Libmonster ID: U.S.-1492
Author(s) of the publication: S. M. Perevalov

The discussion on the pages of the "Bulletin of Ancient History" within the framework of the round table "Sarmatians in the first century AD: the latest discoveries" will touch upon a private but important question about the tribal affiliation of the Sarmatian allies of Pharasmanus of Iberia in the war with the Parthians in 35 AD.(1) The identification of these Sarmatians is important for reconstructing the ethno-political situation in Eastern Europe of the first century AD and for attributing numerous archaeological sites, including those discovered in the last one or two decades that have caused a real discussion.

In 35 AD, the Sarmatians became embroiled in the struggle between Rome and Parthia for Armenia, an eternal bone of contention between the two powers. After the death of the Roman vassal Zeno (Artashes, Artaxias III, c. 18-34), the Parthian king Artabanus II (11-38) tried to establish his eldest son Arsaces on the vacated Armenian throne. At the same time, Artabanus demanded that Rome return the treasury of its unsuccessful rival Vonon in the struggle for the Parthian throne, which was left in Syria at the time, and restore "the borders of the Achaemenids and Macedonians (i.e., Seleucids)" (Tas. Ann. 6.31.12; Dio Cass. 58.26.1). In response, the emperor Tiberius (14-37) nominated Mithridates, the brother of King Pharasmanus of Iberia, as a candidate for the Armenian throne, and in every possible way encouraged his protege to take decisive actions. Mithridates organized the assassination of Arsaces and, with the assistance of Pharasmanus ' troops, captured the capital of Armenia, Artaxata. Artabanus sent another son, Orodes, to replace Arsaces, reinforcing his claim with military force. Farasman had to turn to his Albanian neighbors for help and summon the tribes of the Trans-Caucasian Sarmatians (2). With their help, the Parthians were defeated and left Armenia, which remained with Mithridates (Tas. Ann. 6. 32-37).

Who were these barbarians conscripted by the Iberians, whom Tacitus, our main source, refers to by the overly broad term "Sarmatians"? In the Russian literature, the tribes of Aors, Siraks, and Alans were called, and the latter are less often taken into account[3].


(1) Dating by Tacitus (Ann. 6. 31: Consulship of G. Cestius and M. Servilius) and Dio Cassius (58.26). Josephus (Ant. Jud. 18. 96 sq.) erroneously places the account of Parthian and Armenian affairs after the visit of the legate of Syria L. Vitellius to Judea, which took place in 36-37 AD. (shortly before Tiberius ' death). The dating of the events of 34 AD was also proposed (see Vinogradov Yu. G. Essay on the military-political history of the Sarmatians in the first century AD / / VDI. 1994. N 2. p. 159. Note 49).

(2) Another part of the Sarmatians tried to assist the Parthians (Tas. Ann. 6. 33), but could not overcome the Derbent Pass (according to Tacitus - because of the sea tide, which is unlikely). We have less information about them: it is possible that the allies of the Iberians and Parthians were different groups of the same people (tribe).

(3) See some works of the last decade that reject (or do not consider) the participation of the Alans in the events of 35: Moshkova M. G. A brief sketch of the history of the Sauromatian-Sarmatian tribes / / Steppes of the European part of the USSR in the Scythian-Sarmatian time, Moscow, 1989, p. 157; Skripkin A. S. Asiatic Sarmatia. Saratov, 1990. p. 204; Simonenko A.V. Farzoi and Inismei - aors or alans? // VDI. 1992. N 3. P. 160; Abramova M. P. Central Ciscaucasia in the Sarmatian period (III century BC-IV century AD). Moscow, 1993. p. 172 ("apart from assumptions, written sources do not give accurate data on the participation of the Alans in the war of 35-36"); Machinsky D. A. Scythia and Bosporus. From Aristaeus to Voloshin (detailed theses of the concept) / / Scythia and Bosporus. Materials of the conference in memory of Academician M. I. Rostovtsev. Novocherkassk, 1993. p. 21; Yatsenko S. A. Osnovnye volnovy novykh elementov kostyuma v Sarmatiya i politicheskie razvitiya I v. B.C. - III v. A.D. Proiskhozhdenie stiliya "klausonnye" [The main waves of new costume elements in Sarmatia and political events of the first century BC-the third century AD]. The Alans in Eastern Europe in the middle of the first and middle of the fourth centuries AD (localization and political history). Sarmatians. Slavs. Rus. PAV. N 6. 1993. p. 83 el.; Shchukin M. B. Na rubezhe er. SPb., 1994. p. 201 el., 206; Marchenko I.I. Siraki Kuban. Krasnodar, 1996. p. 133 p.; Berlizov N.E. The Alan campaigns in Transcaucasia in the first centuries of our era: written and archaeological evidence // Historical and archaeological almanac. Issue 3. Armavir - Moscow, 1997, p. 41; Gabtsev T. A. Alano-gruzinskie otnosheniya v svete alanskikh vrezhdeniy v Zakavkazie v I-V vv. n. e. [Alan-Georgian relations in the light of Alan invasions in Transcaucasia in the I-V centuries AD]. Ibid., p. 123. Works of a few supporters of the Alan hypothesis see below, note 16.

