ON THE GENESIS AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE HELLENISTIC SHOULDER PHALARS 1
The article deals with the origin of the Hellenistic shoulder phalars. The appearance of this fashion was not associated with gradual changes in the decorations of nomadic harness and occurred in a short period of time, probably in the second half or at the end of the third century BC. It is not yet possible to unequivocally decide whether the nomads brought this fashion to Parthia and Greco-Bactria in a ready-made form or whether it arose as a result of the synthesis of harness a new design and ceremonial horse dress, typical of the Hellenistic tradition.
Key words: Phalars, Hellenism, Greco-Bactria, Parthians, nomads.
Shoulder falaras were an important element of the ceremonial horse dress of the nomads of Eurasia and have repeatedly attracted the attention of researchers.2 Considerable attention is paid to these decorations in the works of V. I. Mordvintseva. She proposed a fractional classification, dividing the falaras into four groups by "style": 1) the Ionian style; 2) the style of products made in imitation of the Ionian in the Greek cities of the northern Black Sea region; 3) the Greco-Bactrian style; 4) the Black Sea "graphic" style [Mordvintseva, 2001, pp. 162-164]. This grouping of material is somewhat arbitrary, but there are no alternative classifications of phalars yet.
According to M. B. Shchukin, the Phalars of the Hellenistic era are "a fairly homogeneous group of ancient Toreutics, united stylistically" [Shchukin, 2001, p. 138], and the differences within one artistic style are due to different "schools" and "directions". This idea was supported by A.V. Simonenko [Simonenko, 2010, p. 203]. This approach was partly due to M. B. Shchukin's broad outlook and his desire to fit the archaeological material into the historical context. But the understanding of the unity of style applied to all falaras seems to be unsuccessful. They differ significantly in morphology, decor, and quality of execution [Mordvintseva, 2008, p. 165-166; Treister, 2011, p. 100]. Without offering my own version of the classification of shoulder phalars, I would like to consider some aspects of their origin and chronology.
The genesis of these ornaments was often considered generically, within the framework of the thesis formulated by M. I. Rostovtsev that they appeared on the territory of " between
1 I would like to express my sincere gratitude to A. S. Balakhvantsev for his help and valuable comments made during the discussion of this paper. Of course, all responsibility for the proposed conclusions lies solely with the author.
2 The number of publications where falars are considered is very large. A general historiographical review is given in the articles of M. Y. Treister and V. I. Mordvintseva [Treister, 1999, p. 565-567; Mordvintseva, 2008, p. 162-166]. I will provide links to the technical documentation of the work, which deals with important or controversial points in the context of the article.
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Scythian and Saka Turkestan, Persia and India" as a result of the synthesis of post-Achaemenid and Hellenistic art [Rostovtsev, 1926, p. 255]. This observation remains relevant at the present time and does not raise objections [Shchukin, 2001, p. 142]. I. P. Zasetskaya noted that shoulder falaras are unknown in Scythian ceremonial dress of the IV century BC, and attributed the spread of this fashion to the Sarmatians. Regarding their origin, she expressed the opinion that such horse harness ornaments appeared in Assyria and Urartu, and that they were common in Greece in the V-IV centuries BC (Zasetskaya, 1965, p. 29-30). The images on which the researcher sees phalars (Anderson, 2006, Table 36; Piotrovsky, 1959, Table XLI) are very schematic. Judging by the fan-shaped lines diverging downwards, these are round pendants with tassels, known from more detailed reliefs, which were attached to the upper edge at one point (Anderson, 2006, pl. 4b; Deszo, 2012, Pl. 12-17].
The assumption that shoulder phalars were common in Greece in the V-IV centuries. It was based on S. J. Lurie's translation of Xenophon's Greek History, which mentioned"two magnificent plaques" 3 of horse harness given by King Agesilaus to the son of Satrap Pharnabazus. The Greek text (Xen. Hell. IV. 1.39) does not specify the number of blahs. The φαλαρα mentioned there were probably placed on the headband, which is quite consistent with the pictorial sources.
