Libmonster ID: U.S.-1573

In the second half of the XIX century. Russia has gained a foothold on the shores of the Pacific Ocean. A project to establish a colony in the Pacific Ocean has emerged in Russian ruling circles, which could strengthen Russia's position in this region. This colony was supposed to be established in Melanesia. But St. Petersburg, despite some hesitation, decided not to participate in the colonial expansion in the vast expanses of the Pacific Ocean.

In December 1869, the German geographical journal, edited by the famous geographer and cartographer August Petermann, published his long article " New Guinea. German appeals from the Antipodes." At the beginning of the article, Petermann cited the letters of two Germans who settled in Australia-a pastor and a merchant. They called on Germany - or rather, the North German Alliance led by Prussia-to annex the huge island of New Guinea, which is fabulously rich in natural resources, and the large Melanesian islands located nearby, establishing a colony on the south-eastern tip of New Guinea [Pet. Mit., 1869, pp. 401-405] .1 Indirectly supporting their arguments, the venerable geographer diplomatically refrained from directly calling for annexation: "Let others occupy themselves with the conquest and colonization of New Guinea, but we must confine ourselves to saying that the complete exploration of this part of the earth is one of the most pressing questions of geography." "When expedition after expedition is sent to the ice - covered polar regions," Petermann continued, " when millions are incessantly spent and many precious human lives are sacrificed for the exploration of Africa ... when large sacrifices are made in different directions in the unattractive and depressing interior of Australia, when expensive expeditions are sent out every year to extract the most precious resources of the world. from the greatest depths of the ocean, a handful of silt with infusoria <...> should not attention finally be drawn to this magnificent island country, into the depths of which the white man has not yet penetrated and whose shores are described only in some places, although it was discovered as early as 1526 " [Pet. Mit., 1869, S. 405, 406]. Petermann's article prompted N. N. Miklukho-Maklay, who was then preparing for his first expedition to the Pacific Ocean in Germany, to make the final choice - to put the huge and mysterious New Guinea at the center of the planned research in the Southern Pacific. The scientist realized that he should not waste time if he wanted to become one of the pioneers there.

Petermann's article attracted the attention of not only geographers and travelers, but also government officials in a number of countries, including Russia. The Archive of the Russian Geographical Society (RGS) has preserved a copy of the report of a full member of the Society, Baron N. V. Kaulbars, on the desirability of Russian colonization in the Pacific Ocean. The note has no addressee and is dated May 22 (June 3), 1870.

1 The unification of Germany under the auspices of Prussia ended in January 1871 with the creation of the German Empire.

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"In one of the NN Petermanns Geographische Mittheilungen," Kaulbars wrote, " < ... > Prussia is proposed to establish a colony on the southeastern part of the island of New Guinea, which is prominent in the sea, or on the islands of New Ireland, New Britain and the Solomon Archipelago. Without going into a discussion of the benefits that Prussia could derive from this colony, I would like to draw attention to the enormous benefits that Russia could have if it had turned its attention to one or more of the mentioned islands" [ARGO, l.1]. "England, for example," Kaulbars pointed out, " has managed to arrange her colonies in such a way that almost all the main routes of world trade adjoin or intersect on her territory. Russia, as a primarily land-based power, did not have the necessary resources due to its geographical position, and its historical development has not allowed it to think about distant countries until now. At the present time, our trade has reached such a development that in the very short future it will also need strong points. The islands of the Solomon Archipelago, and even better New Britain and New Ireland, could serve as such a strong point with advantage " [ARGO, l. 1-1 vol.].

According to Kaulbars, " these islands, lying between the equator and the 10th degree of south latitude, abound in all the products of the tropical belt, and therefore the possession of them would be of great benefit to Russian trade." It has a relatively healthy climate, "there are many good and convenient harbors", and the local inhabitants, "Papuans", are not as fierce and bloodthirsty as previously thought. A colony in these latitudes will provide Russia with great strategic and trade advantages and, in particular, will allow establishing mutually beneficial contacts with China and Australia from here. Kaulbars developed a plan for the establishment of the colony, which provided for the use of labor of exiled settlers, so that as the colony was established, they would be replaced by free immigrants. However, he warned that it was necessary to make "an accurate study on the spot, and therefore an expedition should be equipped, accompanied by competent people and scientists in all branches of natural science" [ARGO, L. 2 vol. - 3 vol.].