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The trend is also reflected in the discussion at VDI. In the generalizing article "An Outline of the military and political history of the Sarmatians in the first century AD", which opened the discussion, Yu. G. Vinogradov strongly rejected the Alans belonging to the Sarmatian allies of Farasman in 35: "This assumption should be excluded a limine"(4). Vinogradov himself suggests that they should be considered Aors, and A. S. Skripkin, who spoke after him in his article - shirakami(5).

Meanwhile, a cursory acquaintance with the historiography of the question shows that the majority of specialists, both Russian pre-revolutionary school-Yu. A. Kulakovsky, M. I. Rostovtsev [6], and foreign scientists - without listing all of them, I will name only the authors of the post-war works of F. A. Kulakovsky. Karrata Tomes, B. Bakrak, A. Bosworth, G. Halfmann, V. Isaac(7) - did not doubt that the Alans were allies of Pharasmanus; some exceptions are quite understandable(8). The main reason for such a clear discrepancy between the opinions of modern Russian researchers and the conclusions of their Russian predecessors and foreign colleagues lies in the vicious method of working with second-hand sources used by the former-a method in which the historian becomes dependent on intermediaries (translators or specialists recognized as authorities).

In my opinion, the material at our disposal, which I propose for consideration, gives reason to believe that the Sarmatians (35 AD) are Alans, but not Aors or Syraks. The evidence is summarized in three points: 1) Josephus ' report in the 18th book of "Jewish Antiquities"; 2) Tacitus ' information about the Sarmatian tribes; 3) data from the ancient tradition about the Alano-Sarmatian method of horse combat.

What does Josephus really have/ I quote the text of the Jewish Antiquities that interests us 18. 97 according to the most authoritative standard edition (editio maior) Benedict Nise: Flavii Josephi opera edidit et apparatu critico instruxit B. Niese. T. IV. V., 1890, repr. 1955 (the apparatus contains only significant discrepancies and conjectures for the question of the Alans). The passage deals with Tiberius ' plans in Armenia and the actions of his allies, the kings of the Iberians and Albanians:

(4) Vinogradov. U k op. p. 159.

(5) Skripkin A. S. K. voprosu ob etnicheskoi istorii sarmatii pervykh vekakh nashe eri [The question of the ethnic history of the Sarmatians of the first centuries of our era].

(6) Kulakovsky Yu. A. The Alans according to the information of classical and Byzantine writers. Kiev, 1899. p. 11; Rostovtzeff, Moscow. The Sarmatae and Parthians // SAN. V. XI. 1936. Ch. III. P. 95 (Russian translation: Rostovtsev M. I. Sarmatians / / EKUFIKA. Selected works of Academician M. I. Rostovtsev. PAV. N 5. 1993. p. 92).

(7) Carrata Thames F. Gli Alani nella politica orientale di Antonino Pio // Universita di Torino. Publicazioni della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia. V. X. Fasc. 2. 1958. P. 9- 10; Bachrach B.S. A History of the Alans in the West. Minneapolis, 1973. P. 5; Bosworth A.B. Arrian and the Alani // HSCP. 1977. 81. P. 221; Halfmann Н. Die Alanen und die romische Ostpolitik unter Vespasian // EA. 1986. 8. S. 43; Isaac В. The Limits of Empire. The Roman Army in the East. Oxf., 1990. P. 43.

(8) Denied the participation of the Alans in the war of 35 and J. Harmatta (From the history of Alan-Parthian relations // AAASH. 1965. Vol. XIII. Fasc. 1-2. p. 145. Its position is discussed below. D. Braund (Braund D. Georgia in Antiquity. Oxf., 1994, p. 219) expressed doubts about such an early appearance of the Alans in the pre-Caucasian steppes, based on the general historical situation in the region.

(9) Vinogradov. Uk. soch. p. 159.

(10) Chaumont M.-L. L'Armenie entre Rome et 1'Iran // ANRW. II. 9. 1 (1976). P. 88 f. Not. 92.

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"Simultaneously with this letter to Vitellius, Tiberius urges the kings of the Iberians and Albanians not to hesitate to go to war against Artabanus with large monetary gifts. They, however, refrained themselves, but let the Alans loose on Artaban, giving them a way through their possessions and opening the gates of the Caspian Sea."