E. Farkash noted that the prototypes of falars should be found in the Middle East, in Assyria and Urartu. Sarmatians, in her opinion, began to use large, ornately decorated disks, known in the Ancient East as breast ornaments of soldiers and pendants of ceremonial chariot harness, as shoulder falars. Thus, she expressed an idea similar to the version of I. P. Zasetskaya, but in a more correct formulation [Farkas, 1974, p. 86]. At the same time, the researcher stated that there is no direct continuity between the early decorative medallions and shoulder falaras of the Hellenistic era. As possible prototypes of Falarov, E. Farkas pointed out small plaques at the intersection of the chest and withers straps on the rider's harness (Figure 1.7), depicted on the carpet from the Fifth Pazyryk mound (Farkas, 1974, p. 84).
M. Pfrommer considered in detail the genesis of shoulder phalars [Pfrommer, 1993, p. 8-11]. The researcher noted the complete absence of images and finds of such jewelry in the main regions of the Hellenistic world4 and suggested that the silver falaras from the Getty Museum were made by Greek craftsmen commissioned by local nobility in Iran or Bactria in the II century BC. He believes that this tradition was brought by the nomads of Central Asia. The researcher sees its origins in the rider's harness on the Pazyryk carpet, and the further development of fashion - in the decoration of the horse's harness on a gold statuette from the Siberian collection of Peter the Great.5 Considering the question of the appearance of falars in Bactria, the researcher proceeded from the dating of the Fifth Pazyryk mound (the turn of the IV-III centuries BC) and the time when, in his opinion, this fashion reached the Northern Black Sea region (ca.200 BC, falar with gorgoneion from Akhtanizovskaya 6). He came to the conclusion that the Falars did not appear in Bactria earlier than the late 3rd century BC. Thus, according to M. Pfrommer, in the nomadic environment about a century of nomadism.-
3 Probably, S. Y. Lurie compared the φαλαρα mentioned by Xenophon with the paired shoulder phalars known from images and archaeological finds and specified the translation, which turned out to be superfluous.
4 He probably meant Macedonia and the kingdoms of the Eastern Mediterranean in the second century BC and earlier.
5 The small figure from the Siberian collection is very sketchy and out of proportion, and the round plaques on the breastplate are no larger than those on the headband. There are no fundamental differences in the decoration of the harness of the figurine and the harness on the Pazyryk carpet.
6 N. L. Grach dated it to the 1st century BC [Antique artistic silver. 1985, p. 40, cat. 48]. Despite the fact that this date seems to be overestimated, the Akhtanizov falar is probably no older than the second century, possibly the second half of it.
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Fig. 1. 1. Shoulder phalar from the Fedulovo hoard (NMIDK Archive, N OF-21633). 2. Image on a silver bowl from the Solokha mound. Detail. The beginning of the IV century BC [Alekseev, 2012, p. 150]. 3.The copper coin of Cardia. 357/346-309 BC [http://www.corpus-nummorum.cu/coins.php?id=35411 4. Hemidrachma Panticapea. 348-345 BC [htlp: / / bosporan-kingdom. com / 101-2034/]. 5. Obol Etsy. 371-280 years. BCE [http://gemini.bidinside.com/de/lot/95/thessaly-octaei-c-371-280-bc-obol-075g-/]. 6. Hemidrachma Panticapea. 170-160 BC. [http://bosporan-kingdom.eom/160-3017/3.html]. 7. Horseman on a carpet from the Fifth Pazyryk mound, the turn of the IV-III centuries BC [Polos'mak and Barkova, 2005, p. 28, Fig. 8. Fragment of a flask from the cult complex Kalaly-gyr 2. II century BC [Gaibov, Koshelenko, 2013, p. 291]
it affected the development of phalars from small plaques to larger discs. The first shoulder falaras in their current form were made by artisans of Greco-Bactria.
V. I. Mordvintseva made an important observation, determining from the paired holes that silver phials from Prokhorovka were reused as shoulder falars. The researcher noted that it is not yet possible
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to determine whether the early Sarmatians brought this innovation to Greco-Bactria and Parthia or, on the contrary, borrowed the fashion for falaras from there (Mordvintseva, 1996, pp. 158-159).
