The article considers the materials of the Dolgaya-1 site and the Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa site, which form an archaeological and petroglyphic complex unique for the Nizhnetomsky hearth of rock art. A semantic interpretation of the remains of the ritual hunting meal and individual images of the scribble is proposed in the context of the calendar myth of the space chase. "Late" Ugric and Evenki reminiscences of this mythologeme are considered. The hypothesis of sacralization of the location of the Dolgaya-1 site and Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa in the Paleometallic epoch, due to the special hydrography of the area, semantically related to mythocalendar representations, is substantiated.

Keywords: parking lot Dolgaya-1, Novoromanovskaya pisanitsa, space chase, mythocalendar rituals.

Introduction

The location of Dolgaya-1 is located at the mouth of the right tributary of the Tom River of the same name in the Yashkinsky district of the Kemerovo region (Fig. 1). The monument, discovered in 1990 during the inspection of the Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa, was considered destroyed by a dirt road laid by a scraper along the coastal slope. But in 2008, a site with an undisturbed and extremely rich cultural layer containing various finds was identified here.

In 2008 - 2012, the monument was fully explored. It is confined to the promontory section at the confluence of the Dolgaya River with the Tom River. This estuarine area is associated with a folded depression of the right rocky Tomsk coast. At the mouth of the tributary, rock ledges form an open plinth with an eastern exposure. Petroglyphs of the Novoromanovskaya pisanitsa are plotted on these planes. In the western and northern directions, rock folds form the basis for several soil-covered and sanded terraces in a stepwise rise. On one of them, 5 m to the west of the basement, and found the location.

On a terrace of approx. 150 m2 revealed 10 cultural and chronological complexes:

1) ceramics of the Izylinsky type (49 fragments from 11 vessels). Advanced Neolithic: First half of the millennium BC;

2) ceramics of the Kiprinsko-Irbinsk-Novokuskovsky cultural massif (160 fragments from four vessels). Late Neolithic-Eneolithic: End V-beginning

Fig. 1. Map of the Nizhnetomsky hearth of rock art. 1-Tomskaya pisanitsa; 2-Krutaya-1, - 2; 3-Novoromanovskaya pisanitsa and the Long parking lot-1; 4 - pisanitsa Hanging Stone; 5-Nikolskaya; 6-Tutalskaya. The circle indicates an area with an "abnormal" hydrographic situation.

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The chronology is confirmed by radiocarbon dating. The same complex includes a working site for the manufacture of stone tools, as well as most stone products from the layer;

3) Igrekov type ceramics (26 fragments from one vessel). Late Neolithic-Eneolithic: late 5th-early 4th millennium BC;

4) ceramics of the Krokhalev culture (156 fragments from six vessels). Transition stage from the Early Bronze Age to the advanced one: end of the third-first quarter of the second millennium BC. The chronology is confirmed by radiocarbon dating. Associated with this complex are the Celta spatula foundry matrix, stone layouts made of slate slabs, and the remains of a burnt-out wooden structure;

5) ceramics of the Samus culture (64 fragments from three vessels). The second quarter - the middle of the II millennium BC.;

6) comb-pit ceramics, known as "group A", "Bolshelaryak type", etc. (182 fragments from eight vessels). Approximately the second quarter - the middle of the II millennium BC.;

7) ceramics of the Irmen culture (148 fragments from 14 vessels). Late bronze: according to the only late Irmen vessel with a calibrated 14 S - date (according to nagar) of 810-370 BC (2 o). This date occupies the highest position in the chronological range of Irmen complexes from the forest-steppe regions of Altai and Baraba. Due to its uniqueness and unusual nature, it is difficult to judge the time of the late Irma Dolgoi-1 complex;

8) ceramics with cross-stamp ornamentation, in this region attributed to the Molchanov or Turgai culture (13 fragments from one vessel). Transition time from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age;

9) Early Iron Age pottery (31 fragments from eight vessels): The cultural affiliation of this complex has not been established, but the morphology of the dishes brings it closer to the materials of the Scythian period of the West Siberian forest-steppe;

10) ceramics of the Middle Ages (138 fragments from 33 vessels). The exact date is not set.

