Libmonster ID: U.S.-1701

The current contradictions between Pakistan and Afghanistan have deep historical roots. The anti-colonial struggle of the peoples of British India was successfully completed in 1947, when on August 14, Pakistan was declared an independent state, receiving the status of a dominion within the British Commonwealth of Nations, and on August 15, 1947, the independence of India (under the name of the Indian Union) was proclaimed with the same status. The territories inhabited mainly by Hindus became part of India, and the territories inhabited mainly by Muslims became part of Pakistan. After the partition, only the problem of belonging to Kashmir remained, in an attempt to solve it by force, a part of the population of the North-West Border Province (NWFP) was soon drawn in, and specifically, the band 1 tribes, and in particular, the Afridi and Momand tribes.

Keywords: Northwest Frontier Province, NWFP, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, India, Pakistan, Pashtunistan, Afghanistan, Kashmir, jihad, Nehru, Jinnah, Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Khan Sahib, Abdul Qayyum Khan, Faqir, Waziristan, Bhutto, INC., Muslim League, Pashtuns, Khudai Khidmatgar.

The territory of the province, now called Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, with its center in Peshawar, consists of administrative districts subordinate to the provincial government, and a band of free Pashtun tribes subordinate directly to the Government of Pakistan. The laws of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan apply to the territory of administrative districts. On the territory of the free tribes, the Pashtunwali (or Pashtunvalai) code of customary law applies, and in practice much depends on the will of the tribal leaders. This province was formed from territories torn away by the British Empire from Afghanistan as a result of an agreement signed with the Afghan Emir Abdurrahman Khan in 1893. Along it, the border between British India and Afghanistan began to run along the so-called Durand Line (named after the British official M. Durand, who carried out the demarcation). During the national liberation movement in India, the Khudai Khidmatgar 2 patriotic organization led by prominent Pashtun leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan was established in the NWFP, and then the Indian National Congress (INC) party branch led by his brother Khan Sahib. Khudai Khidmatgar became part of Inc. Just before the partition of British India, a fierce secession struggle broke out in the NWFP.

1 Band or zone of independent (free) Pashtun tribes.

2 God's Servants.

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INC., which supported the annexation of India, and a branch of the Muslim League party, which supported the annexation of the province to Pakistan. The intensity of the struggle was also due to the fact that the League's branch was headed by one of the former leaders of Khudai Khidmatgar and Abdul Ghaffar Khan's associates, Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan.

After the central leadership of the INC agreed to hold a referendum in the NWFP on its affiliation, the provincial Congress branch left the INC and launched a struggle for a Free Pashtunistan. The political circles of Afghanistan supported this struggle. However, the Governor of British India, Lord Mountbatten, refused to include the issue of a Free Pashtunistan on the referendum ballot. As a result of the referendum, the administrative districts of the NWFP became part of Pakistan. As for the position of Afghanistan, its parliament in 1947 decided not to recognize the annexation of this province to Pakistan and the border along the Durand Line, which caused the growing and subsiding tension in relations between these countries.

After the declaration of independence of Pakistan, the NWFP experienced complex political conflicts and repressions.3 On August 22, 1947, the Governor-General of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, dissolved the kongressist government of Khan Sahib and on August 23, the Muslim League government led by Abdul Qayyum Khan came to power in the NWFP. However, the Muslim League branch of the NWFP did not have a majority in the provincial Legislative Assembly, and Abdul Qayyum Khan believed that the best way out of this situation would be to abandon the parliamentary form of government in the province. He believed that it was necessary to hold a referendum to elect a leader, and that the leader could appoint several colleagues with whom he could create a new administration until new elections were held in the NWFP. M. A. Jinnah himself considered this period of development of the situation in the province to be a period of"confusion and vacillation". However, there was no need to dissolve the provincial Legislative Assembly. When the Assembly convened in the spring of 1948 to discuss the budget for the next fiscal year, seven members of the congregational organization NWFP decided to join the Muslim League, and the government of Abdul Qayyum Khan received the necessary majority of deputies [Jansson, 1981, p. 220].

So, as a result of the referendum on the affiliation of the NWFP, administrative districts became part of Pakistan. They established the Muslim League Government, and the party's parliamentary majority was formed in the provincial Legislative Assembly. Meanwhile, the situation in the administrative districts was changing quite dynamically. As Governor-General, M. A. Jinnah proposed to the former governor of Karou Province, who was removed before the referendum at the request of the leadership of the provincial branch of the INC, to return to the post of governor of the NWFP. All Hindu and Sikh members of the provincial Legislative Assembly, except Deputy Kota Ram, emigrated to India, the size of the Assembly was reduced to 39 people, and Abdul Qayyum Khan received a decisive majority in it [Year Book ..., 1954, p. 29].