The note said that Russian naval vessels, which are sent annually to the Pacific Ocean to replace ships returning to the Baltic, can be used to transport the expedition members to the research site and their further transportation. Kaulbars added a note to this part of the note: "So, for example, this autumn the corvette Vityaz under the command of P. N. Nazimov goes to the Eastern Ocean; the Russian zoologist N. N. Miklukho-Maklay goes to the island of New Guinea on the same vessel" [ARGO, l. 4]. The author of the note stressed that "these luxuriously gifted islands still do not even nominally belong to anyone, and therefore no one would have the right to prevent Russia from establishing itself on them," and in conclusion expressed the hope that soon the island of New Russia will appear in the Pacific Ocean [ARGO, l. 3 vol., 5 volume].

Kaulbars did not propose, at least at first, to take possession of the vast New Guinea, but he considered it necessary to study it thoroughly. Therefore, he attached to his note a short "Program for the exploration of the island of New Guinea", which provided for large-scale cartographic, physical-geographical, zoological, ethnographic and other surveys that are possible only with the use of an expedition ship with scientists of various specialties [ARGO, l. 7 - 7 vol.].

When reading Kaulbars ' note, the author's good knowledge is striking: he confidently writes that Miklouho-Maklay is going to New Guinea, although the scientist himself, before returning to Russia in July 1870, only told the most trusted people which island in the Southern Pacific he decided to make a field of his research. The answer is simple: Kaulbars was not only a full member of the Russian Geographical Society, but also an officer of the General Staff. He maintained close contacts with the Secretary of the Russian Geographical Society, Baron F. R. Osten-Sacken (1832-1912), who combined his active work in the Russian Geographical Society with his service in the Asian Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Military foreign employee, or, more simply,,

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An intelligence officer, Kaulbars provided high-ranking officials with information and projects on military and political issues.2
Kaulbars expressed in his note the opinion that the Russian colony in Melanesia should eventually receive the rights and privileges that the recently liquidated Russian-American Company had [ARGO, l. 5]. This suggests that he was one of those officers and officials who were dissatisfied with the sale of Alaska in 1867 and were in favor of strengthening the role of Russia in the Pacific. F. R. Osten-Sacken shared similar views. He was the only employee of the Foreign Ministry who openly spoke out in December 1866 against the decision being prepared to sell Russian America. After learning that a secret meeting was being called with the tsar to resolve this issue, a young employee of the Asian Department presented a note in which he argued that Alaska would be of great benefit to Russia in the future, and concluded:"<..."It would seem that the present generation has a sacred duty to preserve for future generations every piece of land lying on the shores of an Ocean of world-wide significance" (op. by: [History of Russian America..., p. 342]. Academician N. N. Bolkhovitinov described the Osten-Sacken note as "the only document with strong objections to the sale of Russian possessions in America" (Bolkhovitinov, 1990, p. 188).

Osten-Sacken energetically supported the project of a multi-year expedition to the Pacific Ocean, submitted in September 1869 to the Council of the Russian Geographical Society by N. N. Miklukho-Maklay, attracted a prominent figure of the Russian Geographical Society P. P. Semenov (later - Semenov-Tyan-Shansky) to support this project, and also helped the future famous traveler overcome the opposition of the vice-chairman RGO - an elderly Admiral F. P. Litke [Tumarkin, 1999, p. 562-564]. Osten-Sacken helped, as they put it at the time, to fulfill the plans of Miklukho-Maclay, primarily because the long - term research of the Russian scientist on the islands of the Southern Pacific could contribute - even in the long term-to strengthening Russia's position in the Pacific Ocean. In the scientist's papers, we found a letter from Osten-Sacken, in which there are lines that shed light on the reasons for his support for the Miklukho-Maclay project: "This will be especially useful, because the Pacific Ocean should eventually become the Russian Ocean "[PF ARAN, l. 56]3.

We have not been able to find any traces of Kaulbars ' proposals being considered by government departments. But there is no doubt that the contents of his note were made known to the Chief Chief of the Fleet and the Maritime Department (as a minister and with the rank of Admiral-General), Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, who was also the chairman of the Russian Geographical Society. In the tsar's inner circle, he was one of the main supporters of the sale of Russian possessions in America and opposed the acquisition of distant overseas territories [Bolkhovitinov, 1990, pp. 184-187]. This alone determined the fate of Kaulbars ' ambitious project. But it wasn't just the personal position of the all-powerful admiral-general. By selling Russian America to the United States, the government of Alexander II demonstrated the limitations of Russia's forces and capabilities in the Pacific

2 Baron Nikolai Vasilyevich Kaulbars (1842-1905) graduated from the Guards Cadet School and the Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff. In the 1870s, he specialized mainly in the Balkans, where he carried out both official and confidential assignments. In 1881-1886. he was a military agent (military attache)in Vienna, which became one of the most important centers of Russian intelligence in South-Eastern Europe. For many years, he studied the armies of Western European states.