Treister has repeatedly addressed the problem of the origin of shoulder phalars (Treister, 1999; Treister, 2006; Treister, 2011). He conducted a detailed analysis of the known finds, focusing more on identifying possible regions where early falaras were made and their dating, rather than on the origins of the tradition itself. An important chronological reference point for him was the phalars with the image of a war elephant from the Siberian collection of Peter 1. Based on the comparison of images of various elements of ammunition and equipment on phalars and Greco-Bactrian coins, the researcher came to the conclusion that they were made around the middle of the second century BC and that three-loop phalars appeared in Greco-Bactria (Treister, 1999, p. 596). The presence of phials converted into phalars in the Prokhorov burial indicated that the Sarmatians were already familiar with this fashion in the third century BC. At the same time, the researcher suggested that the rest of the early phalars fell to the Sarmatians during the Narthian-Bactrian wars, during the reign of Eucratides I.
Recently, M. Y. Treister suggested that the appearance of shoulder phalars among nomads was preceded by the secondary use of dishes or phials as such [Treister, 2012, p. 81]. In addition to the Prokhorovsky burial, the researcher cited two other similar cases. Two pairs of holes were recorded on the bronze lid of a vessel found 150-160 m from mound 1 of the Filippovka 1 burial ground [Yablonsky, 2013, p. 225, cat.3142], and a pair of holes were recorded on a fragment of a phial from mound 3 near the nose. Matveevsky on the river. Or [Smirnov, 1964, pp. 65-66, 137, 284, fig. 48, 2b]. The safety of the vessel from mound 3, unfortunately, does not allow us to determine how many pairs of holes there were on it. The dating of the Matveyevsky burial can be determined within the late IV-III century BC. The Filippovka 1 burial ground is dated within the late V-IV century BC. But the falar was found in the inter-burial space. Approximately in the same place (150-160 m to the west of mound 1), seven petiolate iron arrowheads were also found (Yablonsky, 2013, p. 227, cat.3159-3165). The shape and proportions of the arrows are similar to those found in burial 4 of mound 4 of the Berdyanka-V burial ground, burial 1 of mound 1 and burial 3 of mound B of the Prokhorovsky burial ground, so the Filippovsky falar can be pre-dated beyond the chronological framework of the burial ground's functioning, up to the end of the 3rd century BC.
At one time, I was skeptical about this idea, because I was not sure that phials were not synchronous with early phalars and that the borrowing of the fashion was not the opposite, which was already noted by V. I. Mordvintseva [Mordvintseva, 1996, p. 158-159; Dedyulkin, 2014, p. 91]. At that time, I assumed the early dating of the falars from Fedulov and Uspenskaya (the last quarter of the third - beginning of the second century BC), but now I do not exclude the possibility that they were made in the second century BC, as suggested by M. Pfrommer (1993, p. 8-9).
According to V. I. Mordvintseva, large falars from Fedulov and Uspenskaya are among the earliest [Mordvintseva, 1998, p. 54, Fig. 1]. This point of view was supported by M. Y. Treister [Treister, 2006, p. 440]. The researcher pointed out the proximity of the size and compositional solution of large falars from Fedulov and Uspenskaya. The analysis of the features of the image on the Assumption falars, conducted by M. Y. Traister, quite convincingly demonstrates that such a decoration is characteristic of the late III century BC. 7. The researcher, following V. I. Mordvintseva and M. B. Shchukin, associated the origin of the falars from Fedulov and Uspenskaya with diplomatic gifts to the Sarmatians of King Gathal, who acted as one of the guarantors of the peace treaty 179 BC between Pharnaces I, King of Pontus, and Eumenes II, King of Pergamum (Polyb. XXV.2). If we accept this dating, we should assume the existence of a similar fashion in the Hellenistic period.-
7 But it is also quite possible in the 11th century BC.
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However, this assumption is not confirmed by images and finds, which M. Pfrommer already noted.
I. P. Zasetskaya's article was devoted to the dating of large falars from Fedulov. The researcher came to the conclusion that the falars were made in one of the Bosporan workshops at the end of the 3rd century BC, and the master borrowed the plot from the Bosporan coin 8 [Berkhin, 1962, p. 39]. V. I. Mordvintseva accepted this attribution and noted that it is not disputed by anyone [Mordvintseva, 1999, p. 107]. This is not entirely true. M. B. Shchukin believed that these are Asian phalars, and did not rule out their later dating [Shchukin, 1994, p. 138].M. Yu. Treister accepted the dating of I. P. Zasetskaya, but supported M. B. Shchukin's opinion about their production in Asia Minor [Treister, 2006, p. 440-442].