However, all this affected administrative districts, but not the band of tribes. Its population did not participate in the referendum and, consequently, did not give consent to join Pakistan. The authorities of the new state had to work hard to ensure that the band of tribes became an organic part of it. At the same time, it was necessary to take into account that the tribes wanted to preserve their privileges. In accordance with agreements with the heads of the very "young" Pashtun principalities of Dir, Chitral, Swat and Amb, these territories also became part of Pakistan, becoming a mountainous part of its band of tribes. However, in practice, not everything was as successful as it seemed when the struggle for Pakistan was going on. On the economic situation of the NWFP immediately

3 At the same time, the province experienced an increase in economic indicators.

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The negative consequences of the division of the former colony were reflected, which, of course, led to the deterioration of the already difficult situation of its population. It took time for the economic situation in the province to improve. In addition, the problem of Kashmir was also added, in which representatives of the tribes, in particular the Afridi, were actually drawn by the new leadership of the province. The war in Kashmir has become one of the main problems of the transition period.

The complexity of the situation and its consequences were revealed when deciding the fate of the northernmost, largest in terms of territory (over 200 thousand square kilometers) of the highland principality of Jammu and Kashmir. Muslims made up about 80% of its inhabitants, while the ruler was a Hindu-Maharaja Hari Singh. The center of the principality in the picturesque valley of Kashmir, which represented its most populated part, had established lines of communication only with the western regions of Punjab, which went to Pakistan. Kashmir had a great symbolic significance as the cradle of a unique Islamic culture, one of the favorite vacation spots of famous Muslim rulers in history.

The fate of the principality of Jammu and Kashmir is largely linked to Jinnah's policy in the final phase of the British withdrawal from the colony. Since he supported the principle of sovereignty of the hereditary rulers and the significance of their decisions, he was forced to tolerate the maharaja's hesitation, who cherished the hope of maintaining power in the principality. Moreover, on the day of the declaration of independence, the Jinnah-led government of Pakistan signed an agreement with Jinnah to preserve the independence of the principality for a period of one year, forcing the Indian side to take into account the uncertainty of its status [Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, 2008, p.79]. Although Kashmir was unquestionably a Muslim region, the Congress leadership did not lose hope of connecting it to India. It was based on two factors. One of them is the Hinduism of the ruling dynasty and the influence of the upper stratum, which consisted largely of Kashmiri Brahmins (pandits). The top podcast included the families of Nehru and a number of other prominent Indian political figures bearing the surnames Sapru, Kaul, Pant, and Khaksar. The second factor was related to the peculiarities of the socio-political situation in the principality.

Since the beginning of the 1930s, a massive opposition movement has developed in the principality. From the Muslim Conference party that initially headed it, a group of radical politicians led by Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah stood out. In her demands for political and economic change, she became close to the left-wing leadership of the Congress and founded the most popular National Conference. Sheikh Abdullah, like the Maharaja, was an ideologically implacable opponent of Kashmir's autonomy. The relationship between the Sheikh and the Jinnah was understandably hostile. At the same time, the former has developed an understanding with Nehru and is convinced that in an alliance with the new India, he will be able to achieve his plans. Both of these circumstances were used by the leadership of the new Indian dominion to annex Kashmir [Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, 2008, pp. 79-80].

In addition to the underlying factors, the war in Kashmir was also caused by current political calculations. The ruler of the principality, Maharaja Hari Singh, postponed for a year the decision on which dominion to join, in order to weaken the position of his opponent in the principality, the leader of the National Conference party, Sheikh Abdullah (whom he kept under arrest until the end of September 1947), and not to interrupt the established supply routes of the principality passing through Pakistan. At the same time, he was clearly inclined to join India. However, although the Maharaja had the right to do so, Delhi wanted his decision to look not only legal, but also fair. To do this, it had to receive the support of the population, which could only be provided by Sheikh Abdullah [Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, 2008, p. 88].

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During a visit to Kashmir by the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, the latter tried to persuade the Maharaja to hold a referendum on belonging to the principality. However, the maharaja and the ruling elite did not want this. It was clear to them that if the referendum was held, the majority of the population would be in favor of joining Pakistan. In September 1947, Mahatma Gandhi arrived in Kashmir and secured the release of Sheikh Abdullah from prison and an agreement between the Maharaja and the leadership of the National Conference. The tragedy of partition, rumors of massacres of Muslims were used to incite Pashtuns from other tribes to India. It should be noted that one of the first decisions of the Government of Pakistan was to order the withdrawal of regular military units from the band of tribes that were there during the last decades of colonial rule. This news reinforced the" patriotic " attitude of the Pashtun militia [Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, 2008, p. 88].

