time there are cultural revolutions based on active transformative efforts and self-help, driven by the idea of "improvement from above", which gives rise to much greater hopes than, say, the "cultural revolution" conducted by the central political power in China. Culture is of great importance and is one of the main conditions for change for the better.

14. Jones В. Beyond the State in Rural Uganda. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009.

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There was, of course, both the European and North American cultural revolutions of the 1960s, parallel to the Chinese, but developing in a completely different direction. If the Chinese Cultural Revolution was the mobilization of the entire society by an authoritarian regime, the Cultural revolution in the North Atlantic inspired skepticism about all institutions - political, economic, family, or religious-in the name of a spirituality centered on the human self. Pentecostalism is also a spirit movement that has some of the characteristics of the "expressive revolution" of the 1960s, but at the same time it introduces community, family, and personal discipline. In particular, it helps the poor survive, especially when undisciplined macho behavior undermines the domestic well-being created by women, and it also helps protect the best in today's vicious and depraved atmosphere. The role of discipline in creating stability is one of the most important factors that attract women. While in the richer parts of the world women are trying to free themselves from the burdens of family life, in the poorer parts they need men and are willing to accept them.

What the Chinese tried to achieve under the leadership of the party and government, and what the peoples of the North Atlantic seek through individual conversion, Pentecostals and their charismatics achieve in the developing world through voluntary associations that exist below the level of the state and above the level of the individual, realizing the most important cultural quality: personal, family and community discipline. It has long been known that the establishment of democracy was accompanied by the existence of strong voluntary associations that nurtured social virtues that curbed individual selfishness and created a potential buffer against State authoritarianism. This is exactly the role that Pentecostalism may play in the global religious economy, but we should not expect this in the near future, as successful democratization requires other favorable factors. Nor should we ignore, as Pentecostals too often do, the systemic difference between effective personal and group action and effective engagement with political structures.

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Multiple modernities involving religion, or secularization?

Pentecostalism in the global religious economy should be placed within the framework of the theory of secularization and the concept of multiple modernities. My two major works on Pentecostalism are Tongues of Fire and Pentecostalism: Their Coming - the Whole World: The World Their Parish - I suggested that the rise of Pentecostalism in the developing world, at first glance, indicates that Europe does not provide a model for the future of religion.15 Latin America is very different from Latin Europe, despite the fact that in the former the elites were partly influenced by the French model of militant secularism, and Africa is also very different, particularly after Islamism replaced Marxism in the French-speaking North African region.

An alternative view, linked to the classical theory of secularization, calls into question these peculiar trajectories or the multiplicity of forms of modernity and sees Pentecostalism as the last gasp of the Spirit. Pentecostalism can be considered a manifestation of the disintegration of an organic traditional religion, parallel to the disintegration previously witnessed by Methodism in the North Atlantic world, and these decadent trends have now spread to Latin America, Africa, and parts of Asia. Just as Methodism represented a phase in the development of the North Atlantic and helped the Protestant countries in which it was established avoid revolution, so Pentecostalism represents a phase in the development of the South Atlantic with similar consequences. It was as if capitalism had once again briefly entered into a kind of alliance with religion, as it had in seventeenth-century Amsterdam or Victorian England, before the new agenda for divorce was formed. The countries that are now flooded with Pentecostalism will be similar in the future to what is now Wales, a century after the great spiritual revival of 1904-1905. Pentecostalism is a "revolving door," not only in the sense that many go in to get out, but historically, because the "flaming tongues" will turn

15. Martin D. Tongues of Fire. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990; Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002.

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to ashes in your mouth, as soon as the iron cage of rationality and bureaucracy is closed. Everything depends on the fundamental transferability of the European experience from Europe, where religion is closely intertwined with collapsing social structures, to the rest of the world.

Where are the regions where Pentecostalism (along with evangelicalism, of course) is consistent with the various trends of major civilizations? Although it is least successful in Western Europe, even here it is the most vibrant sector. Similarly, even if it experiences both social and physical pressures in Islamic societies, it is this form of Christianity that is most likely to have an impact, for example, in northern Kyrgyzstan and even in Iran. In North America, it partly ensures the viability of conservative churches. In Eastern Europe, we see a clear and growing Pentecostal presence, gradually gaining a foothold in vast but almost religiously desolate Christian territories, especially in multicultural regions such as Transylvania and Western Ukraine. In black Africa, it comes in successive waves, attracting people from historical denominations, from independent African churches, and from non-Christian religions that exist there but are in decline; and it even takes believers away from Coptic Christianity or makes its presence known within it. Pentecostalism came to Ethiopia mainly through Swedish and Finnish missionaries and then through university students in Addis Ababa, as well as the work of a black Kenyan evangelist, but it flooded all the major churches, blurring their borders, and penetrated the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Together with other Protestants, it now covers almost 20 percent of the population: about 14 million people. As in Latin America, Pentecostalism has shown the ability to undermine the hegemony of the Roman Catholic Church even in the main Catholic continent. And this is not to mention its spread in the non-monotheistic worlds of China and India, as well as its appearance throughout Southeast Asia within the Roman Catholic Church. Michael Bergander gives a brilliant overview of its distribution in South India 16.