Kaulbars was a capable cartographer. His original hobby was mapping the Pacific Ocean basin. Therefore, it was not by chance that he came up with a colonization project concerning this region. In 1875, Kaulbars published the first Russian map of Australia and New Guinea, on the coast of which he showed the area where in 1871-1872 he conducted research by Miklukho-Maklay. In 1889, the Russian Geographical Society Council instructed him to analyze and evaluate scientifically the publications, manuscripts, drawings and other disordered materials that remained after the death of the "white papuan".

3 Osten-Sacken's letter to Miklukho Maclay is undated, but appears to have been written in September 1869. Later, after becoming head of the MFA's Department of Internal Relations in 1875, Osten-Sacken became more cautious in his statements, strictly adhered to the political course of the MFA's leadership and, while maintaining personal friendly relations with Miklukho-Maklay, became increasingly skeptical of his projects.

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and, moreover, the continuation of the course towards the continental, rather than marine, oceanic path of empire expansion [Huber, 1962, p. 10; Tumarkin, 1964, p. 134-166]. At that time, the" higher spheres " of St. Petersburg did not think about colonial expansion in the Pacific Ocean, but were concerned about ensuring reliable protection of Kamchatka and other Russian Far Eastern suburbs, about securing a foothold in the Amur Region, recently annexed to Russia.

On August 8(20), 1870, Kaulbars 'note - with some abbreviations and editorial changes - was published in the newspaper "St. Petersburg Vedomosti". Most likely, the baron was allowed to publish the note after his proposals were completely rejected and the veil of secrecy fell from them. But it is possible that the publication of the note was one of the elements of a complex game that Russian diplomacy started immediately after the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war, which broke out in July 1870, preparing the conditions for denouncing the terms of the Paris Treaty of 1856, which were humiliating for Russia.

In the newspaper version, a small addition was made to the note about Miklukho-Maklay:"...which, probably, will not refuse, for its part, to take on part of the research, if the corvette were given such an assignment" [St. Petersburg Vedomosti, 1870].

Based on this addition, it is a mistake to assume that N. N. Miklukho-Maklay and the commander of the Vityaz, P. N. Nazimov, were actually assigned to conduct a reconnaissance on the coast of New Guinea in the spirit of the "Research Program" compiled by Kaulbars. "Vityaz" was ordered to follow the traditional route to the Pacific Ocean, passing away from New Guinea. Nikolai Nikolaevich had to leave the corvette in Batavia (now Jakarta) and from there, at his own risk, reach the desired island, which called into question the success of his expedition [PFARAN, l.82; Miklukho-Maklay, 1996, p. 62]. Only at the end of September 1870, shortly before the departure of the "Vityaz" from Kronstadt-thanks to the intercession of Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna, with whom the scientist was introduced by P. P. Semyonov - the Admiral-General allowed Nazimov, deviating from the route, to land the "learned traveler" in New Guinea and then immediately follow to join the detachment of Russian naval forces.-sea vessels in the Pacific Ocean, which usually stayed in the Japanese port of Nagasaki during breaks between patrolling the Russian coast [Miklukho-Maklay, 1996, p.65]4.

As for Miklukho-Maklay himself, he decided to embark on a difficult and deadly expedition to New Guinea, hoping to make major discoveries there that would bring him wide fame and write his name in the history of science, and not as an emissary of the Russian government. After spending 15 months on the coast of Astrolabe Bay, where the clipper ship Izumrud came for him, Nikolai Nikolaevich sent to the Russian Geographical Society "A brief message about my stay on the eastern coast of New Guinea in 1871 and 1872", in which he told how he managed to overcome the wariness of the Stone Age people and win their love and trust, this made it possible to "freely look into the family and social life of the Papuans, see many customs and learn their language with frequent communication "(Miklukho-Maklay, 1990, p. 261). The scientist did not send any "applied" information to St. Petersburg, and such messages were not expected from him there.

Miklukho-Maklay's hopes were mostly fulfilled. He was able to record many elements of the original culture and life of the inhabitants of Bongu and neighboring Papuan villages located on the part of the coast that the scientist called the Maclay Coast. Traveling through Melanesia and Micronesia, Nikolai Nikolaevich encountered a tragic reality - the capture into slavery, drunkenness, robbery and murder of islanders by European and American sailors and merchants. These atrocities shocked Mikluho-Maclay, and he began a long and unequal struggle to protect the human rights of Papuans and other Oceanians. This side of the activity of the "man from the moon" get-

4 The Vityaz stayed off the coast of New Guinea, in Astrolabe Bay, for only seven days, during which time Russian sailors built the explorer a small hut on stilts (Nazimov, 1986, p. 79).

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for more detailed coverage in the scientific literature (see, for example, [Valskaya, 1959; Tumarkin, 1981]). But there was another side to this activity, which was hushed up or obscured by Miklukho-Maklay's biographers during the Soviet period, when his idealization and mythologization were further developed-processes that began at the end of the XIX century.