In the late summer and early autumn of 1947, the Muslim population was massacred in Jammu, the southwestern part of the principality, inhabited mainly by Hindus. This triggered an invasion of Jammu and Kashmir by Pashtun militias. The head of the NWFP Government, Abdul Qayyum Khan, provided them with road transport and fuel. The distinctive feature of this invasion was that it involved only Pashtun militias, not regular Pakistani troops. The invasion of Jammu and Kashmir began on the night of October 22, 1947, as soon as the bloody clashes in Punjab began to subside [Spain, 1963, p. 206]. The action was led by Major General Akbar Khan of the Pakistani Army. In September 1947, the Prime Minister of Pakistan initiated this invasion.

Major Kurshid Anwar of the Pakistan Army was appointed commander of the northern sector. Going to Peshawar, he received material and other assistance from Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan (Akhbar, 1993, p. 1116). Armed groups of Pashtuns, mostly Afridi, attacked the city of Muzaffarabad, crossing the border of Kashmir from the Hazara District (NWFP). Most of them, in about 100 trucks, crossed the Krishen Ganga Bridge. They soon completely sacked Muzaffarabad and just as quickly moved to the main road in the direction of the Uri river and Srinagar. Another group moved across the river. Uri on the road to Poonch (Spain, 1963, p. 206). This" invasion "of Kashmir by Pakistan has long been described by the official authorities as a purely "voluntary" action, which was" spontaneously " undertaken by outraged tribes who rushed to the rescue of their oppressed brothers. However, drivers, fuel and cars were hardly typical features of the tribal way of life. British officers, as well as Pakistani officials, were aware of the situation and supported, although they may not have directly organized or instigated, this desperate October operation all the way through northern Pakistan. Pakistan probably expected to annex Kashmir, especially since - a very symbolic detail-the name of the state began with the letter "K" in the middle of the name of the new state. On the night of October 24, New Delhi received an unofficial report that the raiders had captured and burned Muzaffarabad, and the next morning the command of the Pakistani army officially notified the military leadership of the fraternal dominion: "tribal volunteers ""entered" Kashmir, their vanguard is only 35-40 miles from Srinagar [Wolpert, 1997, p. 399].

The government forces of the principality were completely demoralized and broken. The aggravation of the situation in the south-west of the principality in the Poonch district, where an influential stratum of the population was made up of Pashtuns, some of whom served in the Anglo-Indian army, played a role in the conflict that began. In the wake of a sharp escalation of the inter-communal situation along the invisible border of Kashmir's division into predominantly Muslim and non-Muslim areas, an insurgency began in Poonch in October under the slogan of creating Azad Kashmir ("Free Kashmir"). Pashtun militias, mostly from the Afridi tribe, along the only mountain road that connected

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then the valley of Kashmir with the west of Punjab, crossing the Uri River and taking the city of Baramula, approached the main city of the principality - Srinagar. The terrified Maharaja of Kashmir fled by plane to Delhi, asked for help from the Government of India and received consent to provide it on condition that the principality joined the Indian Union. On October 26, the Maharaja signed the act of annexation of the principality to India [Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, 2008, pp. 88-89]. Airlifted Indian troops, consisting mainly of Sikhs, pushed back the Pashtun militia from Srinagar beyond the Uri river. In Kashmir, a government was formed headed by Sheikh Abdullah, who was released from prison earlier. However, Pashtun militias continued to remain in Kashmir until the UN-sponsored ceasefire was reached on January 1, 1949 [Spain, 1963, p. 200].

The transfer of Indian military contingents across the air bridge provoked a response from official Pakistan. Its Governor-General gave orders to move troops to Kashmir. However, the commander of the Pakistani forces, General D. Grace, refused to comply with it on the grounds that British officers could not fight against their own forces. General D. Grace also pointed out the weakness of the Pakistani forces. After a showdown with the Supreme Commander-in-Chief who arrived in Lahore (the joint command was still preserved), Field Marshal K. Jinnah's Ochinlik countermanded his order. Speaking at a mass rally at the Lahore stadium on October 30, he never mentioned Kashmir, but called for "saving the honor of Pakistan and Islam" [Quaid-i-Azam, 1949, p. 29-31]. On the first of November, the Governor-General of India, Lord Mountbatten, flew to him for negotiations. Jinnah accepted the situation in Kashmir, but continued to insist on the illegality of annexation and the need to grant the population the right to decide the fate of the principality [Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, 2008, pp. 87-88]. Meanwhile, positional battles in Kashmir continued, and by December 1947, the line of demarcation of the principality was revealed in the territories that were falling under the control of India and Pakistan. The city of Poonch was on the Indian side, but most of the area of the same name fell into the zone of pro-Pakistan forces that announced the creation of the government of Azad Kashmir. In the north-west of the principality in a sparsely populated, but very extensive (75 thousand square kilometers) area. Local units ("Gilgit Scouts") announced that they did not comply with the decision of Srinagar to join India, and raised the flag of Pakistan. The same was stated by the rulers of the principalities of Hunza, Nagar, Punial, Yasin, Ishkuman, Gizar, Chilas, which are dependent on the Maharaja. Together with the Baltistan Agency (Skardu) They later formed the Northern Territories controlled by Pakistan [Encyclopedia of Pakistan, 1998, pp. 241-242].