Moose leg Bones and myth

The key factors in the functional interpretation of the monument are its territorial and content conjugation with the Novoromanovskaya scribble, the peculiarity of the proportional distribution of the types of finds, their planigraphically narrow localization and unusual objects recorded at the location. The most interesting is the unique image of the boat "under the layer". A similar unique case was also noted in the Kuylu Mountain-Altai grotto on the Kucherle River, where "petroglyphs in the central part of the monument were overlain by a cultural layer" (Molodin and Efremova, 2010, p.199). Among other non-trivial objects of Dolgaya-1, we note a stone box that resembles a late Bronze Age burial site (Fig. 2); stone constructions that flatten the slope ("artificial terrace"), and a flat boulder used for cutting meat and chopping bones.

The vast majority of pottery and individual tools were concentrated on an area of no more than 35 m2. The lack of traces of buildings and the limited use of the ancient estuary site do not allow the monument to be considered a settlement. But the above-mentioned objects of Dolgaya-1 and its petroglyphic environment confirm the unusual location.

The purpose of the site in the Paleometal epoch is revealed by the osteological collection (about 600 specimens) with a large number of single fragments of animal bones, collected mainly in its southern sectors. An extensive accumulation of bones occurred in situ in the central part, on the northern periphery of a small terrace, in the zone of maximum concentration of various finds at different times. It is confined to the lower horizons of the cultural layer. The bones were placed on a platform of 2.4 * 1.0 m, with a thickness of up to 0.25 m, located on the primed surface of one of the" steps " of the rock base. According to the moose bone from this cluster, a calibrated 14S-date of 840-480 BC (2nd o), or IX - V centuries BC was obtained. Approximately 5 m from this bone, a Late Irma vessel with a calibrated 14S-date (according to carbon deposits) of 810-370 was found. BC, or IX-IV centuries BC (2nd o). The lower limits of these chronological intervals correspond to the end of the Late Irmen culture, which was established based on materials from the Barabinsky monument Chicha-1: "The Irmen culture gradually evolves into the Late Irmen culture, which occurs in the second half of the 10th century BC. The time of the latter's existence in the area of the second ancient settlement is the second half of the 10th century. - IX, VIII centuries BC, which is also supported by a series of radiocarbon dates and bronze dating objects "[Molodin, 2008, p. 163]. Unfortunately, the uniqueness of the Lower Tomian dates and the upper date of the vessel with Long-1, which is not typical for the Late Irmen culture, exclude its synchronization with the moose bones.

Most bone fragments have broken or chopped edges. Some of them show signs of cutting. A large trapezoidal pebble boulder was also found here (42 * 20 * 12 see), which served as a "cutting table". On its upper surface there are characteristic potholes and scratches, which appear to be traces of chopping and cutting animal bones.

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Fig. 2. Stone box. Long parking lot-1.

Part of the bone remains (473 specimens) was determined before the species, the number of individuals and the belonging of fragments to skeletal divisions were established (the definitions were made by M. M. Devyashin). No fish or bird bones were found. The species belonging of 199 (42 %) bone fragments was determined. Most (64.2 %) of the identifiable bones from the cluster belong to the moose (Alces alces). Among the undetectable fragments are many bone remains of large animals, about the size of an elk. It may also be the bones of Alces alces. Identifiable elk bones belong to at least three individuals: two adults and one half-adult. Of these, 9.4% are vertebrae, and 90.6 % are fragments of leg bones. One skull fragment was found, indeterminable to species, but possibly an elk. The cluster contains bone remains of beaver (34.5 %) and roe deer (1.2%). In the rest of the area, most of the bones belong to moose (58.8 % of the pre-defined species) and roe deer (38.2 %). Found a bear phalanx with traces of fire (?).

Located above the planes of the Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa, Dolgaya-1 is characterized by a paucity of tools, an exceptional saturation of the layer with ceramics and animal bone remains with an absolute predominance of moose limb bones. The latter indicates a hunting industry, and the absence of a representative tool kit indicates a temporary stay of hunters in this place. But a large number of ceramics with a noticeable deposit indicates a frequent visit to this site and a comparative length of stay here. This is similar to a place of seasonal hunting camps, which combines this purpose with the function of a temporary production site for the manufacture of stone tools, ceramics, casting bronze products, etc. But the immediate proximity of the Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa with a high degree of probability suggests that the utilitarian activities of the communities that visited here were accompanied by mental practices that included ritual and ceremonial ceremonies.