As we can see, all Greek manuscripts contain the name Alans; in the medieval (presumably 12th century) epitome of " Antiquities "(E), the spelling is distorted (Almavoi). "Scythians" is found only in the Old Latin translation of Josephus, made in the Vivarium of Cassiodorus in the VI century.(13), despite the fact that the earliest Greek manuscripts date back to the X-XI centuries. On the basis of the "Latin" Josephus, a number of publishers proposed the concept of Ecifas. Among others, it was adopted by Samuel Naber, whose edition (14), published almost simultaneously with the edition of B. Nise, is also often used by historians. M.-L. Chaumont and Yu. G. Vinogradov used Naber's text, which is inferior to Nise's edition in accuracy and completeness of the critical apparatus(15). For domestic specialists, it is especially significant that A. I. Malein translated Joseph from the Naber edition for the Latvian code "Scythica et Caucasica" (vol. I. SPb., 1890-1899. p. 282; VDI.1947. N 4. p. 275). It is precisely the widespread use of this outdated edition that can explain the persistent disregard in our literature of the fact of mentioning Alans in the "Jewish Antiquities" (16).

Conjectures in the text in the process of its criticism are a necessary part of the work of publishers. But "the only criterion for a successfully found conjuncture is the inability to find a more suitable replacement for it. The lack of this quality calls into question the suitability of the conjecture itself"(17). The" Alans " of the Greek-speaking Joseph fit perfectly into his story and there is hardly any point in making corrections: one should not multiply entities without the need to-


(11) In ancient times, the "Caspian Gate" most often referred to three mountain passes: 1) The passage a day's journey from Par, south of the Caspian Sea, through which Alexander pursued Darius (An: Anab. 3.20.2), now the Sirdar Gorge, 70 km south-east of Tehran; 2) the Daryal Pass; 3) The Derbent Pass. The coincidence of names sometimes caused confusion among ancient authors.

(12) See, for example, Josephus Flavius ' Works / Ed.and transl. by H.St.J. Thackeray and R. Markus. V. IX. Jewish Antiquities. Books XVIII-XX. Cambr., 1926. P. 70-71; Bosworth. Arrian... P. 221. Not. 15.

(13) At least 171 manuscripts of the Latin translation of the Jewish Antiquities are now known. See F eld-man L. H. Flavius Josephus and Modern Scholarship (1937-1980). V.-N.Y., 1984. P. 43.

(14) Flavii losephi Opera omnia post Immanuelem Bekkerum recognovit S.A. Naber. 6 vols. Lpz, 1888-1896.

(15) Feldman. Op. cit. P. 20.

(16) See note above. 3. Even the proponents of the Alan hypothesis weaken their position by quoting not the original, but the old Latvian text of Josephus with "Scythians", then trying to provide evidence in favor of the fact that the Scythians are still Alans (cf. Jos. Bell. Jud. 7. 244: "tribe of Alans - Scythian"): Gagloti Yu. S. Alans and issues of ethnogenesis of Ossetians. Tbilisi, 1966. p. 71 el.; onk. On the question of the first mention of the Alans in the North Caucasus, Part II. Vladikavkaz, 1995. p. 47 p.; Kuznetsov V. A. Ocherki istorii alan [Essays on the history of the Alans]. Vladikavkaz, 1992. p. 45-the author's statement is very confusing, in the same paragraph he writes: "In the Sarmatians of Tacitus, we have the right to see the Alans... the" Sarmatians "of Tacitus and the" Scythians " of Josephus are obviously the same Aorsi and Siraki, which we had the opportunity to speak about above as the ethnic basis of the Alans."

(17) Metsger B. M. Textologiya Novogo Zaveta [Textology of the New Testament], Moscow, 1996, 178 P. (In Russian).

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additional information. In principle, it is possible that the original text of Josephus contained "Scythians" and not "Alans" (18), but how can this be proved? There is a stubborn fact: a handwritten tradition. If by Josephus we mean the author of the Greek text of the Jewish Antiquities, then we must take the reading of the Alana after his manuscripts. "Scythians" should remain on the conscience of the Latin translator Josephus, whose motives can only be guessed from the replacement of the word.