A slight softening of bilateral relations, which became noticeable in December with no way out of the impasse over Kashmir, prompted the Indian government to seek UN assistance. The complaint against Pakistan led to the formation of the organization's special commission on India and Pakistan on January 17, 1948. In accordance with the UN Security Council resolution of April 21 of the same year, the principles of the settlement included the withdrawal of Pashtun militias and all Pakistani troops from the principality, the reduction of Indian forces to the minimum necessary to maintain law and order, and the appointment of a plebiscite administrator. After visiting the ground, India and Pakistan, the UN mission led by Czechoslovak diplomat I. Korbel developed a plan of action, enshrined in the UN resolution of August 13, 1948, which called on the parties to cease fire, conclude an armistice and resolve the issue by plebiscite, subject to the above-mentioned conditions.

4 Many more British officers served in the armies of India and Pakistan, and the "nationalization" of the armed forces of Pakistan did not begin until 1950 with the mass replacement of the British by Pakistanis. In early 1950, the first commander - in-chief, future President Muhammad Ayyub Khan, appeared.

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prerequisites. At the end of 1948, after a new outbreak of fighting, which did not lead to significant changes in the positions of the parties, 5 India and Pakistan agreed to a cease-fire. On January 1, 1949, the relevant UN resolution came into force, and on January 5, the Commission proposed a revised plan for resolving the problem, based on the same principles of holding a plebiscite. On July 27, 1949, in Karachi, the parties signed an agreement on the ceasefire line, which meant solving the most pressing problem of disengagement of troops. Overall, it was a low-intensity conflict. Casualties on both sides only slightly exceeded 1,000 people (Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, 2008, pp. 90-91).

Unfortunately, the invading militias staged a real terror against the non-Muslim population. They carried out murders of monks in Buddhist monasteries, and the northern regions of Punjab suffered from their raids. One of the groups of raiders, returning from Kashmir via the Gujarat region, attacked non-Islamic refugees who left on January 13, 1948, and was repulsed only after a six-hour fierce battle with units of the Pakistan Army [Akhbar, 1993, p. 1116]. Of course, the Government of Pakistan, the Governor-General M. A. Jinnah personally, and the Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan cannot be blamed for instigating these atrocities. The fact that under the influence of the "spirit of jihad" the Pashtun militias allowed themselves to create terror against the non-Islamic population does not at all paint their mission, which they perceived as protecting their co-religionists from the terror of the ruling regime of the Maharaja of Kashmir. "The Pashtuns burned, looted, raped, and shot-all within a day's march of Srinagar, where hundreds of thousands of people were virtually defenseless" (Wolpert, 1997, p. 401). But it was through the "Kashmir jihad" that tribal people at an early stage of Pakistan's existence began to identify with the interests of this state [Jansson, 1981, p. 238].

On the agenda was a change in the central government's policy towards the tribal belt. Tribal people, who had always been a problem for the British Indian Government, were no longer a problem for the Pakistani government. Various tribes in specially assembled jirgas expressed their full support for the inclusion of these tribes in the grandiose Muslim state that appeared on the world map. Curzon's policy was revised three months after the formation of Pakistan. It was said above that one of the first decisions of M. A. Jinnah, after he became Governor-General, was the decision to withdraw troops from the band of tribes. It was enthusiastically received by the local population (Haque, 1957, p. 4). The new policy was based on trust and friendship, secured by the withdrawal of troops stationed in the tribal belt. The withdrawal of troops from North and South Waziristan began on December 6 and ended on December 27, 1947. Important border posts in Van and Razmak were abandoned by Pakistani army units, which were garrisoned in the territories of Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan and Kohat administrative districts. The troops were also withdrawn from the Khyber Pass.

This new policy, which was implemented in place of the "close border" policy previously implemented by the British administration, i.e., the" closed border policy", had very big consequences. It was based on a humane approach to the problem of "pride and poverty of Pashtuns" living in the mountains and mountain valleys. The tribal people realized that the government of the new Islamic State would never use the mountain Pashtuns solely to its advantage. While the Muslim League and the Provincial Congress were fighting in Peshawar, the free Pashtun tribes went about their business. During the first three months of 1947, Afridi

5 In particular, an attempt by Pakistani troops to occupy Kargil and cut the only road connecting Srinagar with the northeastern Tibetan-Buddhist region of Ladakh was unsuccessful.

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The Khyber Pass was blocked three times. At the Maliki Afridiev Government House, they told Olaf Karou that they had no dealings with either the Muslim League or the Kongressists and could deal with a government representing both sides, and that they, the Afridievs, owned the Khyber Pass and would negotiate with the provincial government on this basis. During Mountbatten's visit to the NWFP, the head of one of the 6 Afridi khels, Abdul Latif, even threatened him with negotiations with Afghanistan. So the departure of the British did not make a big change in the life of the "free" tribes.

