The article discusses the genesis and initial stage of the formation of poetic creativity (shi ) as an organic component of ancient Chinese official creative activity and in the context of the emergence of views on poetry, codified in the " doctrine of shi "(shixue ), crystallized within the Confucian (Buddhist) theoretical thought. The author proves that the model for these views was the "concept of music" (yue ), which provided a justification for religious, natural-philosophical semantics and socially significant functions of musical arts. The spread of these views on poetry, which apparently had its own origins (the most ancient ritual recitations), was facilitated by the creation of the famous Confucian anthology "Shi Ching" ( "Canon of Poetry"), which, in essence, combined the previous musical and poetic traditions and made it possible to endow shi with meanings and functions previously attributed to musical arts.

Keywords: China, Zhou era, official creative activity, musical arts, ancient poetry, Confucian theoretical thought, teaching about poetry, "Shi Jing".

POETRY (SHI) IN POLITICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT OF THE FIRST HALF OF ZHOU EPOCH (ELEVENTH CENTURY - THIRD CENTURY ВС)

The article is focused on the discussion of origins and initial formative stage of poetry (shi ) as one of the components of the Ancient Chinese state artistic activities and in the aspect of the "learning of shi" (shixue ) theory aroused within the framework of the Confucian (Ru school Rujia ) thought. The author argues, that these views on poetry were modeled after the "musical concept" (yue ), which has attached religious, nature philosophic meanings and socially significant functions to musical arts. The process of transfer of such attitudes on poetry, which, apparently, had its own origins (ancient ritual recitation), was contributed much by the creation of the famous Confucian Shijing ( Classic of Poetry) anthology, which brought together, as a matter of fact, the previous musical and poetic tradition.

Keywords: China, Zhou epoch, state artistic activities, musical arts, concept of music, ancient poetry, Confucian thought, learning of shi, Shijing.

The history of the existence of poetry in China-Shi () as an independent type of artistic activity and at the same time the traditions of literary (written) poetic creativity lead, as you know, from the anthology Shi Jing ("Canon of Poetry")1. Having

Marina E. KRAVTSOVA-Doctor of Philology, Professor at St. Petersburg State University; kravtsova_sin@mail.ru.

Marina KRAVTSOVA - Doctor of Philological Science, Professor, Saint-Petersburg State University, kravtsova_sin@mail.ru.

1 Let me remind you that in European and domestic Sinology, initially (translations of Shi Jing and essays on the history of Chinese literature in the second half of the XIX century), two main versions of the translation of the monument name were used, varying the terms " song "and" poetry/poems " [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, p. 166]. When I proposed the "Canon of Poetry" variant [Kravtsova, 1994, p. 27], I proceeded from the literal meanings of the terms shi and Ching. A similar version - "Classics of Poetry" - is becoming increasingly popular in the latest foreign sinological scientific literature, for example: [Kern, 2010, p. 16; Riegel, 2001, p. 97]. As for Shi, the most relevant term seems to be "poems/poems".

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The original title is Shi (), expanded versions are Shi san bai ( "Three Hundred shi"), or San bai pian ( "Three Hundred Texts"), the anthology is included in the basic set of Confucian canonical books of Wujing ( "Five Canons", "Five Canon"). And its composition is strongly attributed to Confucius himself.

The fact of existence and fairly wide distribution in the Eastern (Late)Russian Empire Zhou (, VIII-III centuries BC) Shi, or, more carefully, collections of poetic works, close to the extant edition of the monument, confirm (in addition to information from the "classical" book heritage of the Zhou era) authentic manuscripts of the V-III centuries. BCE These are primarily Wu xing ("Five Activities") and Zi yi ("Dark Robes"), discovered among a collection of texts on bamboo slats from the tomb of a Chu dignitary (XI-III centuries BC) who lived at the turn of the IV-III centuries BC, which was opened in 1993. in Guodian (, a neighborhood of the present-day city of Jingmen, prov. Hubei)2. They contain several dozen quotations from Shi [Kern, 2003, p. 33-40], which is all the more significant given the certain theoretical heterogeneity of the works. A textual version of the treatise of the same name, which is included (Chapter 33) in the canonical (also from Wu Ching) collection of Li ji ( "Records of Rituals"), is identified in Tzu yi, an important evidence of the presence of texts dating back to Zhanguo ( V - III centuries BC).3Wu xing (the newest versions of the translation of the name - "Five Kinds of Action", "The Fife Aspects of Conduct") turned out, on the contrary, to be quite an original work, reproducing a previously almost unknown teaching within the framework of ancient Confucianism, more correctly - the school of zhu (zhu-jia ). Codified as the sin, it is qualified by modern researchers as a "moral physiology" 4.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, an essay called Kung-tzu shi lun ( "Teacher Kung's Discourses on Shi") was introduced into scientific circulation, which was extracted from texts on bamboo slats purchased by the Shanghai Museum in the spring of 1994 (at an antique auction in Hong Kong)5. Dating from the middle of Zhanguo, it fully confirms Shi's four-part compositional structure: Guo feng (accepted translations: "Winds of Kingdoms" or "Customs of Kingdoms"), Xiao ya ("Minor Odes"), Da Ya ("Great Odes"), and Song ("Hymns"). And it raises the possibility of the existence of prefaces to Shi, which can serve as a model for the" Great Preface " (Da Xu ), which is recognized as a work that summarizes the theoretical developments of ancient Confucian thinkers and scientists of the Han era (206 BC-220 AD) and was created, most likely, within the first-second centuries. A.D. 6. Thus, Kung-tzu shi lun introduces some-

2 For general information about this collection, see, for example: [Pian Yu-teng, 2006, pp. 468-469].

Li ji 3, other translations of the title: "The Book of Rituals/rites/regulations", "Notes on the rules of decency/behavior", etc., see: [Spiritual Culture of China, vol. 1, p. 308], is a collection of works, most of them attributed to people from Confucius ' inner circle (his grandson and direct students). Until recently, the prevailing view was that they were actually compiled from earlier texts in the 2nd-1st centuries BC. Today, after the discovery of Tzu yi and other handwritten (on bamboo slats) versions of works (chapters) The Li Chi also recognize the possibility of the existence of a collection that preceded the canonical edition of the collection (from 49 chapters-pian), which was established not earlier than the beginning of AD (Nylon, 2001, p. 174-175).