The absolute predominance of moose limb bones in the osteological collection is associated with the mythological representations of the peoples of Siberia, which feature stories related to moose hunting. They are known among the Evenks, Kets, Samoyeds, and a number of other Siberian ethnic groups, as well as in Sami and Finnish-Karelian mythology [Grigorovsky, 1882; Potanin, 1883, pp. 778-779; Gondatti, 1888, p. 54; Papanov, 1891, p. 33; Anuchin, 1914, p. 15; Pezhemsky, 1936, p. 274; Osharov, 1936, p. 280, 282; Okladnikov, 1950, p. 296-299; Anisimov, 1958, p. 68-71; Alekseenko, 1976, p. 84-85; Aikhenwald, Petrukhin, Khelimsky, 1982, p. 183, 190; Sources..., 1987, p. 29; Myths..., 1990, pp. 66-69, 297; Ivanov, 1994, p. 116; Toporov, 1994, p. 70; Golovnev, 1995, p. 236, 238, 251, 352, 373, 559; Baulo, 2001, p. 81; Petrukhin, 2005, p. 347-348 There is also a planetary interpretation of this mythologeme (Berezkin, 2005). But the motif of severing the limbs of a six-or eight-legged space Elk being chased by a Sky Hunter is recorded only in the Ob-Ugric mythological tradition. The key idea of the myth boils down to cutting off two or four "extra" legs from an Elk caught by a Hunter and throwing the four-legged animal to the ground, where it was no longer so fast that people could get it [Gondatti, 1888, p. 54; Sources..., 1987, p. 29; Golovnev, 1995, p.352]*.

Among the Mansi, the hunter is the mythical first ancestor Moose-hum, and among the Khanty, the youngest son of Numi-Torum, Mir-susne-hum, who controls humanity; in the Eastern Khanty version, it is Posty-yang-iki (a fast-riding old man) [Gondatti, 1888, p. 54; Sources..., 1987, p. 29; Rombandeeva, 1993, pp. 40-41; Golovnev, 1995, pp. 352, 373, 559]. Another Khanty variant of the divine hero who cut off the" extra " legs of an elk is associated with the name Tunk-poha (Patkanov, 1891, p. 33; Okladnikov, 1950, p. 299). The road on which the chase is going is identified with the Milky Way, and the moose is identified with the constellation Ursa Major.

The Ob Khanty hunted elk in September-October and in March on the nast [Martynova, 1998, p. 107]. One of the most successful hunting seasons is considered to be early spring. It is for March that the Ob Ugric peoples, as well as the Nenets, Ents, Udmurts, Evenks, and Nanais have their own territories.

* The story of a Nenets informant about a Celestial Goose chasing a seven-legged Elk-the Big Dipper-along the Milky Way and ripping off the beast's three "extra" legs for its fishing by humans (Semenov, 1994, p. 115) reveals obvious Ob-Ugric motifs, including the image of a Goose - one of the most popular incarnations of Mir-susne-khum, as well as the image of a bird with chasing a six-or eight-legged moose.

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It was also the time of the moose chase along the nast [Lushnikova, 2004, p. 42-43; Lushnikova, 2005, p. 20-21], whose patron saint in the image of a Celestial Hunter among the Eastern Khanty was Posty-yang-iki (Mir-susne-hum). The origin of the Ob-Ugric myth of space hunting for a six - or eight-legged animal is associated with such moose hunting [Golovnev, 1995, p.352]. The final act of cutting off the Moose's "extra" limbs represents the possibility of its prey as a source of material goods sent down from above. This ending of the etiological myth seems to be a guarantee of the abundance of animals, a guarantee of prosperity and well-being.

The appeal to this cosmogonic precedent was accompanied by the spring fishing of elk for nastu by the ancient population of the Lower Pritomye. Therefore, the almost complete absence of moose trunk and head bones, with the overwhelming predominance of moose limb bones in the materials of Dolgaya-1, indicates the ritualism of hunting meals dedicated to the feat of a cultural hero or deity. In his honor, ceremonial ceremonies took place, personifying the calendar cycles of moose fishing. You can also imagine the accompanying series of semantic meanings of the actions performed.