For the local population, the withdrawal of troops from the band of tribes was still not a complete blessing. Contracts for the supply of troops and for the construction of roads that were economically important for the poor tribal population have gone into oblivion. Most of all, Masud and Wazirs7 suffered from this, demanding the return of military garrisons to their former locations. And yet, in spite of everything, the Pashtuns of all tribes became full citizens of the new state. Their economy was given the opportunity to develop along with the economy of the whole of Pakistan. Their well-being became his well-being, and their problems became the problems of all of Pakistan [Haque, 1957, p. 4].

As for the administrative districts, there the Prime Minister of the provincial government, Abdul Qayyum Khan, persistently sought to destroy any opposition to his power, declaring his opponents enemies of Pakistan. At one time, before joining the Muslim League, he was one of the leaders of Khudai Khidmatgar. Now, as before the referendum, his main attack was directed against his former colleagues. Abdul Qayyum Khan was afraid that the leaders of this organization, Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Khan Sahib and others might enter into an agreement with M. A. Jinnah.

At a meeting of the opposition held on September 3 and 4, 1947, attended by the leaders of the parliamentary wing of the NWFP Congress, the youth organization of the provincial Congress "Zalmai Pashtun" ("Young Pashtun") and Khudai Khidmatgar, the following resolution was adopted::

a) Khudai Khidmatgar recognizes Pakistan as his country and undertakes to do everything possible to strengthen and secure its interests and to make all necessary sacrifices for this purpose;

b) The dissolution of the Government of Dr. Khan Sahib and the formation of the Government of Abdul Qayyum Khan is an anti-democratic action, but as it is going through a critical stage, Khudai Khidmatgar will not take steps that could create difficulties for both the provincial and central governments;

c) After the partition of the country, Khudai Khidmatgar severs its ties with the All India Congress Organization. Pashtunistan should have greater autonomy within Pakistan. "This new State," the resolution said, " will include the six administrative districts of the North-West Frontier Province, as well as all other adjacent territories inhabited by Pashtuns who may wish to join the new State of their own free will. This state will be included in the defense, Foreign Affairs and communications agreement with Pakistan " [Jansson, 1981, p. 232]. Thus, the Pashtun nationalists set themselves the task of fighting for the creation of Pashtunistan as an autonomous state within Pakistan. In the fall of 1947, the Organization of the NWFP Congress tried to bypass the provincial one.

6 Births.

7 Before World War II, the 47 major Pathan tribes of British India numbered over 5 million people. The most numerous and well-armed tribes were the Afridi, Orakzai, Momand, Wazir, Masud, Shinwari and Suleiman-khel. Relations between them were very complex and often hostile, but in times of danger they always stood together against England.

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branches of the Muslim League contacted the central leadership of Pakistan, but without success.

Meanwhile, the political situation in the province has escalated. The government of the provincial branch of the Muslim League launched a crackdown on Khudai Khidmatgar. Abdul Ghaffar Khan's son, Ghani Khan, was arrested, but he was soon released on bail. In January 1948, Abdul Ghaffar Khan, along with Mehr Chand Khanna, a Hindu former minister in Khan Sahib's Government, was tried in the District Magistrate's Court on charges of illegal possession of weapons. According to Cuningham, a former governor of the NWFP under the colonial regime, the court was interested precisely in the political prosecution of Abdul Qayyum Khan's opponents, and not in bringing them a real charge.

In February 1948, Abdul Ghaffar Khan attended the first session of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and pledged allegiance to the new State. He also had a meeting with Governor-General M. A. Jinnah and interviewed him. During this conversation, Abdul Ghaffar Khan invited M. A. Jinnah to visit the NWFP and meet with members of the Khudai Khidmatgar organization. Jinnah's invitation was accepted. Having supported the proclamation of Pakistan, taking an oath of allegiance to it, Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his associates refused to merge their organization with the Muslim League. They criticized the activities of the provincial branch of the League and the activities of the now All-Pakistan Muslim League. During his stay in Karachi, Abdul Ghaffar Khan, along with G. M. Syed from Sindh and Abdus-Samad Achakzai from Balochistan, organized the People's Party (Awami Party). The party's goals were: to stabilize and secure Pakistan as a Union of Socialist Republics, and to ensure full and comprehensive autonomy for all cultural relations with neighboring states, especially with the Indian Union (Jansson, 1981, p. 232). The party never played any significant role in the western part of Pakistan, but its creation showed the political trend that dominated Pakistan in the following decades-the opposition of provincialism to centralism. The political leaders of the NWFP, Balochistan, Sindh and Bengal tried to unite opposition to the rule of the Punjabi elite and the Muhajirs, i.e. immigrants from those regions of the former British India where the Hindu rather than Muslim population prevailed. There was no rapprochement between M. A. Jinnah and the Khudai Khidmatgar leaders during this visit, which Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his associates blamed on Abdul Qayyum Khan. The latter, for his part, stated that the Khudai Khidmatgar leaders are irreconcilable opponents of Pakistan [Jansson, 1981, p. 232].