4 For more information about Wu Xing and interpretations of the Wu xing teaching, see [Csikszentmihalyi, 2004]; for commented translations of the text, see [Csikszentmihalyi, 2004, p. 278-310; Holloway, 2009, p. 131-139].

5 First publication (facsimile and transcript with scrupulous explanations): [Ma Cheng-yuan, 2001, vol. 1, pp. 11-168]. It occupies 29 slats (approx. 55x5 cm), each marked with one column of signs, some of which are indistinguishable. Despite this lapidary nature and the difficulties of decoding, Kung-tzu shi lun created a real sensation in academic circles. In 2002-2006, about 150 works about him were published in China alone (the vast majority of them in the article format) [Cao Jianguo, 2010, pp. 285-294].

6 Summarizing information about Da Xu, the full name of Mao shi da xu ("The Great Preface to the "Poems" in Mao's version"), including its traditional and scientific dating and information about translations into Russian and European languages, I give in: [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, p. 170; Spiritual Culture of China, vol. 3, pp. 607-608].

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I bring certainty to the initial stage of the formation of the Confucian" doctrine of shi " (shixue ), proving the activity of its development under Zhanguo. Shixue, the core of which is Shi's exegesis 7, is now considered one of the leading Confucian concepts for the entire humanities and throughout the history of imperial China (for the latest research on this topic, see [Rusk, 2012]). However, the initial positions of shixue were determined long ago, in the domestic Sinology - by academician V. M. Alekseev (1881-1951; see: [Alekseev, 2002, vol. 1, p. 126]). In them, shi is declared an organic and vital element of the state system and is endowed with socially significant functions: improving the spiritual foundations of government, educating the entire population and the individual through the promotion of Confucian moral and ethical values.

The legends about the creation of Shi, the anthology itself, and the early texts of Shixue do not contain any clear information about the possible literary and cultural origins of shi poetry, its place and role in the spiritual and political life of society under the Western (Early) Zhou (XI-VIII centuries BC). In the last century, it was established that the shi character came into use from the beginning of Zhou and was established in the written lexicon around the 8th century BC (Lisevich, 1979, p. 151; Chow Tse-Tsung, 1968, p. 155). Judging by the titles of the anthology, by the time of Confucius, i.e. the end of Chunqiu (VIII-V centuries BC), the term shi was used both as a concept ("poetry") and as an appendix to a single poetic (poetic) work ("three hundred shi"). All this gives reason to suspect the existence of an earlier poetic tradition.

The most distinct source of poetry-shi is seen as song creativity (singing-ge ), which, together with making music (yue ) and dance art (wu ), was included in the "musical complex" (yue , music). It was, in turn, a component of the ideological and religious stratum designated in recent Chinese studies as the " culture of rituals and music "(liyue-wenhua ) and ascribed to the Late Neolithic (3500-2500 BC) communities marked by the processes of social differentiation, the separation of the power elite, the emergence of the institution of supreme power and the associated ideological and political processes.practical forms [Wang Gou-lin, 1998, pp. 31-33] 8. In the second half of the Shang-Yin era (XVII-XI centuries BC), in the ancient state of Yin (XIV-XI centuries BC)9, music finally became an integral part of state ritual activities. In synchronous written texts (jiaguwen , "inscriptions on fortune-telling bones"), an impressive number of signs (pictograms) are identified that convey various musical instruments (they are identified with almost all string-plucked, wind and percussion instruments known for Ancient China

7 "The Doctrine of Shi" goes back to the arguments of Confucius (it is not always clear whether he is talking about Shi, the works included there, or about poetic creativity in general), presented in Lun yu ("Arguments and Sayings of [Confucius]"), part of which I have given in: [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, p. 170]. An important milestone in the development of shixue is associated with the" minor prefaces " (xiao xu ) - introductory commentaries on each Shi work attributed to a disciple of Confucius, Tzu - xia (aka Bu Shang, c.507-c. 400 BC), who is also revered as the author of Da Xu. They contain two diachronic layers: the first one is limited to a one-sentence explanation of the essence of the work ("praises the deeds of Zhou", "criticizes such and such a specific ruler", etc.), the second layer serves as a kind of detailed justification of the first. It is impossible to accurately date both layers: for the first one, the time range is assumed from the generation of Confucius ' disciples to the middle of the second century BC, for the second-I-III centuries AD; see: [Zoeren, 1991, p. 91-95]; brief information is given in: [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, p. 170, approx. 34].

8 The available archaeological materials indicate the beginning of the origin of musical art forms within the VII-VI millennia BC: finds of primitive musical instruments, including ceramic, stone (made of jade) and bone (made of bird tube bones) pipes (di ), which can make up sets (of 20 or more pieces), which involve group performance and allow you to play certain melodic compositions (Xiao Xing-hua, 1994, p. 10-11).

9 I deliberately refrain from discussing the chronological framework of the Shang-Yin era and its historical periods, as well as the characteristics of the Yin State (a state typologically approaching the empire, a nome state, etc.).

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tools) and dance performances, including those with feathers, battle axes, and certain woven objects such as ribbons and flags.10
At first, Zhou state ritual activity was based on the religious experience of Yin: up to 90% of its rituals were used, preserving their scenario features [Bilsky, 1975, vol. 1, p. 31; Lagerwey, 2009, p. 3]. In parallel, in the first decades of Zhou, the authorities made active efforts to create their own cult musical and cultural heritage.- dance repertoire. According to Zhou li ("Rituals of Zhou", "Establishment of the Zhou Dynasty"), a special department was established - Liguan (Ministry of Ceremonies), whose officials unified and distributed in hierarchical order (in accordance with ritual actions) ancient music and dance works and created a set of ritual dances-Liu dai wu ("Dances of the Six epochs"), which marked the beginning of an independent tradition of cult dance art 11.

The undisputed dominance of music in the official culture of Early Zhou made musical arts the primary object of theorizing in line with the intellectual trends emerging from Chunqiu ("philosophical schools", Jia ). A holistic concept of music emerged, although it was marked by internal ideological polymorphism. Invariant for him was the problem of musical creativity as an element of the state system12. The greatest contribution to its development was made by representatives of the zhu 13 school.