The fact is that in the mid-1870s, the colonial division of the still "free" islands of Oceania between the maritime powers began. This, as the scientist put it, "unceremonious division" alarmed Miklukho-Maclay. Nikolai Nikolaevich came to the conclusion that Russia "before it is too late" should take care of its interests in this region, which, judging by his letters and diaries, he did not think about when he went on the expedition on the Vityaz and during his first stay in New Guinea. Somewhat presumptuously hoping to combine Russia's geopolitical interests with the protection of the islanders from the atrocities of the colonialists, Miklukho-Maklay in the autumn of 1875 began sending letters to the vice-chairman of the Russian Geographical Society, and then to the tsar, ministers and some other Russian dignitaries with calls to establish a protectorate over the Coast of Maklay, from 1879-to establish a naval station on one of the Pacific islands. Since 1883, he has been trying to take care of the Russian sphere of influence in Oceania, and finally, shortly before his death, in 1886, he put forward a project to create a Russian resettlement colony on the mysterious "island M" (Miklukho - Maklay, 1996, pp. 149-485) .5 However, in St. Petersburg, despite some hesitation, they remained true to the decision not to participate in the colonial expansion in the vast expanses of the Pacific Ocean.

In 1884, Germany annexed northeastern New Guinea, including the Maclay Coast, and the islands of Northern Melanesia. New Britain was renamed New Pomerania, and New Ireland was renamed New Mecklenburg. These names remained until the end of the First World War, when the defeated Germany lost all its colonies and these two islands were returned to the former names assigned to them by English navigators of the XVIII century. As for the project of Baron Kaulbars, which provided for the appearance of the island of New Russia on the map, this episode, which is not uncommon in the history of the colonial policy of European powers and the United States, appears to us as a plan to seize a certain territory, rejected by the authorities of the corresponding state.

SOURCES AND LITERATURE

Archive of the Russian Geographical Society (ARGO). F. 6. Op. 2. D. 28.

St. Petersburg Branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences (PF ARAN). f. IZ. Op. 1. d. 40.

St. Petersburg Vedomosti. 8 (20)08.1870.

Bolkhovitinov N. N. Russian-American relations and the sale of Alaska. 1834-1867. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1990.

Valskaya B. A. Miklukho-Maklay's struggle for the rights of Papuans on the Maklay Coast // Countries and peoples of the East. Issue 1. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1959.

Politika evropeyskikh derzhav v Yugo-Vostochnoy Azii (60-e gody XVIII - 60-e gody XIX V.) [Politics of European Powers in Southeast Asia (60-ies of the XVIII-60-ies of the XIX century)]. Dokumenty i materialy [Documents and Materials], Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1962.

History of Russian America. 1732-1867. Vol. 3: Russkaya Amerika ot zenita k zakatu [Russian America from Zenith to Sunset]. 1825-1876 / Edited by N. N. Bolkhovitinov, Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 1999.

Miklukho-Maklay N. N. Collected Works in 6 volumes, vol. 1. Moscow: Nauka, 1990; Vol. 5. Moscow: Nauka, 1996.

Nazimov P. N. Note on the stay of the naturalist Miklukho-Maklay on the corvette "Vityaz" and on his delivery to the island of New Guinea in the Astrolabe Bay / Published by B. P. Polevoy // Soviet Ethnography. 1986. N 1.

Semenov P. P. History of the half-century activity of the Russian Geographical Society. 1845-1895. Vol. 2. SPb.: [RGO], 1896.
Tumarkin D. D. Invasion of the colonialists in the "land of eternal spring". Moscow: Nauka, 1964.

Tumarkin D. D. From the history of the struggle of N. N. Miklukho-Maklay in defense of the Islanders of the Southern Seas. Issue 11. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1981.

Tumarkin D. D. Nikolay Nikolaevich Miklukho-Maklay (Biographical sketch) / / Miklukho-Maklay N. N. Sobranie sochineniy v 6-ti tt. T. 6. Ch. 1. Moscow: Nauka, 1999.

<Petermann A.> Neu-Guinea. Deutsche Rufe von den Antipoden // Petermann's Geographische Mittheilungen (Pet. Mil.). Bd. 15. Hf. 11 (December 1869).

5 Talking about the colonization projects of N. N. Miklukho-Maklay, such a well-informed person as P. P. Semyonov later wrote that the scientist hoped to "establish relations between the Russian colonists and the natives that would connect the interests of these colonists with the interests of the natives and, instead of selfish exploitation of them, would protect them from the threatening situation." their complete disappearance " [Semenov, 1996, p. 939].


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