However, the implacable opponents of Pakistan were not really the associates of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, although these people sympathized with his struggle. In North Waziristan, a fakir from Ipi, whose real name is Haji Mirza Ali Khan Tori Khel, continued the armed struggle. He received the nickname Fakir for his ascetic lifestyle, but he lived in the village of Ipi for some time after returning from India, where he took part in the caliphate movement, i.e., the movement against the partition of Turkey by the victorious powers in the First World War in defense of the Turkish Sultan-caliph [Raikov, 1995, pp. 82-92]. In 1936, an event occurred that resulted in the religious ascetic Fakir from Ipi becoming the leader of the Wazir revolt against British colonialism. The British authorities put a limit on the movement of Wazirs to new pastures and blocked the routes from mountain raids to the plains of India. The raids were predatory, of course, but the highlanders were used to making a living in this way. The immediate impetus for the beginning of the struggle was the story of "Islam Bibi", i.e., with an "Islamic woman". A Hindu girl ran off with a Muslim boy. Most likely, she decided to voluntarily convert to Islam in order to marry him. However, the case was solved by the police and the girl's relatives filed a lawsuit, accusing the young man of her abduction. The judge delayed the case, and the crowd of vazirs, considering the court

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They surrounded the courthouse with unacceptable interference in religious affairs. The court decided to return the girl to her parents. After that, the Wazirs attacked the location of a British military unit, killing and wounding several dozen people. In response, there were reprisals by the British authorities. Then came the Fakir's finest hour. He proclaimed the slogan: "Islam is in danger." His messengers delivered letters to the Pashtun tribes, in which he called on the Pashtuns to unite, and declared jihad to the British [Raikov, 1995, pp. 82-92]. All attempts by the British authorities to suppress the armed movement under the leadership of Fakir failed, although both aircraft and tanks were used against his Lashkar-8s.

In the early stages of World War II, Hitler's high command hatched plans to use the Wazir rebels to invade India after defeating the Soviet Union. To do this, the Nazis decided to "tame" the Fakir, and a special operation called "Fire Eater"was developed. With the beginning of Hitler's aggression against the USSR, the activity of German agents increased. The German command hoped that Fakir would ensure the passage of Wehrmacht troops to India. German planes began parachuting weapons and ammunition to the Fakir. However, the defeat of German troops in the battle of the Volga changed the plans of Hitler's command. In addition, the Fakir was not going to become a puppet in the hands of Germany and Italy. Having received considerable funds, he did nothing that would contradict his own plans, which included fighting for the interests of his people (as he understood them). Fakir managed to survive the terrible time without losses, avoiding many dangers and significantly replenishing his treasury, as well as stocks of weapons and ammunition [Raikov, 1999, p.40]. Faqir sympathized with the struggle of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his supporters against the British colonial regime, he supported the struggle for a Free Pashtunistan, and was against the annexation of the NWFP to Pakistan. After the province entered Pakistan, he continued the armed struggle.

After returning from the session of the Constituent Assembly, Abdul Ghaffar Khan went on a trip to the NWFP. In his speeches, he criticized the British presence, said that the laws and customs of Islam in Pakistan are even worse observed than before independence, and firmly insisted on provincial autonomy. So, in one of his speeches, he stated:: "I warn you, my Pashtun brothers, that you are equal in the State of Pakistan. You are fully equal as one-fourth of it. It's time for you to wake up, unite, and take on the responsibility of achieving what is your duty. Unite and act decisively, and thus break down the sand walls that Pakistan's leaders have built around you. Tighten your belts and walk towards the goal of achieving freedom for the Pashtuns who have already made huge sacrifices and endured untold suffering. We will have no rest until we achieve the establishment of Pashtun rule in Pashtunistan, by Pashtuns and for Pashtuns." This speech, despite its categorical nature, no longer represented anything really dangerous. Khudai Khidmatgar, her actions did not pose a threat to the territorial integrity of Pakistan. Former provincial Governor George Cunningham wrote that the internal situation in the NWFP, in his opinion, was quite healthy (Cunningham, 1948). Dr. Khan Sahib also stated that he does not believe that the NWFP can now join India or secede from Pakistan. He claimed that both Abdul Ghaffar Khan and another Khudai leader, Khidmatgar Qazi Attaula, were also sure of this. The only reason the Pro-Pashtunistan movement existed was because it feared that the Pashtun districts might be reincorporated into Punjab, that they might be absorbed into Punjab.