The central monument for the juist version of the concept of music is Yue ji ("Notes on Music"), an anonymous composition also included (Chapter 19) in Li ji 14. Already in the commentary tradition, Yue chi was either attributed to Gongsun Ni-tzu (fifth-fourth centuries BC), a second-generation disciple of Confucius, or considered a compilation created in the second-first centuries BC (see [Cook, 1995, p. 3-10]). The lack of reliable textual evidence for the earlier origin of Yue ji did not prevent it from being recognized as the oldest Chinese work, presenting in a systematic way views on the nature and functions of music and reproducing cultural realities and traditions.

10 For more information about the Yin musical art based on the Jiaguwen material, see [Tong Kin-Woon, 1983; Tong Kin-Woon, 1984]; from domestic research, see: [Vats, 2011; Kravtsova, 2012, pp. 56-57].

11 Let me remind you that Zhou li, later included in the Confucian "Thirteen Canon" (Shi San Ching ), is traditionally attributed to Zhou-gong (Prince of Zhou), one of the most important political figures and ideologues of the beginning of Zhou. The true history of Zhou Li can be traced only from the beginning of AD, which, however, does not refute the possibility of fixing in it the early Zhou socio-political and cultural-religious realities [The establishment of the Zhou Dynasty, 2010, pp. 25-32]. A total of 11 juans of Zhou li are dedicated to the Liguan Department (also known as the Chunguan Spring Ministry), which was responsible for conducting all state rituals [Zhou li zhu shu, 1982, ch. 17-27]. The structure and scope of Liguan's activities have been reliably reconstructed [Falkenhausen, 1995]; for the creation of a cult music and dance repertoire, see [Vats, 2012, p.18-19; The Establishment of the Zhou Dynasty, 2010, p. 343], and for works from the set of Liu Dai Wu, see [Liu Qin, 1991, p. 22].

12 The first three chapters of the monograph [Brindley, 2012] are devoted to this semantic core of the concept of music, which in many respects is the final work for this area of synological research.

13 The increased attention to music on the part of the Zhu-chia representatives is explained by the origin of the zhu class group from more ancient service members (shchi ) who specialized in conducting ritual actions, which is reflected in the legends about Confucius ' musical and dance talents and preferences [Brindley, 2012, p. 127; Zufferey, 2003, p. 111-113, 115]. Of the works outside the circle of Zhu literature, theorizing about music is most fully described in the philosophical collection Lu-shi chun qiu ("The Spring and Autumn of Lord Lu"), compiled on the initiative of Lu Bu-wei (d. 235 BC), the first minister of the kingdom of Qin (Qin-guo, IX Century). - 221 BC) and a man from the inner circle of its ruler-Ying Zheng (, 259-210 BC), the future founder and first monarch of the Qin Empire (, 221-207 BC), aka Qin Shi Huang (, right. 221-210. Complete translation of the monument into Russian (Liushi chunqiu, 2001), see also: Tkachenko, 1990; Tkachenko, 2008).

14 The text of Yue chi was first translated (as part of Li Chi) into English by James Legge (1815-1887) and reprinted several times, including [Li Chi, 2003, vol. 2, p. 92-131]. In the 1990s, it was translated academically with detailed notes and a research section [Cook, 1995]. Translated into Russian (I. S. Lisevich, 1932-2000), see: [Drevnekitayskaya filosofiya, 1973, vol.2, pp. 115-119].

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intellectual search for the middle of the Zhou Era [Cook, 1995, p. 3, 7] 15. Numerous semantic and textual coincidences (including repetition of phrases and whole fragments) with Yue chi are demonstrated by two other important works on music: the treatise (Chapter 20) by Yue lun ("Discourses on Music") from Xun-tzu ("[Treatise] Xun's teachers") Xun Kuang (313/298-238/215 BC), also related (though with reservations) to the Zhu-chia16; and the treatise of Yue Shu ("The Book of Music") from the famous work of Shi ji ("Historical Records"/"Notes of a Historian") Sima Qian (c. 145-c. 86 BC) [Shi ji, 1963, vol. 4, ch. 24]; translated by Sima Qian, vol. 4, pp. 70-96].

The Buddhist version of the concept of music combines archaic-religious, natural-philosophical, ethical-philosophical and natural-scientific (acoustic) views on musical arts and covers their religious, cosmological, socio-political and ethical-anthropological discourses, creating a theoretical justification for the place and role of musical creativity as an essential way to strengthen political and sacred authority the ruling regime 17. Declared to be the creation and embodiment of the highest harmony of the world, music is endowed with the properties, first, to ensure communication of people with higher forces and to have a harmonizing effect on the socio-cosmic universe (a frank relic of its magical and religious understanding).18. Secondly, to express "feelings" (qin ), but not so much the psychoemotional state of the individual, but rather the mass socio-psychological attitude as a reaction of the broad masses of the population to the actions of the authorities and the current socio-political life of the country 19. Third, to embody the personal good qualities and abilities, the original good power (te ) of the ruler, and his ability to follow the principles of Heaven and Earth. The latter is also expressed in the story of musical and dance works created by the perfect sovereigns of antiquity-the lords (di ) or the perfect sages (sheng ) led by the Five lords (wu di )20. These include (according to Shi chi) Huang-di (Yellow Lord), Zhuan-xu (), Gao-xin (), Yao () and Shun (). The cohort of ancient Shengs includes the founders of the legendary Xia dynasty - Xiao Yu (Xia Yu ), aka Great Yu (Da Yu), and the ruling house of Yin-Cheng Tang (Wu Tang). Sheng's list of" creations " includes: Hsien chi ("Lake of Suns") and Yun Men ("Cloud Gate") Huang-di, Da Zhang ("The Great Pattern") Yao and Da shao ("The Great Command", abbreviated Shao ) Shunya, Da Xia ("The Great Xia") Yuya and Da ho ("The Great Rainstorm") Cheng Tan 21.

15. The point of view is also expressed that the Yue chi partially reproduces the legendary "sixth" Confucian work - Yue ("Music"), which was lost, apparently, shortly before the Han era (206 BC - 220 AD), later called Yue Jing ( "Canon of Music") [Nylon, 2001, p. 174].