It seems strange to assume that the master who made the falaras was inspired by the image on the coin, especially since it is so rough, schematic and by no means an example of the high skill of the carver (Figure 1.6).
The lion hunt of the rulers is a popular subject in the art of Assyria, Achaemenid Iran, and Macedonia [Palagia, 2000, p. 178-186]. A lion breaking a hunter's spear is quite a popular image due to its expressiveness (Figs 1.2-4). It is not surprising that the lion's head with a spear in its mouth was used to depict falars on coins and round medallions (Figs 1.1, 5-6).
The peculiarities of the lion's head interpretation (vertical furrow on the forehead, the shape of the mane strands, etc.), noted by I. P. Zasetskaya, do not give anything in favor of Bosporan attribution. Falaras could be made in any state of the Hellenistic East (including Asia Minor), in any workshop where there were sufficiently qualified craftsmen (cf.: [Shablavina, 2013, p. 449]).
In my opinion, the plates from Uspenskaya and Fedulov are not much older than the early falars of the Greco-Bactrian style 9 (from the Siberian collection and Volodarka), perhaps they are synchronous with them. Their difference is due to their origin from another craft center, another "school", to use the terminology of M. B. Shchukin.
Among the falaras of the Greco-Bactrian style, you can add plaques from the Novocherkassk Museum of the History of the Don Cossacks (NMIDK)2), which are the subject of a brief publication by L. S. Ilyukov [Ilyukov, 2000]. No information about their origin has been preserved. In 1946, the falars were returned from the National Museum of Prague to the Novocherkassk Museum of the History of the Don Cossacks.11 They probably came to the museum after 1905, since they are not in the catalog of Kh. I. Popov12 [Popov], but until the end
8 The dating of these coins in the second half of the third century BC has been corrected. Hemidrachmas of the Apollo type - the head of a lion with a spear in its mouth, according to I. II. Zasetskoy, which served as sources of inspiration in the manufacture of falars, date back to V. A. Anokhin 170-160 BC [Anokhin, 1986, p. 65, p. 142, p. 38, Table 5, 160]. This is unprincipled for dating falars, since the coin type is not related to the image of a lion on them.
9 Being aware of the full conventionality of this term (similar phalars could have been made in Parthia), I use it because it is strongly associated with a group of objects that are quite close stylistically and morphologically and can be accepted for convenience (cf. Megarian bowls, etc.).
10 I express my sincere gratitude to R. D. Chernobrivtseva for the opportunity to work with falars and information about their weight and sample. Inv. N KP-2814/1-2, the total weight of the phalars is 390 g and 391.22 g, both are made of 980 silver, the diameter of both phalars is 23.5 cm. The thickness of the discs is 2.5-3 mm at the edges, 0.3-0.5 mm in the middle. The thickening along the edge is emphasized on the front side by an inset line. The image is minted, the figures of ichthyogryphons and garlands are gilded. On the back of the badge there are the remains of iron hinges, on the left phalar - the imprint of oxides of some object made of a copper alloy.
11 Inventory of exhibits of the Don Historical Museum, received by the Main Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs from Prague in January 1946.
12 The pre-printed resettable sheets of several copies of the catalog have been preserved. The catalog lists items received by the museum up to and including 1905.
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Figure 2. 1-2. Silver falaras from the Novocherkassk Museum of the History of the Don Cossacks. 3-5. Details of the image on the blue falara. 6. Graffiti on the front side of the left phalar; 7. Letters on the back side of the left phalar; 8. Print of the seal from the Old Nisa [Manasscro, 2015, p.156, fig. 3]; 9. Print of the seal from the Old Nisa [Masson, Pugachenkova, 1954, p. 163, N 12]
1919, when they, among other valuable exhibits and military regalia, were taken out of the Don Museum by order of the military ataman A. P. Bogaevsky.
Recently, L. S. Ilyukov suggested that the phalars could have been part of the same ritual complex together with the Montefortino 13-type depasportized helmet and the bronze situla (cone-shaped vessel) kept in the museum. This assumption was based on the chronological proximity of objects and discovered falars, Montefortino helmets and situlas in the so-called votive hoards of the Northern Black Sea region. According to the researcher, this complex originates from the Region of the Don Army [Ilyyukov, 2009, pp. 512-515].