8 Warriors.

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Yet instability in the province persisted. Even among the opponents of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, disagreements began. Thus, Pir Sahib Manki Sherif, one of the most active figures in the provincial branch of the Muslim League during the decision on the affiliation of the NWFP, who played one of the main roles in the victory of the Muslim League in the referendum, refused to join the government of Abdul Qayyum Khan after the dissolution of the government of Khan Sahib. He began to demand new elections to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, and from the Governor-General M. A. Jinnah to demand the introduction of Sharia law in the province. After these demands were rejected, Pir Sahib went into active opposition, a role he intended to play as long as Abdul Qayyum Khan was in power. Abdul Ghaffar Khan also began to establish Islamic rule in the province, continuing to be in fierce opposition to the government of the provincial branch of the Muslim League. In May 1948, he began a tour of the province, giving long speeches in which he argued that the formation of Pashtunistan was still possible. In July 1948. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was elected head (chairman) of the new Pakistan People's Party, which was to replace Khudai Khidmatgar, who tainted herself in the eyes of the province's residents with links to the Indian National Congress.

In mid-January 1948, Pakistan's Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan made a brief trip to the free Tribal belt. On January 15, he attended a jirga in Landikatala at the Khyber Riflemen's headquarters and asked the tribes to withdraw their troops from Kashmir, which was strongly refused. Maliki Abdul Latif Khan and Sherwani Murad Khan said that Kashmir belongs to the Pashtuns and that 60 thousand people will not be withdrawn until complete victory is achieved. Both Maliks took the opportunity to ask Liaquat Ali Khan to increase subsidies to compensate for food shortages and pay for their new duties when joining Pakistan, but were politely refused. The same thing happened in Miranshah, as well as when Liaqat Ali Khan visited the Wazir and Masud jirgas.

M. A. Jinnu was also concerned about the instability in the NWFP. The author of the study "Jinnah - the creator of Pakistan", the American historian S. Wolpert, reports: "The Pashtuns still talked about their own state-Pashtunistan, and even the Balochs began to whisper about the Great Balochistan" [Wolpert, 1997, p.411]. Therefore, in April 1948, M. A. Jinnah flew to Peshawar. He spoke to students of the Islamic College, to cadets of the flight school in Rizalpur, to officials at the governor's residence and at a rally in Peshawar [Wolpert, 1997, p. 411]. He drove through the Khyber Pass and at the end of it crossed the border to shake hands with an Afghan border guard on the other side of the Durand Line. He was received with honor by the Afridiyas and Shinwari. Young Malik Wali Khan, the chief of Kuki Khel, presented him with 303 rifles made in his factory in Jamrud as a sign of friendship and loyalty. The tribal leaders, however, made it clear to M. A. Jinnah that if they joined Pakistan, they would have to be provided with food and clothing. As for Wali Khan, four years later, after fleeing to Kabul, he led more than a thousand tribesmen and launched an armed attack on Pakistan [Spain, 1963, p. 240].

On April 17, 1948, a jirga of representatives of all tribes was held in Peshawar. In the presence of M. A. Jinnah, 200 Maliks pledged their allegiance to Pakistan and reiterated their determination to achieve the annexation of Kashmir to it. They also appealed to the Governor-General to ensure that the free Pashtun tribes were under the control of the central Government of Pakistan, rather than the NWFP Government. This request of the Maliks was granted, and on July 6, Governor-General M. A. Jinnah formed the Ministry of Principalities and Border Regions, taking personal responsibility for the band of tribes. After that, a contingent of Tochisi Scouts attacked the positions of an Ipi Fakir in North Waziristan. During this operation, the Deputy Faqir Said-Emir was killed and 31 people were taken prisoner, and in South Waziri-

page 101
A British official, P. T. Dunkin, who was in the Pakistani service as a political agent, was killed by a terrorist Massoud. In general, the decline in tension in the tribal belt continued, with the exception of North Waziristan.

In June 1948, Abdul Ghaffar Khan went on a trip to the southern regions of Waziristan. Before that, there were rumors that he was going on a trip to Europe. On June 15, he was arrested in Kohat District in Bahadur Khel, a small village. The next day, he was charged under article 40 of the NWFP Criminal Code. He was accused of rebellion and planning the proclamation of an independent Pashtunistan, in collaboration with a Fakir from Ipi [Jansson, 1981, p. 233]. The accusation was absurd. Abdul Ghaffar Khan no longer sought the independence of Pashtunistan. Despite this, he was sentenced to three years of strict imprisonment. On the day of his arrest, lashkars of an Ipi Fakir attacked several government posts in North Waziristan. This case helped the NWFP government circles to link the activities of Abdul Ghaffar Khan with the actions of the Ipi Fakir [Press Communique, 1948]. However, a prominent figure in the provincial branch of the Muslim League, Sardar Abdur Rashid, said that everyone, including the central government, knew that there was no connection between the Ipi Faqir and Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Faridullah Shah, who served as a political agent in North Waziristan, claimed that there was no connection between them. British sources also cannot confirm anything of what was claimed by Abdul Qayyum Khan [Jansson, 1981, p. 233]. The standoff between the government of Abdul Qayyum Khan and Khudai Khidmatgar has reached a climax. On July 8, 1948, the NWFP Government declared a state of emergency in the province, which allowed government decrees to outlaw all political organizations that threatened peace and security. As a result, a large number of Khudai Khidmatgar members were arrested and imprisoned. On August 12, 1948, police opened fire on members of Khudai Khidmatgar gathered for a rally in the village of Vavga tahsil 9 Charsadda. According to official reports, 15 people were killed, but members of Khudai Khidmatgar claimed that there were significantly more dead. Soon after, Khan Sahib, Ghani Khan, and other Khudai Khidmatgar leaders were arrested [Jansson, 1981, p. 233].