16 For the text of the Yue Lun, see: [Xunzi, 1988, ch. 14, pp. 252-258]; see also: [Xunzi, 1999, vol. 2, p. 649-670]. On the ideological specifics of Yue Lun, see [Brindley 2012, p. 106-107]. At the same time, there is also a semantic convergence between the views of Xun Kuan and the authors of Lu-shi chun qiu, which consists in emphasizing the indissoluble connections between music and the moral, psychological and even physiological state of the ruler, as well as between music and the state of the entire socio-cosmic universe [Ibid., p. 26].

17 Of the Russian works, the most detailed characteristics of the juist version of the concept of music are given in: [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, pp. 136-142; Sisauri, 2008, pp. 9-17].

18 I will refer to a kind of summary description of music given in Zhou Li: "With the help of six odd steps of the scale, six even steps of the scale, five sounds and eight tones, six dances and majestically harmonious musical works (da he yue ), they appeal to spirits and deities, achieve harmony of specific principalities and kingdoms, lead to the creation of a new world. there are ten thousand nations in harmony, pacify the guests [of the ruler], instruct people [living] in distant [lands]" [Zhou li zhu shu, 1982, ts. 22, p. 788].

19 These ideas are expressed in the initial section of Yue ji, see translation: [Ancient Chinese Philosophy, 1972, vol. 2, pp. 115-116; The Establishment of the Zhou Dynasty, 2010, pp. 354-355; Cook, 1995, p. 27-30; Li Chi, 2003, vol. 2, p. 92-94].

20 The rationale for translating the term di as "vladyka" instead of the usual "emperor" for the Russian reader is given in: [Kravtsova, 2012, p. 9, note 1].

21 The list of Sheng "creations" is given (with some minor discrepancies) in Yue ji and in many other works of Zhou and subsequent historical epochs [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, p. 139, ed. 42].

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The" creations "of the shengs include" classical music " ~ya-yue (literally, "high-quality music"), which is rigidly opposed to" simple "(san-yue ) or "vulgar music" (su-yue ), which inherited the entertainment court music and dance works of the last king of the Yin state-a tyrant and villain Zhou-hsin (, Di-hsin), which are categorically called "depraved": "lustful sounds" (yin sheng ), "lowly melodies" (mi mi zhi yin )22.

It is noteworthy that the thesis about the degradation of "classical music" and the harmfulness of the spread of "depraved music" for society was shared by representatives of various intellectual trends, including the creators of Lu-shi chun qiu [Brindley, 2012, p. 35]. For the first time, apparently, such concerns are expressed in the Tso-zhuan ("Commentary of [Mr.] Tsuo"), comments on the canonical chronicle of Chun Qiu ("Spring and Autumn") [Brindley 2012, p. 35]. This means that the concept of music was a reaction to the destructive tendencies that became irreversible in the Zhou society of the Chunqiu era. From the point of view of its creators, the correction of current musical creativity through the restoration of the tradition of "classical music" is one of the most urgent conditions for countering the growing socio-political crisis and recreating centralized state government based on the political and spiritual foundations of the "ancient kings" 23. Moreover, the first attempts to "correct" music, according to Lun Yu, were made by himself Confucius. This refers to his well-known saying (Chapter IX, 15): "The Master said,' I have returned from [the kingdom] Wei in [Lu Realm] and after that, the music became correct (zheng IE), Ya and sun-all of them were in their place" [Lun yu zheng yi, 1988, p. 186]; see also: [Martynov, 2001, vol. 2, p. 266; Perelomov, 1998, p. 366; The Chinese Classics, 1960, vol. 1, p. 221-222]. There is a strong traditionalist version that the Teacher here hints at the compilation of Yue (Yue jing) and Shi by him. But then the need to create an anthology for some sort of ordering of poetry-shi means including the latter in the orbit of statehood in the times preceding Confucius.

The process of forming shi could occur through the selection of a poetic component from the ritual musical and song element. This scheme of shi's genesis was put forward by Liu Xie (4607-520?), a renowned literary theorist of the Six Dynasties (Liuchao , III-VI centuries). In the chapter Ming shi ("Clarifying Poems/poetry"), specifically devoted to the nature and functions of shi (but already in the meaning of "author's lyrical poetry") of the treatise Wen xin diao lun ("The Heart of Literature and the Art of dragon sculpting")24 said:

For the listed works and the possible semantics of their names, see also: [Institutions of the Zhou Dynasty, 2010, pp. 346-353].

22 A sharp criticism of" depraved music " is attributed to the same Tzu-hsia in an episode of his conversation with the ruler of the kingdom of Wei-Wen-hou (Wei Wen-hou , right. 424-387 BC). The episode is given in Yue ji [Li ji zheng yi, 1982, p. 1540; Cook, 1995, p. 61-64] and almost verbatim retold in Yue shu (p. 1223-1224); translation: [Sima Qian, vol. 4, pp. 87-88]; see also: [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, pp. 140-141]. A derogatory reference to Zhou-hsin's "depraved music" is introduced into the general description of his ill-fated reign in Chapter 3 of Yin ben ji ( "Basic Records of the [Deeds of the House of] Yin") from Shi ji [Shi ji, 1963, vol.1, p. 105; Sima Qian, vol. 2, p. 175].

23 It is noteworthy that within the framework of the Buddhist version of the concept of music, "depraved music" was persistently correlated with regional musical creativity, which was established in the courts of principalities that had already become virtually independent kingdoms, starting from the positions of Confucius [Cook, 1995, p. 33]. It is possible that in reality this attitude of the Zhu-jia representatives was caused by the specifics of local musical traditions [Sisauri, 2008, p. 37]. But in the historical and political context of that time, the protest of a regional court musical act clearly served as proof of the illegality and depravity of the separatist sentiments of local rulers.

24 This version of the translation of the title of the treatise, which is also unusual for Russian Sinology, is fully argued by me in [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, pp. 125-130; Kravtsova, 2013].

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"In the past, there was the song 'Mysterious Bird' from the 'Music of the Heavenly Ge Family', which was performed [exclusively] to a musical accompaniment. The "cloud Gate" of the Yellow Lord arranged both the music and the song lines. In the time of Yao, the "Great Liberty" (Da tang) was sung (ge ). Shun created the verse (shi) "South Wind" ( Nan feng) " [Liu Xie, 2002, vol. 4, pp. 57, 60].