13 Until recently, nothing was known about the circumstances of the discovery of this helmet. A. L. Boyko in the GARO discovered a document containing correspondence about the transfer to the Don Museum of the "copper helmet", found in 1912 on the bank of the Seversky Donets River, during the construction of a dam near khut. Nizhnesazonova [GARO, f. 699, op. 1, d. 38]. I express my sincere gratitude to A. L. Boyko for this information. Thus, the helmet should be excluded from the hypothetical treasure trove.
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These falaras could indeed have been found in the territory of the Don Army Region, as well as most of the items in the museum's archaeological collection. But they could have been brought and donated to the museum by one of the 14 Don officers who served in the eastern regions, in the Turkestan Military District. For example, P. N. Krasnov in 1910-1913 commanded the 1st Siberian Cossack Regiment of Ermak Timofeev, stationed in the city of Dzharkent, Semirechensk region (Baskhanov, 2005). Until now, nothing is known about the finds of falars of the Greco-Bactrian style west of the Volga. It is noteworthy that Novocherkassk falars are ritually pierced with a spear or dagger, as well as falars with elephants from the Siberian collection of Peter I. Falars from votive hoards of the Northern Black Sea region do not bear such damage. In my opinion, it is more likely that the Novocherkassk falars were found outside the Don Army Area.
I. Y. Schaub defines the monster depicted on the phalars as a gripho-hippocampus (Schaub, 2011, p. 135), which is not entirely true. The protoma of the eagle gryphon ends with a scaly tail (Figs 2.1-5), which in Hellenistic art was supplied to any mythical inhabitants of the sea (hippocampus, newts, ichthyocentaurs, etc.) (cf.: [Litvinsky, 2010, pp. 230-239]). Therefore, it is more correct to call this character an ichthyogryphon or a sea griffin. Syncretism and transformation of familiar images are characteristic of Hellenistic art [Trainer, 2002, p. 70]. Seal impressions from the Old Nisa contain images of a winged hippocampus [Manassero, 2015, p. 156, fig. 3] and a "bird of prey" with a fish or snake tail [Massey, Pugachenkova, 1954, p. 163, N 12] (Fig. 2.8, 9). On the front side of the left phalar below The image is covered with graffiti 15 mm high (Figure 2.6), unlike the well-known Sarmatian tamgas, Aramaic or Greek letters. The reverse side of the phalar bears the letters " MI " (Figure 2.7). The letters are about 8 mm high. They are scratched uncertainly, the second one looks more like the" And "of the Cyrillic alphabet than the Greek" H "or"N". These features suggest the appearance of letters on the falara in the XX century.
The proximity of the Novocherkassk falars to the plaques from Volodarka, the Siberian Collection, and the Getty Museum suggests their origin in the same region (Greco-Bactria, Parthia?). The falar from the Getty Museum is dated by M. Y. Traister to a later time (the second half of the 11th century BC) than the plaques from the Siberian collection and Volodarka (Traister, 2011, p. 118). Novocherkassk plaques can be tentatively dated to the middle - second half of the second century BC.
So, the existing points of view in historiography can be summarized as follows::
1. The origins of jewelry itself - in the Ancient East, the carriers of fashion-early Sarmatians (I. P. Zasetskaya, E. Farkash). The prototypes of the falars were large decorative disks, which in Assyria and Urartu were used as military breastplates or elements of chariot harness. The vulnerability of this version is a large chronological gap and the lack of any connection between the early disks and falars, the different design of the badges themselves and a different placement on the harness.
2. Development of proto-phalars during the third century BC among nomads of Central Asia. Falaras are made by Greco-Bactrian artisans, commissioned by the Bactrian and Iranian aristocracy, who adopted the fashion of the nomads (M. Pfrommer). A vulnerable point is the lack of finds of early nomadic falars proper, which would confirm this progressive development from small blacks to larger ones.
3. The fashion for falaras developed from the tradition of decorating the harness with large metal vessels of a suitable shape-phials (M. Y. Treister).
14 So in the museum's collection were samples of Chinese and Japanese weapons.
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It seems to me that E. Farkas and M. Pfrommer are right in linking the emergence of this fashion with the presence of a harness of a certain design. But the mere fact of having such a harness wasn't enough. To see in the plaques placed at the intersection of the chest and withers belts, some prototypes of phalars is hardly justified. Preserved samples of the Pazyryk harness show that this element did not stand out with any special decorations. At the same time, E. Farkash's version of the Eastern origins of jewelry itself is unconvincing.