Archaisms of the semantics of the image of food are reduced to the key motive of salvation from death. The act of eating was simultaneously associated with birth, sacrifice, death, and resurrection. Cooking meat on fire meant palingenesia - "new birth", "resurrection", and the cosmogonic meaning of cooking was preserved in later mythology [Freudenberg, 1997, p. 54, 56, 57, 61, 64]. "By swallowing, a person revives the object of food, reviving himself; "food" is a metaphor for life and resurrection. < ... > With food... the idea of overcoming death, of renewing life, and of resurrection is connected. < ... >> Food - the central act in the life of society-is understood cosmogonically; in the act of eating, the cosmos (=totem, society) disappears and appears" [Ibid., p. 63].

Separating and eating only the legs of the hunted animal symbolically reproduced the turning point of the mythological episode, turning the participants of the ritual meal to its real and important result for people. The severed legs of the cosmic moose, and as its personifications, the ordinary moose, were represented as a mythological precondition and a guarantee of successful earth hunting. Sharing a hunting trophy, which represented the prey of a mythical ancestor, hero, or deity, made the participants of the ceremony like this character, endowing them with his qualities for the hunting of the beast*. Reminiscences of such partial-magical representations, implying an elk under the feet of a prong, were recorded by V. N. Chernetsov in mansi Konda, who placed the moose sign in the form of an elk's leg in certain places (see: [Kulemzin, 1984, p. 87]).

Such archetypes are the basis of preserved hunting competitions timed to the extreme milestones of fishing and / or calendar seasons, and festive events of Siberian aborigines around the moose figure. So, after the end of fishing, after the opening of rivers, or even at the beginning of summer, an Elk Festival was held on Vasyugan. According to the existing regulations, the prey of this animal depended on its location, and the holiday expressed gratitude to the moose for helping in the hungry spring season [Golovnev, 1995, p. 353; Martynova, 1998, p. 107, 195].

Among the Khanty and Mansi, the festival began at the winter solstice and was dedicated to the Clawed Old Bear, the totem ancestor of the phratry. The final part of this bear festival took place around the spring equinox and was accompanied by a costumed "staged" moose hunt. The disguised man represented an elk, the other two represented hunters who were catching up with the animal, the first of which, without looking, shot an arrow into the wall of the house, and by hitting a specific log, the success of the upcoming fishery was determined [Chernetsov, 1964, p.30]. This calendar rite captures the archaic motif of the Bear's pursuit of the sun-stealing Moose, which it overtakes on the day of the spring equinox.

As already mentioned, the motif of separating the" extra " legs of the heavenly Elk belongs exclusively to the Ob-Ugric tradition. Other materials from Dolgaya-1 also point to the Proto-Ugorsky substrate associated with the moose cult. Thus, the "cutting table" found on the same level with moose bones - a pebble boulder with signs of chopping and cutting animal bones in the form of potholes and scratches-correlates with the ban on using a metal knife when eating moose meat that existed among the Vasyugan Khants [Kulemzin, 2004, p. 143].

Osteological collection of the monument (except for the bear phalanx) it has no traces of exposure to fire, which confirms the preparation of moose meat in a way that excludes frying it. The earliest one

* According to Yu. F. Kiryushin's information received from the Khanty informant P. M. Melimov from the village. In the case of the Lake District on Tukh Emptor Island, the severing of moose legs could have been related to hunting another animal. Sometimes the Vasyugan Khanty separated only the legs of the captured elk, leaving the carcass in place in the taiga to lure sable and then hunt this valuable fur-bearing animal (oral report by Yu. F. Kiryushin). The scale of such fishing is incommensurable with the current situation in sable hunting practices. But in this real episode, the invariant motif of cutting off the "extra" legs of an elk is preserved as a guarantee of subsequent, even greater luck in hunting.