2. Tacitus ' information on the Sarmatian tribes. The Hungarian acad. J. Harmatta rejected the possibility of the Alans ' participation in the war of 35 as strongly as Yu. G. Vinogradov did later. As a" decisive historical argument", he draws on Tacitus ' information about the location of the Syracuses and Aorsi, which, in his opinion, coincides with the data of Strabo (XI. 2. 1. P. 492; 5. 7. P. 506). "Of course, we should consider historically authentic his (Tacitus - S. P.) news, according to which in 49 AD the tribal union of Aors and Siraks was still present in the Don region and the Ciscaucasia. Therefore, there can be no question that the Sarmatians (as Tacitus calls them - Ann. VI. 33) called by Pharasmanus to help them would be Alans"(19). I, on the contrary, believe that Tacitus ' information about the Aorsi and Syracusans in the Kuban region in 49 does not refute the possibility of the appearance of Alans in Russia. Moreover, the account of the Roman historian does not give any reason to believe that Tacitus ' Sarmatians in the Annals (6. 33-35) are meant to be Aorsi or Syraci. There are three things that go against it.

First. Tacitus ' use of words. He described it in detail in the same Annals (12: 15-21; cf. NH 6. 17) the vicissitudes of the internecine struggle of 49 for the Bosporan throne with the participation of both Sarmatian tribes. Aorsi and his king Eunon, together with Roman and Bosporan troops, helped King Cotys I of Bosporus defeat the previously deposed Mithridates, who was supported by Syracusans, and then mediated with the Romans in mitigating the fate of the defeated. It is assumed that Tacitus ' description of the conflict of 49 AD (as probably as the war of 35 AD) was based on official materials (20) and was properly informed about its participants. For all that, when he describes the events of 49 AD, he never calls the Aorsi and Siraks Sarmatians, and the Sarmatians, when describing the events of 35 AD(Tas. Ann. 6. 33, 35), Aors or Siraks (21), but he does not call them Alans, although the name of the latter does not occur at all in Russian. Tacitus.

Second. Geographical location of siraks and Aorses. Strabo places the Aorsi in a wide area from the Tanais (Don) to the Caspian Sea, and the Siraks-to the south of the Aorsi, in the Azov steppes south of the mouth of the Tanais and up to the Caucasus Mountains (XI. 2. 1. p. 492; XI. 5. 7-8. P. 506) (22). Under Pharnaces (63-47 BC), the Aorsi could gather 200 thousand horsemen from their vast territory (not counting the so-called upper Aorsi, which are even more numerous), and the Siraki-20 thousand (Strabo. XI. 5. 8. p. 506). Of course, these exaggerated figures still set the scale of ideas of ancient authors. What about Tacitus? In 49, the Siraki were adjacent to the Dandarii of the Azov Sea. After the capture of their city of Usp, the Romans were three days ' journey from the Don (Tas. Ann. 12. 15-17. 2). The opponents of the Syraks of Aorsa were attacking from the Bosporan territory (from Taman?) towards the Don. The territory of both could not be large, if only because the forces gathered for the war,


(18) There is a large literature on this issue with proofs " for " and "against". See, for example: TaiYeg E. Zur Geschichte der Alanen / / Klio. 1909. 9. S. 15-16; Junge J. Saka-Studien. Lpz, 1939. S. 76-77; Harmatta. Uk. soch. p. 144 el.

(19) Harmatta. U k op. p. 145.

(20) Ibid.

(21) Tacitus ' term "Sarmatians" is not strictly speaking an ethnic one and usually refers to all non-Germanic peoples of Eastern Europe (Tas. Germ. 46). In addition to Pharasmanus ' allies, Tacitus calls the Yazyges Sarmatians (Hist. 3. 5. 4; Ann. 12. 29. 30) and roksolanov (Hist. 1. 79).

Shilov V. P. Aorsi (historical and archaeological essay) / / History and culture of the Sarmatians. Intercollegiate university. Saratov, 1983, p. 42. Map on p. 37. Shilov," clarifying " Strabo, places other tribes between the Siraks and the Caucasus.

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they were small. Several Roman cohorts played a decisive role in the victory of the allied Roman-Bosporan-Aortic army of Cotys: it is clear that the cavalry of the Aorsi in 49 was not comparable in number to the 200 thousand horsemen reported by Strabo. From a comparison of Strabo's and Tacitus ' descriptions, it can be concluded that the center of the Siraki, and with them the Aorsi, shifted westward between the Kuban and Don rivers in the century from the middle of the first century BC to the middle of the first century AD [23].

Unlike the Aorsi and Siraki, the Sarmatians in 35 AD, allies of both the Iberians and Parthians, most likely lived near the Daryal and Derbent passes, in the territories immediately adjacent to the Caucasus. The Sarmatians ' help was urgently needed on both sides: several months of 35 AD were spent on correspondence between Tiberius and Vitellius with the kings of the Iberians and Albanians and their negotiations (as well as the Parthians) with the Sarmatians, and in the summer of the same year (Tas. Ann. 6. 33; see Ann. 6. 38 for additional dating) the Sarmatian detachments were already in full swing. we were on our way. In such circumstances, the only people who could get help were their neighbors. Perhaps they were descendants of the same "Scythian-Sarmatian" tribes that Strabo wrote about as relatives and neighbors of the northern Iberians. The latter "in case of any disturbing circumstances... they put up many tens of thousands of soldiers both from their own ranks, and from among the Scythians and Sarmatians" (Strabo. XI. 3. 3. p. 500, translated by G. A. Stratanovsky).