So, we have to ask ourselves whether the world's civilizations (with their offshoots) lay out different paths to modernity, which means translating a special Western European path

16. Bergunder M. The South Indian Pentecostal Movement in the Twentieth century. Cambridge: Eerdmanns, 2009.

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to the status of an exception that tried to present ethnocentrism as a universal norm, or will these civilizations have to go through the process of secularization in accordance with the rigid version of this sociological theory? I am cautiously leaning towards the first possibility, but I am also a proponent of a soft version of the general theory of secularization, according to which a replication of North American pluralism is quite likely (with or without historically specific North American "culture wars"), which will be a manifestation of the logic of social differentiation that expands the yawning similar to the division that exists in Christianity itself between God and Caesar. What is happening in Latin America is undoubtedly an example of such replication, and not the result of an imperial invasion of Anglo-American culture, as some believe.

Processes associated with social differentiation

Two processes accompany social differentiation: the erosion of social capital, which consists of communal solidarity stimulated by voluntary adherence to religion, and the tendency to increase individualism or what some call personal narcissism. It is clear that Evangelicalism and Pentecostalism create strongholds of solidarity, and as radical individualization accelerates in modern society, these strongholds will be eroded. In this scenario, all forms of solidarity, religious and otherwise, together with the social capital they produce, are subject to atomization. Since the individual is the main achievement of Protestantism (of course, along with various ideologies such as Romanticism), this will be another example of faith digging its own grave. The" spirit "of Pentecostalism will eventually be extinguished, and the "tongues" will be silenced. Currently, it is difficult to predict how likely this scenario is.

Rationalization and bureaucratization

If individualization and consumerist hedonism undoubtedly have predictable consequences, then perhaps so do other components of secularization theory, such as rationalization

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and bureaucratization, should be attributed less explanatory power than it has hitherto been done. Rationalization and bureaucratization have some consequences for religion, but it is not at all obvious, either empirically or theoretically, that religion is a form of the irrational, condemned to the influence of technical reason and rationalized bureaucracy. Empirical evidence suggests that the United States is as heavily rationalized as Sweden, and yet the religious situation in these countries varies greatly. It is probably an oversimplification to assume that the relationship between rationalization and religion is like a zero-sum game, where the former weakens as the former increases. One of the most intriguing features of Pentecostalism is precisely the search for Eden through modern means.

All of this supports the ability of Pentecostalism to remain viable for a long time to come. Thus, in the phase when Pentecostalism initiates "withdrawal", it may seem that the religion is privatized, but in fact it is carrying out a large-scale cultural revolution, which may result in an entire influential group-in the image of black churches in the United States. With regard to the erosion of social capital, it can only be noted that if social capital as such, including religion, is not replenished, then social viability itself is called into question.

As for bureaucratization, there are many examples of Pentecostal bureaucracy, and some of these examples are analyzed by David Lehmann in The Struggle for the Spirit.17 At the same time, the combination of fusion and division in the evangelical world usually ensures that if one sector becomes bureaucratic, another sector emerges under the sign of a new charisma, and so far Pentecostal churches have successfully combined bureaucratization with broad participation and the acquisition of charismatic gifts, such as healing. The question is whether the secular populist impulse, represented in all its diversity by the hidden intelligentsia, the captains of the religious industry, and prophetic voices from Latin America and Africa, will be appropriated by the secular intelligentsia, placed under bureaucratic supervision, and used as an additional lever by Western intellectual forces.

17. Lehmann D. Struggle for the Spirit: Religious Transformations and Popular Culture. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996.

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the establishment. Packaging and controlling the Spirit has its limits, and Max Weber's "iron cage" can be avoided here, if at all possible.

The scenario that most likely precludes social differentiation, which is consistent with the factional logic of Christianity itself , is some new hegemony, now from Evangelicalism and Pentecostalism. Such ambitions are found in some Brazilian enthusiasts, and in Guatemala, the evangelical and neo-Pentecostal ethos is influencing even a significant part of the new elite. However, the chances of an organizational restoration of the church-state cohesion seem very doubtful. Many denominations cannot have a decisive influence on the state, and this is where the contrast with Islam is most significant. Clearly, the implications of the two competing versions of Jewish monotheism are very different, and we are dealing with different ways in which faith affects civilization. Although various elements of the modernization process are present in the Islamic world, they take special forms under the influence of Islamic culture. Again, differentiation differs in its possible outcomes, which include the probability of de-differentiation. In terms of differentiation, conservative Evangelicalism and conservative Islam are polar opposites, and in our current situation, both seem dangerous to liberals and liberal Christians, who combine them under the name of fundamentalism. This association is wrong, not only because there is a huge difference in the potential for violence, but also for the reasons I mentioned above.

Translated from English by Alexander Kyrlezhev

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