"The music of the heavenly family of Ge" (Ge tien-shi yue ) is an archaic ritual action, first mentioned in Lu-shi chun qiu: "In ancient times there was a music of the family of Ge. Three people pulled the buffalo by the tail, stamping their feet and singing eight verses (que , translation conditionally-M. K.)". The following are the names of the "verses", the second of which is "The Mysterious Bird" (Xuan niao ) [Lu-shi chun qiu, 1988, ts. 5, p. 51]; see also: [Liushi chunqiu, 2001, p. 114; The Annals of Lit Buwei, 2000, p. 146]. The "heavenly family of Ge", an extremely archaic, according to the commentaries, ruling house, and its music are not mentioned anywhere else. Nevertheless, the "music of the Ge family" was later considered the oldest national musical, song and dance work by standard standards, as shown by the treatise of Liu Xie. Researchers assume that the lapidary and rather vague description of it from Lu-shi chun qiu hides memories of an archaic ritual action from games with animals, supplemented by musical, song and dance performances [Granet, 2004, p. 120-122].

Liu Xie outlines the line of formation of shi from yi in the context of ritual activity: first, song poetry (ge) was singled out, then shi. And it strictly correlates the selected stages with the work of the legendary masters, which is a blatant borrowing from the concept of music. The hypothesis of the origin of shi from the ritual-musical complex is shared by many modern researchers (see, for example: [Chu Binjie, 1998, pp. 37-39]). The prevailing view remains that shi originally meant specifically and exclusively a song-poetic text (Chen Shih-Xiang, 1974, p. 12; Kern, 2000, p. 56).

The degree of independence of shi within the "musical complex" is difficult to establish. On the one hand, the "music of the Ge family" and, most importantly, the Zhou Da woo woo ( "Big War Dance", abbreviated as" Big War Dance"). Yes y)25 indicate that the poetic component occupied a valuable place in itself in musical and dance productions. On the other hand, in the concept of music, shi does not stand out in any way, as exemplified by the passage from Guo yu ( "Speeches of Kingdoms", "State Speeches"), which is considered by tradition and science to be an extended commentary on the chronicle of Chun Qiu, created under Zhanguo (Guo yu, 1987, pp. 1-8). There shi is assigned only the role of helping the music itself:

"Management (zheng ) is like music, music leads to harmony, and harmony leads to calmness (ping ) [of people]. Notes harmonize the music, frets balance (pin ) notes. [Instruments made of] metal and stone create [the melody], [instruments made of] bamboo and silk promote it, the verse text (shi) expresses it [in words], singing (ge) turns [words] into a chant (my discharge-M. K.)" [Guo yu, 1978, vol. 1, tsz. 3, p. 128]; see also [Guo yu, 1987, p. 72; Guoyu, 1985, p. 314].

Regardless of Shi's position in the "musical complex" and the nature of her thinking, the concept of music had an archetypal influence on shixue: transfer to software-

Da wu 25 is included in the set of Liu dai wu and is most often attributed to the founder of the state of Zhou-Wu-wang (), also belonging to the Sheng cohort. Judging from its literary descriptions, the dance was a complex stage performance consisting of six parts (see, for example, [Granet, 2004, p. 54-55]). Among the works of Shi Jing (section "Hymns") six hymns were revealed that were performed during this performance [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, pp. 183-184].

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ethical creativity of all meanings and functions of musical arts. Even the most cursory comparison of the texts of Yue ji and Da Xu26
Written poetry, which certainly existed during the Early Zhou period, was virtually ignored by the tradition. An indisputable proof is the bronze epigraphy (jinwen ), inscriptions executed on the inner surface of vessels. More than 40 inscriptions with the characteristics of a poetic work dating from the X-VI centuries BC have been identified. Ten of them belong to the Early Zhou, including the most extensive verse inscription of 248 characters, cast on a vessel (found in 1976), called Shi Qiang Pan ("Scribe Qiang's Vessel")27. Their obvious mnemonic and apologetic functions make us recall a hypothesis put forward in the 1930s. Wen Yi-do (1899-1946) 28. He proved the origin of the tradition of poetry-shi from the recitations included in the script of Yin rituals, at the same time contrasting these recitations with chants: they were, in his opinion, works of a lyrical nature, telling about human experiences, and shi - on the theme of historical events [Wen Yi-do, 2005, p.153].

Despite the somewhat skeptical attitude towards it in Western Sinology (for example, [Nylon, 2001, p. 77]), the Wen Yi-do hypothesis has many arguments in its favor. The proto-form of shi has long been identified in jiaguwen and in connection with a special ritual of sacrifice [Chow Tse-tsung, 1968, p. 207]. The etymology of the shi character confirms that shi may have originally been understood as poetic recitation (tun) or recitative poetry. According to the point of view, which also became widespread more than half a century ago, the si () element included in its graphic compositiongoes back to the pictogram that conveyed beating the rhythm with the foot; which, together with the second grapheme yan ("word"," speak"), indicates just rhythmically organized speech [Chen Shih-Xiang, 1974, p .15]. It is logical to assume that it was the poetic recitations that were originally translated into a written format, but then it is also possible that the term shi was originally applied to recorded poetic works [Chow Tse-tsung, 1968, p. 159]. Finally, not only poetic inscriptions, but also other epigraphic texts have a clear formal orderliness and literary refinement. They are characterized by a certain metrical structure, the use of rhymed lines, parallelisms, onomatopoeia, and similar emphatic figures. All this also points to the original recitative that is included in the ritual script [Kern, 2010, p. 13].

Written poetry not only remained in the religious and ritual field (placement on objects of ritual purpose), but also, following the emerging chronicle tradition, had to take prominent positions in state intellectual and creative activities. In addition, it has acquired a fundamentally new property in comparison with chants and recitations, becoming an object of visual perception. Hearing and sight are declared in ancient Chinese theoretical thought to be the main sensory organs necessary for true government:

"Music is meant exclusively to be listened to with the ears, beauty is meant exclusively to be seen with the eyes... Ears and eyes are door leaves

26 For the translation of Da Xu into Russian, see [Lisevich, 1974]. The comparison of both works is even easier to draw on the material of their English translations in [Owen, 1992], where the translation of the "Great Preface" is supplemented by translations of the corresponding fragments from Yue chi and Yue Lun (pp. 37-56).