The third. Political system of Sarmatian tribes. Siraki and Aorsi appear in the ancient tradition as political structures headed by kings. The traditions of royal power among the Syraks probably date back to the fourth century BC, if we accept the conjecture of K. Muller

in Diodorus ' account (20.22) of the participation of the Syracusan king (?) Arifarnes in the internecine war for the Bosporan throne 310/209-304/303 BC (24), Strabo (XI. 5. 8. p. 506) knows the Syracusan kings Abeacus and the Aorcians Spadinus (mid-1st century BC). Tacitus he names kings (reges): Eunon for the Aorsi, Zorsin for the Siraks, with whom negotiations for military intervention are being conducted. Among the Sarmatians (35), Tacitus mentions only skeptics, persons of lower rank than the king, and, as Strabo reports (XI. 2. 13. p.496), usually subordinate to kings or tyrants. But Tacitus ' Sarmatian skeptics act as completely independent rulers and make their own decisions to support one side or the other. Are these skeptics considered to be the leaders of the Autochthonous Alans, who were once part of the union headed by the Aorsi, and who were released from their control by 35 AD (scheme of the supporters of the Sarmatian hypothesis of the ethnogenesis of the Alans); or were they the leaders of the eastern (Central Asian) Alans, who had recently appeared in the pre-Caucasian steppes, as the supporters of the Mas-Saget hypotheses are a special question(25). In any case, Tacitus ' description does not suggest that the Sarmatians in 35 AD can be understood as Aorsi or Syracusans. Given the testimony of Josephus, they are more likely to be understood as Alans.

Why didn't Tacitus call the Alans by their proper name? It's difficult to answer exactly: we are at the limit of our knowledge. The name Alanov, relatively new to the Caucasian nomenclature, has been known to the Roman public since the time of Nero. For the first time, the Alans, as a warlike people near the "Caspian gorges" of the Caucasus, are mentioned c. 64-65 AD in Lucan's poem "Pharsalia" (8. 223-224; 10. 454). Before Tacitus, Seneca (Thyest. 629) and Valerius Flaccus (Argon. 6. 42; 6. 56), Pliny the Elder (NH 4. 80), Josephus (Bell. Jud. 7. 244), Martial (7. 30. 6). But none of the works of the greatest Roman historian mentions the Alans, which is not entirely clear for the author of the beginning of the second century AD. Perhaps Tacitus was not sure of the exact spelling of their name and was careful not to confuse the Alans with the Albanians (we met with this kind of error in the manuscripts of Jos. Ant. Jud. 18. 97). An additional difficulty is created by the handwritten tradition, the state of which raises doubts about the correctness of some readings.

Tacitus usually cites two controversial passages in relation to the problem of the Alans. One concerns the direction of Nero's supposed campaign in the Caucasus in 68 AD.,


(23) Bosworth. Arrian... P. 221-222. Not. 15.

(24) Desyatnikov Yu. M. Arifarn, tsar sirakov / / History and culture of the ancient world. Moscow, 1977. pp. 45-48; Shilov. Uk. soch. p. 35 el.

(25) On the main hypotheses of the origin of the Alans: Gagloti. Alans... p. 60 cfl.; same name. K voprosu... p. 51-57; Kerefov B. M. Pamyatniki sarmatiskogo vremeni Kabardino-Balkarii [Monuments of the Sarmatian period of Kabardino-Balkaria]. Nalchik, 1988. pp. 86-138; Moshkova M. G. Istoriya izucheniya sauromato-sarmatiskikh plemen [History of studying the Sauromatic-Sarmatian tribes]. Uk. soch. p. 191-201; Yatsenko S. A. Alanskaya problema i tsentralytoaziatskie elementy v kul'tury kochevnikov Sarmatiya rubezha 1-11 vv. AD [The Alan problem and Central Asian elements in the culture of Sarmatian nomads at the turn of the 1st-11th centuries AD].