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and the repeatedly cited publication of the myth of space Moose hunting among Siberian aborigines (Grigorovsky, 1882; Potanin, 1883, pp. 778-779; Okladnikov, 1950, p. 298) contains information about the preparation of moose meat by Evenks (Tungus), Samoyeds (Samoyeds; taking into account the place of entry ("Narym foreigners"), probably the Selkups) and the Ob Ugrs (Ostyaks): "The samoyed said that he would roast meat on a shashlik and eat it; Tunguz wanted to eat raw meat, while Ostyak announced that he would eat boiled meat" [Grigorovsky, 1882, p.465]. It is ostyak in this "myth-competition" that produces an elk chased by three hunters [Ibid.], and cooking as a method of preparing prey is invariantly connected with the image of the sacred animal's breadwinner. It is symptomatic that the origin of the custom of cooking meat among the Ob Ugrians is correlated with the "higher" phratry of the Moose, and its eating "half-baked" is attributed to the "lower" phratry of the Por [Sources..., 1987, p.154]. A faint trace of the similar idea of winning the victory of the owner of the moose meat cooking pot is preserved in the Evenki version of this myth, where the hunter with the pot (denoted by the paired asterism Mizara and Alkor) boasts that "he will be the first to catch up with the moose and cook the moose meat" (Pezhemsky, 1936, p.274). In another version, the bowler hat motif is lost, but evenka means the same middle star of the bucket handle Mizar, and Alkor symbolizes his ski pole with a spatula at the top (Osharov, 1936, p. 280).

According to Mansi's ideas, a killed moose should be boiled for a long time and water should be added to the pot three times, because only then does the "sacredness" of moose meat boil away [Rombandeeva, 1993, p. 40]. Judging by the soot on the ceramics from the Dolgaya-1 parking lot, the option of using raw moose meat in the dishes is eliminated, and cooking, which is the cause of this soot on the vessels, corresponds exactly to the Ob-Ugric method of cooking moose meat.

The victory motif of the owner of the pot, who prefers boiled meat, appears implicitly in a relatively late version of the myth of the space chase among one of the Khakass ethnic groups: "Under the name of Chettigen (Chetti Kan = 7 kings), 7 stars (Big Dipper) are known. Behind all go one after another 3 brothers. In front of them are 2 stars, these are their 2 dogs; and in front of them are two more stars, these are maralukhs. The middle of the 3 brothers carries a cauldron on his head, saying, " If we catch up to these beasts and kill them, we will boil them in this cauldron!" These three brothers go in threes one after the other. The star under the sixth is the cauldron" [Katanov, 1907, pp. 273-274].

Thus, the version of the myth of the space chase that combines such structural elements as the many-legged (six or eight) beast, cutting off these "extra" limbs and cooking the prey is associated with the Ob-Ugric tradition, and its origins probably go back to the Proto-Ugric substrate.

Space chase in Novoromanov compositions

On the Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa located near Dolgaya-1, there are compositions illustrating the mythological narrative about the space chase. However, in contrast to the "Ob-Ugric" version considered, the scene here is more reminiscent of the Evenki version of this myth (Fig. 3). The corresponding interpretation of the Novoromanov composition was proposed earlier (Maksimova and Metz, 1997). The authors did not have a reliable picture of this scene and relied on the publication of 1972 [Okladnikov and Martynov, 1972, p.135], implying a different image. But the outline of their reasoning is partly applicable to a modern copy of this composition. It depicts a bear and a six-legged moose with two horned characters "accompanying" it from behind (Fig. 4). In the center of the moose figure, probably a solar sign is depicted.

In Evenki mythology, there is no image of a six-legged moose, but the plot is presented about the space chase of a Manga bear from east to west after a Solar Moose, which it overtakes and kills. A. F. Anisimov considered this Lower Angara version to be the oldest among the variations (Evenki, Yakut, Altai, etc.) of this myth. The image of the Manga is characterized by the dual nature of a half-bear-half-human: he is the first ancestor and, being a bear, chases an elk, like a man, on skis [Anisimov, 1958, p. 71]. This option may be related to a different version of even-

Рис. 3. Сцена погони полумедведя-получеловека за лосем. Новоромановская писаница.

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4. Scene of a bear chasing a six-legged moose. Novoromanovskaya pisanitsa.

cue the space chase. In it, Hoglan overtakes a moose that stole the sun on "light skis" (probably on unstitched golitschs used for early spring walking on the nast) and kills it with an arrow fired from a bow by the hero Main [Ibid., p. 70]. Therefore, it is not excluded and the semantic link of the legs-skis of the hero-bear with the running of the space Elk. The skin from the elk's legs from the hoof to the knee was used by the Khanty to make hunting skis (oral report by Yu. F. Kiryushin). With this padding, the skis of the Sky Hunter, which left the" ski track " of the Milky Way, were equalized with the legs of the mythical Elk, which allowed the pursuer to catch up with the beast.