In the Greek and Macedonian ceremonial horse headdress, quite large falars of the headband and round headpieces appeared as early as the IV century BC (for example, finds from the Babin's Grave, Bolshaya Bliznitsa mounds, the mound near the Elizavetinskaya station, etc.). Large falars of the headband may be the predecessors of shoulder falars. There is no clear answer to the question of who has priority in creating this fashion: the riders of Greco-Bactria or the nomads. Some had ornaments, others-harnesses of the necessary design. It would be logical, following M. Pfrommer, to link this event with the appearance of nomads15 on the borders of Greco-Bactria at the end of the third century BC. According to A. S. Balakhvantsev, the scale of the nomadic threat to Greco-Bactria in 206 BC is greatly exaggerated [Balakhvantsev, in print]. Regardless of whether the nomads were dangerous to Greco-Bactria at that time or not, the fact of their appearance and the beginning of direct contact with the inhabitants of the kingdom is important. Noteworthy is the mention of "Scythian" mercenaries in a Greco-Bactrian document dating from the reign of Antimachus I (c. 185-170 BC) [Clarysse and Thompson, 2007, p. 276].
An interesting image of a horseman with a crescent-shaped dagger on a horse decorated with shoulder falaras (Figure 1.8) is presented on a fragment of a flask from the Khwarezmian cult center Kalaly-gyr 2 (Gaibov and Koshelenko, 2013, pp. 290-292). If the date of the monument's destruction and desolation is correct in the mid - second half of the second century BC (Kalaly-gyr 2, 2004, pp. 93, 240), this image of shoulder falars is one of the earliest.
Traister's version seems promising, but it also implies a certain rapid innovation that is not conditioned by the evolutionary change and development of nomadic harness. If the dating of the Prokhorov burial site within the second half of the third century BC is correct, then these are the earliest shoulder phalars and the nomads brought such a fashion to Parthia and Greco-Bactria in a ready-made form. If the burial dates back to the beginning of the second century BC16 (which is less likely), then the Sarmatians themselves could have borrowed this fashion.
The appearance of shoulder falars was not the result of the gradual development of nomad harness. This event occurred in a relatively short period of time in the second half of the third century, probably near the end of the century.
15 The question of the ethnic identity of the nomads mentioned by Polybius (Polyb. XI.34) can hardly be solved unambiguously and will not be considered in this article. For a detailed review of this problem, see [Zakharov, 2001].
16 Dating of the Prokhorovsky complex to the end of the second century BC (Zuev, 2000, p. 327) or even the first century. [Livshits and Zuev, 2004, p. 10], proposed by V. Yu. Zuev, seems to be incorrect. The inventory of this and similar burials looks too archaic (item 4 of mound 4 of the Berdyanka-V burial ground, item 3 of mound B of the Prokhorovsky burial ground) in comparison with the material culture of the early Sarmatians of the second half of the II-I centuries. BC (cf.: [Fedorov, 2014, p. 248-249]). Regardless of the solution of the question of the genesis of the Prokhorov culture, V. K. Fedorov's chronological observations seem quite fair. An attempt to clarify the chronology of the burial with phalars based on epigraphic data (Livshits and Zuev, 2004) cannot be an argument for late dating due to the specific nature of the material. The inscriptions on the phials are not necessarily Parthian; they can be dated to an earlier time (Balakhvantsev, 2012, pp. 222-227). It is noteworthy that reading AS. Balakhvantsev's method (as well as one of the variants proposed by P. K. Kokovtsov [Livshits and Zuev, 2004, p. 3]) allows us to obtain an accurate analysis of all phials [Balakhvantsev, 2012, p. 225], and reading V. A. Livshits will give more weight.
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ASGE-Archaeological collection of the State Hermitage Museum.
VDI-Bulletin of Ancient History.
GARO - State Archive of the Rostov region.
DA-Don archeology.
Institute of History, Language and Literature of the Ufa Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
NMIDK-Novocherkassk Museum of the History of the Don Cossacks.
RA - Russian Archeology.
SGE-Messages of the State Hermitage Museum.
ZPE - Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik.
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