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when an enthusiastic imperial actor sent several formations from Germany, Britain, and Illyria east to the Caspian Gates or gorges (ad claustra Caspiarum) to fight the "Albanians", ad Albanos (Tac. Hist. I. 6. 2; cf. Suet. Nero. 19. 2: ad Caspia portas; Dio 63. 8. 1-2) - the plan failed due to Vindex's rebellion. Pliny explains that the campaign was prepared not for the "Caspian", but for the" Caucasian " gate, "which leads through Iberia to the Sarmatians" (Plin. HN 6. 40) and where there are no albans. Even T. Mommsen (Tacitus ' publisher at MGH) suggested the Alanos conjecture instead of Albanos(26). He was followed by many scholars who believed that Nero's plans were intended to protect Daryal from the raids of North Caucasian nomads - Sarmatians or Alans (27). Still, it would be imprudent to accept Mommsen's amendment. We can't get into Tacitus ' thoughts - we only have a text that "kills the author". And textually, reading Albanos is preferable(28). Politically and militarily, the campaign against the Alans, who were allies of Rome in 35 AD and did not threaten Roman interests in the East until 135 AD, is also poorly understood(29). The mixing of the Caspian and Caucasian Passes, which Pliny warned against, may have taken place in the preparation of the campaign plan itself, which was very vague in its goals, but extremely ambitious, conceived as an analogue of the eastern campaign of Alexander the Great (Suet. Ner. 19.2). Did the Imperial court have accurate information about the geography of the Caucasus region? Ancient cartography, especially practical and military-administrative cartography, was generally poorly developed, and it is unlikely that the environment of Nero rose above the general level in this sense (30).

It is more likely, but also difficult to prove, that Tacitus allowed the names of Alans and Albans to be confused in favor of the latter in the story of the attempt of a member of the Parthian ruling house Vonon to escape in 17 AD from Cilicia "to the Armenians and then through the Albans and Geniochs to his kinsman the Scythian king" - ad Armenios, inde Albanos Heniochosque et consanguineum sibi regem Scytharum (Tac. Ann. 2. 68, here and further italics in the quote from Valery Flaccus). The path from the Armenians through the Albanians to the Geniochs, located on the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus, is unthinkable, so the question arises whether Tacitus confused Albans with Alans. This idea is suggested by a similar passage in Valery Flaccus (Argon. 6. 42 sq.), where one of the Argonauts 'opponents, Anawsius," sent out the ardent Alans with wild geniochs, immediately following them himself, hostile because Medea was betrothed to an Albanian tyrant" - Miserat ardentes, mox ipse secutus, Alanos Heniochosque truces iam pridem infensus Anausis, pacta quod Albano coniux Medea tyranno(31). The question, as in the previous case, is hardly solvable at the level of text criticism; D. Braund's skepticism in this regard(32) is obviously justified.

In general, one gets the impression that Tacitus did not have a clear idea of the ethnic situation in the Caucasus region and preferred to use the broad term "Sarmatians" in doubtful cases, which generally referred to the entire population of Eastern Europe, which differed from the Germans, in particular, by nomadic lifestyle and special military tactics (Tac. Germ. 46; Hist. I. 79). The latter gives us another clue to a more precise identification of the Sarmatians (35 AD).


(26) See T. Mommsen. History of Rome. V. Provinces from Caesar to Diocletian. Moscow, 1949. P. 356. Note 3.

(27) См. ТаиЫег. Ор. cit.S. 14; Anderson J.G.С. The Eastern Frontier from Tiberius to Nero // САН. V. X. 1934. Ch. XXII. P. 777, 883; Magie D. Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the end of the third century after Christ. V. II. Princeton, 1950. P. 1418. Not. 63; Carrata Thames. Op. cit. P. 12; Chaumont. Op. cit. P. 124-125; Halfmann. Op. cit. S. 43; Bokshchanin A. G. Parthia and Rome. Part 2. Moscow, 1966. P. 209. Cf. Debevoise N. C. Political History of Parthia. Chicago, 1938. P. 197. The opinion that Nero's Caucasian campaign was aimed not at defending Daryal, but at establishing control over trade routes: Schur W. Die Orientpolitik des Kaisers Nero / / Klio. 1923. 15. S. 62 f.; Stark F. Rome on the Euphrates. The Story of the Frontier. L? 1966. P. 199 f. A. B. Shmalko (The Eastern Campaign of Nero // The ancient world and archeology. Issue 8. Saratov, 1990. pp. 84-92) generally denies the Caucasian direction of the campaign, considering Nero's preparations a cunning demonstration designed to disguise the true purpose of the expedition - Ethiopia.

(28) Chilver G.E.F. A Historical Commentary on Tacitus' Histories I and II. Oxf., 1972. P. 56.

(29) Bachrach. Op. cit. P. 124 f.; Bosworth. Arrian... P. 225-226.

(30) Isaac. Op. cit. P. 44, 404.

(31) About addiction: Tac. Ann. 2. 68 from Valer. Flacc. Argon. 6. 42 sq. Mommsen. Uk. soch. p. 356. Note: 3; Таиblеr. Op. cit. S. 14; Manandyan Ya. A. On the location of Caspia via and Caspia portae / / Izd. 1948. Vol. 25. p. 59 el.; Gagloti. To the question ... p. 50.