Thus, Abdul Qayyum Khan achieved his goal. He managed to defeat the provincial Congress organization. However, what he wanted so much, in the end, played against him. His work was based on a political struggle with the Congress, and not on strengthening his own party organization. Conditions changed, but Abdul Qayyum Khan was unable to turn the provincial organization of the Muslim League into a sound political organization that cooperated or democratically competed with other parties. This did not slow down to affect. In addition, Abdul Qayyum Khan behaved like a usurper in relation to his associates. As a result, prominent figures of the provincial Muslim League organization Zamin Jan Khan, Arbab Abdul Ghafoor, Ghulam Muhammad Faida Muhammad, Pir Manki Sherif left Abdul Qayyum and most of them went in opposition to him. Abdul Qayyum Khan was also unable to establish relations with the Maliks of the leading free Pashtun tribes.

New elections to the NWFP Legislative Assembly were to be held in 1951. They ended with a complete victory of the Muslim League. The Opposition won only four seats, while the Muslim League won 85. However, this did not benefit Abdul Qayyum Khan, who gained notoriety in the NWFP. During his reign (1947-1953), the province achieved some economic success. The University of Peshawar was opened. However, his political regime was tainted by repression and contributed to the collapse of the political system. After Arbab

9 Counties.

page 102
Abdul Ghafoor and Zaminjan Khan joined Abdul Ghaffar Khan, while Abdul Qayyum Khan had to leave the NWFP. Moreover, to his great shame, M. R. Kiyani, whom Abdul Qayyum Khan wanted to see as his successor, failed in the election for his post. However, he did not leave the political arena. Abdul Qayyum Khan was the Minister of Industry in the central Government of Pakistan, and in 1957 he became President of the Muslim League. He once again returned to political activity after the end of a ten-year period of direct and indirect rule of the military led by Ayub Khan. In March 1969, Abdul Qayyum Khan became the organizer and leader of the Muslim League named after M. A. Jinnah (since January 1970 - the All-Pakistan Muslim League). In 1972-1977, he was the Home Minister of Pakistan. Shortly before the fall of the regime of Z. A. Bhutto, Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan retired [Jansson, 1981, p. 230].

Thus, the annexation of the NWFP, including the band of "free Pashtun tribes", did not eliminate the tense situation in these territories. The confrontation between the former kongressists and the Muslim League government continued, which actually led to the flight of the head of this government, Abdul Qayyum Khan, from the province. In the tribal belt, especially in North Waziristan, the struggle for a Free Pashtunistan began again, but this time not under the leadership of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, but under the leadership of a Fakir from Ipi, and it now had not a nationalist, but rather a tribalist color.

list of literature

Belokrenitsky V. Ya., Moskalenko V. N. History of Pakistan. XX century. Moscow, 2008.

Belokrenitsky V. Ya., Moskalenko V. N. South Asia in World Politics, Moscow, 2003.
Press-communique / / Civil & Military gazette. 24/7 48. Karachi, 1949.

Raikov A.V. Fakir iz Ipi-a fighter for the freedom of Waziristan / / Vostok (Oriens). M., 1995.N3.

Raikov A.V. The Most Dangerous Hour of India. Lipetsk, 1999.

Walpert S. Jinnah-the Creator of Pakistan, Moscow, 1997.
Encyclopedia of Pakistan, Moscow, 1997.
Akhbar Jamna Das. Involment in Jamna & Kashmir // Strategik Analisis. Delhi, November 1999.

Haque M.M. Around Khiber. Karachi, 1957.

Jansson E. India, Pakistan or Pakhtunistan. Uppsala, 1981.

Note of the Frontier Province by Canninghem dated 8.5.48 // Canninghem papers M.SS Eur. D.67.01.23. Karachi, 1948.

Quaid-i-Azam M.A. Jinnah. Speeches as Governer of Pakistan. 1947 - 48. Karachi, 1949.

Spain J.W. The Pathan Borderland. Columbia University, 1963.

Year Book of the North West Frontier Province. Karachi, 1954.

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