27 The Early Zhou poetic epigraphy and the inscription on Shi Qiang Pan are analyzed in detail (a commented translation of this inscription is given) in the articles of V. M. Kryukov (1962-2008), all published together [Kryukov, 2009, pp. 73-99].

28 Wen Yi-do expressed this hypothesis in an article by Ge yu-shi ("Songs and Poems"), published in 1939 and reprinted several times, including in the collection Shenhua yu-shi ("Myths and Poetry", 1956), which also went through several editions. For its analytical transcription, see also [Lu Weifen, 2001, pp. 97-98].

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Therefore, the ears should hear harmony, the eyes should look at what is right (my discharge - M. K. " [Guo yu, 1978, vol. 1, tsz. 3, p. 125]; see also: [Guo yu, 1987, p. 70; Guoyu, 1985, p. 312].

The existence of written poetry could not but support and stimulate the development of poetic recitations. Recognizing recitative and song shi is extremely difficult due to the semantic polyphony of the terms themselves. So, in the ancient Chinese dictionary Sho wen (Sho wen tse tzu "Interpretation of writing and explanation of hieroglyphs") Hsu Shen (, ca. 55-ca. 149), ge is explained as yong (), i.e. chanting (Chapter 8-P) [Hsu Shen, 1981, p. 411]. And since the concept of yong contains various performance nuances, ge could mean, according to S. R. Kucera's witty remark, "melodic recitation, recitative, and, if you like, even rap at that time" [Zhou Dynasty Institutions, 2010, p. 344]. The only possible criterion is the presence or absence of musical accompaniment, which, if it is also possible to recognize, is based on indirect signs.

Let's turn to another passage from Guo yu, which reproduces a picture of the court ceremonial during the reign of the Early Zhou king Li-wang (, ed. 877/878-841 BC):

"So [when] The Son of Heaven listens to the affairs of government, then orders princes, ministers [and other ranks up to] high-ranking employees to present shi, blind people-gou to present melodies, scribes to present documents, mentors to instruct, blind people-sou [to present] fu ,blind people-meng to recite [to the accompaniment of stringed instruments], one hundred craftsmen [to present] warnings to pass on conversations to the servants "[Guo yu, 1978, vol. 1, ch. 1, pp. 9-10]29.

The text is full of" dark places " that are not very convincingly explained in the commentaries [Guo yu, 1978, p. 10-11] and cause discord in his translations [Guo yu, 1987, p.26, 308; Lisevich, 1979, p. 100-101; Guoyu, 1985, p. 89, 95-96]. An additional difficulty is created by using the same hieroglyph (xian) in relation to the actions performed, which has the basic dictionary meanings "to present" (i.e., to introduce something) and "to perform". Therefore, it is not clear what exactly "princes, ministers and high-ranking officials" do with shi (Shi Jing's works, according to the commentary's peremptory but objectively unsubstantiated assurance).: they present some recorded texts or say them, and if the latter, how exactly-with or without music? Given the absence of a clear reservation of singing or melodic recitation, it is acceptable to assume that we are still talking about recitations. It is appropriate to refer to the interpretation of hsien (for this passage) in the sense of "create", i.e. dignitaries could also compose shi themselves [Xiong Hsien-guang, 2000, p. 76]. But then it is justified to ask whether we are talking about poetic impromptu performances. The question is far from idle, because the practice of impromptu poetry, including improvisation on a given topic, has flourished in court poetry since the first centuries of the Han era [Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, pp. 242, 405-406].

Gu Tian-tzu shin zheng 29, shi gong qing zhi le shi xian shi, gu xian qu, shi xian shu, coy fu, shi zhen, meng tong, bai gong jian, shu-ren chuan yu . High-ranking employees - according to the commentary to the text, we mean employees (officials) of the highest (out of three possible) rank. Blind people - the text names three categories of blind performers: gu, who lost their sight due to a blind spot or were blinded, who were usually considered the most talented and professional musicians - yueshi ("musical mentors"); coy - also blind due to illness or blinded, but are in old age; meng - blind from birth and specialized in the field of music. in the skill of playing stringed musical instruments, to the sounds of which they usually performed (melodically recited) poetic works. Master's projects... to present advice - according to the commentary, artisans were supposed to warn the king against unnecessary luxury on the example of the products they made. Hand it over to the servants - the servants were supposed to bring to the king's attention those conversations concerning his rule that were conducted among the common people, who did not dare to make requests and complaints to the sovereign.

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Other details of the ceremony are less hypothetical. It is obvious not only the independence, but also the dominant place of shi in the hierarchy of the ceremonial script, which is emphasized by the high status of its performers (creators). The omission of any information about the literary aspect of the performed works is noteworthy. This means that their social functions were of decisive importance, which are transmitted through the scenario order and status positions of the actors. In other words, there is a functional approach to poetic creativity to the detriment of its artistic criteria.

Under Chunqiu, a whole system of guanshi ( "poetry review") was formed, which played an important role in the cultural and political life of the upper strata of society. It has been used in public and private spheres and in various situations, from court events and diplomatic negotiations to private conversations between friends or teachers and students [Cai Zong-qi, 2010, p. 104-110]. One of the ways to "review poetry" was fushi ("presentation of poetry"). What this means is clarified by the story of Zhao Meng (), a messenger of the kingdom of Jin (Jin-guo , XI century - 369 BC), given in the Zuo-zhuan (commentary on the 27th year of the reign of Xiang-gong, 554) [Chun qiu Zuo-zhuan, 1982, ch. 38, p. 1997] 30. A feast was held in Zhao Meng's honor, but instead of enjoying the chants sung by the court musicians, he invited the seven local ministers to express their attitudes and show their personal qualities by reciting shi. They did as he asked, as did the lines they read , all supposedly from the Sidhe.

It is generally accepted that fu yi in this case implicitly refers to melodic recitation or singing, which is reflected in the translations and interpretations of the above fragment [Cai Zong-qi, 2010, p. 108; The Chinese Classics, 1960, vol. 5, p. 533-534]. Ho, as in the case of the court ceremony from Guo yu, the "performance of poetry" is seen as a separate creative action from ge. All the more noteworthy is Zhao Meng's characterization of shi: shi and yan zhi (literally, "shi speak of will").