(32) Braund D. "Dissecting the Sarmatians": problems of source and archaeological methodologies / / VDI. 1994. N4. P. 171.

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3. The ancient tradition of the Alano-Sarmatian method of horse combat. In his description of the decisive battle of 35 AD, Tacitus gives the following description of Sarmatian tactics. Sarmatians " convince each other not to allow themselves to be showered with arrows: this must be prevented by a rapid onslaught and hand-to-hand combat. Hence the dissimilar picture in the forces of both opponents: the Parthian, trained to spring and turn with equal dexterity, scatters his cavalry units so that they can hit the enemy with arrows without hindrance, and the Sarmatians, without using bows, which are weaker than the Parthians, rush at them with long spears and swords (contis gladiisque), and the enemies of the Parthians are not able to sometimes they run into each other and roll back, as is usual in a mounted battle, or in a hand-to-hand fight they push each other with the pressure of bodies and weapons" (Ann. 6. 35, trans.by A. S. Bobovich). Tacitus gives a more detailed description of the same Sarmatian tactics in the story of the raid of the 9-thousandth Roxolani detachment on Moesia in 69 AD (Hist. I.79). Its features are:/) kontos-a pike and a long sword (if you give up the bow) as the main offensive weapon of hand-to-hand combat; 2) tactics of frontal attack by cohesive squadrons (turmas); J) armored body protection, which is mentioned in Hist. I. 79 and which can be assumed in the passage Ann. 6 .35(33).

Although the Sarmatians have been known by their name in ancient literature since the fourth century BC, the distinctive art of horse fighting appears only in the first century AD in the works of the Flavian poets (69-96) Valerius Flaccus (Argon. 6. 162, 231-238), Statia (Achill. 2. 131-133), Silia (Pun. 15. 683-685), and in a mythological or pseudo-historical context(34). Tacitus writes later, in the first two decades of the second century AD, but gives evidence of the earliest use of Sarmatian tactics in real historical events of 35 AD.

Tacitus and his older contemporaries, the epic poets, call the new Roman mode of combat "Sarmatian." Are there any references in the ancient literature to which Sarmatian tribe (Siraks, Aors, Roksolans) its invention belongs to? Are. In AD 137, Flavius Arrianus, then legate of Cappadocia, wrote a military treatise on the art of tactics. Among other information, he gives a description of the same cavalry tactics known from Tacitus using kontos and frontal attack and calls it "Alan - Sauromatian (Sarmatian)" (Arr. Tact. 4. 3; 4. 7)(35). It is incorrect to attribute the first acquaintance of the Romans and Arrian with Alano-Sarmatian tactics to the time of the Alani raid on Cappadocia under Arrian's jurisdiction in 135 (Dio Cass. 69. 15), as V. A. Kuznetsov does(36). In the same" Tactics " Arrian writes that some of the Roman horsemen have already mastered-presumably for quite some time - the Alano-Saomat method of attack  with kontos at the ready (Tact. 4. 7; 44. 1, cf. 43. 2). When Arrian encountered the Alanian cavalry in 135, he already had mounted contors in his army (Arr. Ekt. 22). From other sources, we know that cavalry armed with contos appeared among the Romans as early as the suppression of the Jewish revolt of 66-71 (Jos. Bell. Jud. 3. 5. 5), and the first regular part of the contarii, ala I Ulpia contariorum miliaria civium Romanorum (CIL. III. 4183), was formed By Trajan about 108 AD (37)

Thus, Arrian's information about the Alano-Sarmatian method of combat should be taken into account.-


(33)The most detailed Sarmatian tactics of armored horsemen (cataphractaries) is studied in the works of A. M. Khazanov: Cataphractaries and their role in the history of military art / / VDI. 1968. N 1. pp. 180-191; on. Characteristic features of the Sarmatian military art / / SA. 1970. N 2. pp. 52-63; on. Essays on military affairs Sarmatov, Moscow, 1971. The analysis of written evidence in them leaves much to be desired.

(34) See Syme R. The Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus // CQ. 1929. 23. N 3/4. P. 129-134.

(35) P. I. Prozorov in the collection of V. V. Latyshev (SC. Vol. 1. p. 521) mistakenly translated koftoy? ("contos", related peaks; Arr. Tact. 4. 7) as "darts". Excessive trust in the translation has led to the fact that in all the extensive Soviet and post-Soviet literature on military affairs, Alans or Sarmatians do not find attempts to use Arrian's information in Tact. 4.3 and 4.7 in relation to Sarmatian cataphracts. Arrian's Alano-Sarmatians are usually dart throwers among our researchers: Blavatsky V. D. Essays on military affairs in the ancient States of the Northern Black Sea region. M? 1954. P. 118; Kaminsky V. N. Voennoe delo alan Severnogo Kavkaza [Military affairs of the Alans of the North Caucasus]. Krasnodar, 1993. p. 98 et al.

(36) Kuznetsov. 49. Judging by the fact that Kuznetsov gives a reference to the translation of Arrian in SC, the attack in the "Alan and Sauromatic manner" is understood by him as an attack with the use of javelins.

(37) Cichorius. Ala. Militarisch // RE. I. 1894. Sp. 1239 f.; Kiechle F. Die "Taktik" des Flavius Arrianus // 45. Bericht der Romisch-Germanischen Kommission. 1964. В., 1965. S. 105.

page 209


It is considered earlier than the year 135. Like what? Arrian in" Tactics " uses historical examples according to the principle of the most famous and, as a rule, the earliest references to a particular type of troops and military techniques in the ancient tradition: war elephants-Indian, Ethiopian, Macedonian and Carthaginian (Tact. 2. 2); chariots - the era of the Trojan War without sickles and Persian sickle-bearing (Tact. 2. 5); the invention of the cavalry rhombus is attributed to Jason of Fersky (Tact. 16. 3), klin-Scythians (Tact. 16. 6), etc. Apparently, the tactics of contofors in Arr. Tact. 4. 3; 4. 7 is called Alano-Sarmatian after the first case of its use, witnessed by Tacitus for 35 AD (Tas. Ann. 6. 35).

Mounted pikemen-cataphractarii of the Sarmatian type later played a prominent role in the Roman imperial army (38). In the late Antique tradition, their distribution was also credited to the Alans, and the emphasis in the innovation was shifted from offensive (kontos in Arrian) to heavy defensive weapons. Vegetius (IV or V century AD) noted that improvements in the equipment of Roman cavalry occurred under the influence of the Goths, Alans and Huns (Veg. I. 20), and earlier than other of these tribes, the Romans got acquainted with the Alans. Apparently, the idea that the Alans were carriers of a new type of weapon among the Sarmatians was expressed in a general form by Ammianus Marcellinus (33.2.17, translated by Yu. A. Kulakovsky): "The Alans, divided in two parts of the world, are divided into many tribes... in the course of time they have united under one name, and are all called Alans, owing to the uniformity of their customs, the wildness of their way of life, and the sameness of their weapons (eandemque armaturam)." The description of the Sarmatian armament itself, which closely resembles Tacitus ' cataphractaries (Hist. I. 79), is given by Ammianus (17.12. 2) in the ethnographic characterization of the Danubian Sarmatians and Quadi, out of connection with the Alans: apparently, Ammianus, as often happens with him, could not reconcile different traditions.

So, the arguments for identifying the Sarmatians in the description of the events of 35 AD and the Alans are as follows::

1) Josephus ' testimony (Ant. Jud. 18. 97) about the Alans as allies of the Iberians;

2) Tacitus ' data (Ann. 6. 33; 12. 15-21) on the difference between the Sarmatians (35) and the Aorsi and Syracusans in name, territory occupied, and political structure; 3) a persistent ancient tradition naming the Alans as carriers of the new Sarmatian cataphractarian tactics used in 35 (Tas. Ann. 6 .35; Agg. Tact. 4. 3; 4. 7; Veg. I. 20; cp. Amm. Marc. 33. 2. 17). Since there is no information, direct or indirect, about the participation of any other Sarmatian tribes other than the Alans in the war of 35, the Alanian attribution of the Sarmatians in the war of 35 should be considered the most reasonable until new data appear.

TRIBAL ATTRIBUTION OF SARMATIAN ALLIES OF IBERIA IN THE WAR OF 35 AD: THREE ARGUMENTS IN FAVOUR OF THE ALANS

S.M. Perevalov

The article deals with the evidence for the-participation of the Sarmatian tribes (who were allies to the Iberians) in the war of 35 A.D. against the Parthians. Those Sarmatians, despite the opinion of many Russian scholars, were, most probably, the Alans, but neither the Siraces nor the Aorses. The arguments are: 1) Josephus Flavius' report (Ant. Jud. 18. 97) of the participation of the Alans in the war; 2) Tacitus' evidence (Ann. 6. 33-35; 12. 15-21) about the names, topography and political system of the Sarmatians that are not typical of the Siraces and Aorses; 3) the ancient tradition that considered the Alans inventors of a new tactics of heavy Sarmatian cavalry using pike-contus (Тас. Ann. 6. 35; Arr. Tact. 4. 3; 4. 7; Veg. 1.20).


(38) См. Eadie J.W. The Development of Roman Mailed Cavalry // JRS. 1967. 57. P. 165 ff.


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