There is a high probability that we are dealing with the oldest record of the postulate shi yan zhi (, "poems speak about the will or" poetry is the will expressed through words") [Fedorenko, 1978, pp. 192-193], which is seen as the quintessence of Confucian views on poetic creativity. The postulate is raised in the tradition, of course, to the statement not of Zhao Meng, but of Shun, recorded in the writings of Yao dian ("Canon/Acts of Yao") or Shun dian ("Canon of Shun") from another canonical collection - Shang shu ("The Ancients/Venerable Documents / Writings", aka Shu jing , "Canon of [Historical/documentary] Writings"). Like other collections of monuments, Shang Shu consists of documents of different dates of creation, Yao dian and Shu dian are attributed to the second half of Zhanguo (Nylon, 2001, p. 134). Therefore, it is impossible to determine the exact time of the postulate's origin, I will only refer to the point of view that by the VI century BC it already existed as a popular expression [Wang Yunxi, 1990, p.34].

In Yao dian, shi yan zhi's words are written in the instructions given by Shun to the" music minister " Kui.:

30 Xiang-gong is the official title of the ruler of Lu (Lu-guo , XI century-249 BC), who reigned from 572 to 542 BC.

31 Kui is a character often mentioned in various sources. In the legends about him, two main plots can be traced, in one his image varies as a fantastic creature (in the form of a one - legged dragon), in the other-the emphasis is placed on his functions as the "music minister" of someone from the Shen, most often Shun. It is with Kui that the beginning of the formation of the official cult musical repertoire is associated [Gu Tse-gang, 2005, vol. 1, pp. 280-285]. It is reasonable to assume that in line with the views on music, this character personifies all categories of people who helped the tsar in organizing and conducting ritual actions, which explains the stability and popularity of his image in narratives about the history of musical creativity.

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"The Lord said: Kui, I command you to watch the music and teach [my] sons... Shi is that which conveys the will in words, singing-ge prolongs [the existence] of words, sound-sheng maintains the duration [of words], frets-lu bring the sounds into harmony, the eight tones (ba yin ) all merge into a single melody, none stands out, [and then] there is agreement [between] deities (shen ) and people" [Gu Jie-gang, 2005, vol. 1, pp. 286-289]; see also: [Honored Book, 2014, p. 57; The Chinese Classics, 1960, vol. 3, p. 47-49].

The" stumbling block " in the analysis of the postulate is the meaning of the term zhi. Long-term disputes about this have resulted in three main versions (see: Alimov, 2014, vol. 1, pp. 162-163; Kravtsova, 1994, pp. 286-289). In one, zhi is interpreted in connection exclusively with the psychoemotional state of the individual. In the other, they allow correlations of chi with both the emotional state of a person and his mental activity. Proponents (perhaps most of them) of the third version argue that in Zhou's theoretical thought, zhi was synonymous with thoughts (and) and, therefore, conveyed a person's mental activity, even if it was colored in emotional tones. That is, chi is "will" as a spiritual impulse (from the word "spirit "in the sense of" inner moral force") or a kind of moral-energy impulse generated by the mind.

If we take for granted the existence of song (ge) and recitative-written (shi) traditions under the Early Zhou, as all the above facts and observations lead to, then we expect an attempt to differentiate them. Since ge was given the ability to express a person's "feelings" as well as all music, shi inevitably had to get a different definition. Further divergence of shi ah ge in the cultural plane threatened to deprive poetic creativity of the meanings and functions of music, which detracted from its social significance. The official status acquired by Shi under the Early Zhou was desirable not only to preserve, but also to strengthen in a situation of growing crisis. To do this, it was necessary to create a fundamentally new model of interaction between shi and musical arts in relation to music, in which poetry would remain the dominant position, because it had the property of expressing the abilities and thoughts of a person as a member of society. In my opinion, the desired model is precisely set in Shun's statement: all types of musical art serve, in contrast to the statement from Guo yu o shi, as ways to implement the poetic component.

The truly specified model was brought to life through Shi. Let us read once again the story of the creation of the anthology, given in the life of Confucius (Kung Tzu shijia , "The Hereditary House of Kung Tzu", zz. 47) from Shi ji:

"In ancient times [shi] had over three thousand slats-pian. Teacher Kun discarded the ones that repeated [one another], and chose the ones [that] had to do with ritual-li and justice -." In the beginning he collected [texts about] Xie and Hou-chi, in the middle he placed [texts about] the rise of Yin and Zhou, and reached the decline of [the time of the kings] Yu [and] Li. [It turned out] 305 songs, all of which Teacher Kun put to music, [so that they could be] sung (my discharge. - M. K.) " 32 [Shi ji, 1963, vol. 6, p. 1936]; see also: [Karapetyants, 2010, p. 341; Sima Qian, vol. 6, pp. 145-146].

We will focus on details that were not previously emphasized in the scientific literature. According to Sima Qian, Confucius, first of all, proceeded in the selection of poetic works from historical and ethical, and not literary and aesthetic principles, which fully corresponds to the ancient functional approach to shi. Secondly, he selected recorded texts (another argument in favor of the strength of the tradition of written poetry) and

Xie 32 is the mythical ancestor of the Yin ruling house. Hou-ji (Millet Sovereign) - the first ancestor of the Zhou people. Kings Yu and Li-Yu-wang (ruled 781-771 BC) and the aforementioned Li-wang, with whom I associate the final demise of the Early Zhou regime and its entry into the crisis phase, respectively.

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for a written set, but assuming their song performance. The performing range of Shi's works is expanded in Mo-tzu ( "[Composition of the] teacher of Mo"), the central theoretical monument (collection) of Mo-jia (, school of [teacher of] Mo, moism). There (Chapter 48), with a fair amount of sarcasm, it is said that the followers of Master Kung "recited (tong) three hundred shi, chanted three hundred shi to the melodies (hsien shi bai san ), sang (ge) three hundred shi, danced three hundred shi" [Mo-tzu jiangu, 1988, tsz. 12, p. 275]. It turns out that Shi represents the "ideal" poetic creativity, which combines all the previous and potentially possible types of intellectual and creative activity: written, oral literature, oratory and musical arts. Any poetic work, regardless of its origin, content and formal originality, is declared capable of existing in a book form (and, therefore, being recorded and read, that is, perceived visually) and in all staged formats (chanting, recitative, recitation, melodic recitation, singing, dance). This metamorphism of works can be considered a defining feature of the already new, Confucian poetry-shi, which made it as easy as possible to transfer the meanings and functions of music to poetic creativity and merge them with the meanings and functions of ancient shi in its oral and written incarnations.

When talking about the state of poetic creativity in the first half of the Zhou era, it is advisable to at least briefly dwell on the question of the existence of feng, ya and song as already established (or at least outlined) by the time of Confucius poetic genre categories or types: feng-poetry, typologically similar to lyrics, ya-epic, song - cult, with the beginnings of dramatic action [Konrad, 1977, p. 411; Lisevich, 1979, p. 99]. The main argument in favor of such a vision is the typology of shi, described in Zhou li when listing dashi's official duties ( senior teacher of musicians, translation of this term by [Establishment of the Zhou Dynasty, 2010, p. 481]):

"Instructs in six shi. The first [shi] is called feng, the second is called fu, the third is called bi, the fourth is called xing, the fifth is called ya, the sixth is called song (Jiao liu shi. Yi yue feng, er yue fu, san yue bi, si yue xing, wu yue ya, liu yue song ) "[Zhou li zhu shu, 1982, ch. 23, p. 796].

The typology of liu shi ("six kinds of poetry") is reproduced in Da xu, but under the name liu yi ("six principles"): "In ancient times, poetry had six principles: the first was called feng...", etc. It is tempting, of course, to count liu shi and liu yi as terminological synonyms, as suggested in: [Xiong Hsien-guang, 2000, p. 84]. However, Zhu Zi-qing (1898-1948) proved that in Da xu the typology of liu shi was qualitatively reinterpreted (Zhu Zi-qing, 1954, p.81). Today, Liu yi is sometimes understood as the "six principles of poetic creativity" (Owen, 1992, p. 45). There is also an "intermediate" solution to the contradiction between the two typologies, outlined by Zhi Yu (d. 312) in Wen zhang liu be ji ("Collection of Literary works of various trends"), a small fragment has been preserved [Guo Shao-yu, 2004, vol. 1, pp. 190-191]; translation and analysis: [Rusk, 2012, p. 119-120]. Zhi Yu divided the given set of shi into two groups: "genre" (defining literary forms) and "rhetorical" (at the level of poetics) principles, referring to the first (contrary to their previous order of arrangement) feng, ya, song, to the second - fu, bi, xing. However, the alleged "genres"are also devoid of any identifying features. Rearranging the characteristics of the fan, I, Sun of Da Xu, he wrote: "Words about the affairs of one kingdom, or about those rooted in one person, are called feng. Words about the affairs of the Celestial Empire and embodying the winds-the mores of the four sides, I say. Song is something that embodies the beautiful prosperity of good power (virtues)."

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There is no other evidence for the existence of Feng, ya, and sung as not only types and genres, but even emerging literary forms. On the other hand, we can easily reconstruct the origin of all three terms from musical and song creativity 33. Feng originally served as a probable designation for melodies or (and) songs without musical accompaniment that existed in regional folklore (in the territories of localities and kingdoms). Song-a variant, presumably, of the spelling of the word yun ("big bell"), such bells were combined into instrumental sets of bianzhong ( several bells suspended from a wooden beam), which served as the most common ceremonial and temple orchestral instrument in the Early Zhou. The use of the song character in Kung-tzu shi lun ( one of the meanings of "chant") is noteworthy, which indicates the absence of a unified name for this section of Shi in Zhanguo and adds doubts about the reality of such a literary and poetic category. I - the original name of a specific instrument, such as a drum, which was associated with archaic "Syaska" music.E. with "noble antiquity", which is where its main meaning (stipulated in the story about music) "classical"comes from. The version of the origin of the concept of self from the musical art of Xia, put forward on the basis of the Zhou works [Sun Tsuo-yun, 1966, pp. 336-337], is confirmed by Kung-tzu shi lun, where "small odes" and "great odes" are designated as xiao xia to da xia . By the seventh and sixth centuries BC, ya and sung had evolved into concepts that encompassed groups of musical and song compositions and the order of their performance in the court-ceremonial scenario. This assumption is suggested by the description of another ceremony given in the Zuo-zhuan (records of the 29th year of the reign of Xiang-gong, 543 BC) [Chun qiu Zuo-zhuan, 1982, ts. 39, p. 2006-2007]. This passage is well known in Russian translation studies: [Fedorenko, 1978, pp. 174-175]. It is said about the arrival at the court of the kingdom of Lu of the prince of the south-eastern (lower Yangtze River region) kingdom of Yue (Yue-guo , VIII century-333 BC) - Ji Zha (Gong-tzu Zha ), who asked to introduce him to the music of the house of Zhou (according to the text, Qing Guan yu Zhou yue "asked me to review Zhou music"). The following lists the song numbers for the same principalities and in almost the same order as the "Guo feng" subsections. The performance ended with Xiao ya, da ya ya song singing.

The fact that the Tso-chuan describes nothing more than a performance scheme of court ceremonial activities, which was used in Shi's composition, is confirmed by the striking formal uniformity (not counting the length of the works) of the texts included in the anthology: about 95% are made in four-word poetic size [Nylon, 2001, p. 73]. Such uniformity is unlikely for song-poetic forms, which, based on the literary interpretations of Feng, ya and song, had a different melodic basis. If there were some song-poetic and poetic forms (categories) under the Early Zhou and Chunqiu, which is also supported by a lot of indirect evidence [Alimov, 2014, vol.1, pp. 158-160], then they completely disappeared in the array of "new" poetry-shi. The above adds to the confidence that Shi is not an embodiment of the literary and poetic reality that preceded and is contemporary to it, but a purposefully structured monument that synthesized the accumulated musical and poetic experience and set the coordinates for the systematization of poetic activity in the interests of a purely state system and official culture.

33 Chinese scientists made great efforts to identify the etymology of these terms in the first half of the XX century, especially significant are the studies of Sun Tsuo-yun (1912-1978) [Sun Tsuo-yun, 1966, p. 332-402]; see also: [Xiong Hsien-guang, 2000, p.80-84]. These versions are described and developed in the works of I. S. Lisevich [Lisevich, 2010, pp. 278-288].

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