Such an intersection of anthropo-and zoomorphic features in the image of a hero chasing a moose is conveyed in another Novoromanov space chase scene. Here, the bear depicted above the moose and slightly behind it is shown standing, like a man, on his hind legs (see Figure 3). Reminiscences of this "anthropomorphism" of a bear chasing an elk (deer) have been preserved in the economic practice of the Samoyedic people. In the selkups, a stuffed bear is placed on the border of the deer grazing area, attaching a skin stretched out in the pose of an animal standing on its hind legs to the scaffold [Golovnev, 1995, p. 338].

So, in one composition, a Bear can be depicted chasing an Elk (Moose) that stole the sun around the autumn equinox (transmitted by the solar sign on the animal's body), and returned around the spring equinox by catching up and killing an Elk (Moose) A bear (Lushnikova, 2002, p. 260) (see Fig. 4). In another scene, a half-bear - half-man pursues its prey on its hind legs, like an anthropozoomorphic mythical character-the first ancestor of Manga (see Fig.3).

There is no motif of six-legged (multi-legged)in Evenk traditions space Moose (Elk). But their connection with the" proto-Ugric " interpretation of the myth reveals an invariant remnant of such a motif in the oldest narrative of the Manga bear space hunt. In this version, the constellation Ursa Major is considered to be the bear's half-eaten legs of an Elk (Moose) [Anisimov, 1958, p. 71] (see also: Okladnikov, 1950, p. 327]). The transformed invariant combination of the motif of two Moose legs with the idea of their being eaten by a hunter confirms the archaism of such a representation, which finds hypothetical archaeological evidence both on Dolgaya-1 and in the following Irba materials of Ordynsky-1a (Eastern) and Ordynsky-16 (Western).

Thus, in accordance with the methodology of comparative mythology, two variations of the space chase myth were reflected on Dolgaya-1 and Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa, the characteristic features of which bring them closer to the Ob-Ugric and Evenki versions. In the scene of the pursuit of the six-legged "Ob-Ugric" Moose by the" Evenki "bear of "Manga", their merger is obvious in the oldest proto-version, which precedes the isolation of variations of the original plot.

In one of the compositions under consideration (see Fig. 4) there are signs of chronologically late stylization of geometrized images of the Tomsk group of the "Angara" tradition. The time of existence of such petroglyphs can also be correlated with the Late Irma complex Dolgoy-1 (see: [Kovtun, 2001, p. 48, 52, 124 - 127]). Another scene (see Fig. 3) distinguish

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5. Moose image in ornamental graphics of the Early Iron Age. Kizhirovskoe gorodishche (based on: [Pankratov and Pletneva, 20121].

6. Image of an elk in Kulay metalplastic.

less archaic features. They have already become a reason for comparing such petroglyphs with Kulay metalplastics [Chernetsov, 1971, p. 105; Kovtun, 1993, p. 48, fig. 49, 13, 14; Martynov and Lomteva, 1993, p. 195-201]. But there are no Kulai motifs on the Novoromanov scribble, although the moose figure ornament resembles that on the images of the elk and the moose following it on the vessel from the Kizhirov settlement (Fig. 5). Similar ornamental motifs are also found on the Kulai metalplastic (Kovtun, 1993, p.48, Fig. 49, 13, 14) (Fig. 6). The similarity of the Kizhirov mask and the head of the Novoromanov anthropomorphic figure accompanying the images of moose is also symptomatic (cf. Figures 3 and 5). At the same time, the outline of the "broken" moose body in this figure repeats the configuration of zoomorphic images of the Tepsei group of the Varchinsky tradition, dating back to the Karasuk time [Kovtun, 2001, p. 67, Tables 44A, A 1]. Therefore, the Novoromanovsky scene of an elk being chased by a bear on its hind legs is hypothetically dated in the range from the synchronous Varchinsky compositions of the Late Irmen period to the pre - or Early Kulay (?)period. (see: [Ibid., p. 48, 52, 124 - 127]), what corresponds to14 C-the date obtained from the moose bone from the remains of a ritual meal - 840-480 BC (2 years), or IX-V centuries BC.

In North Asia, pictorial evidence of the existence of the myth of the space chase is known (see, for example: [Savinov, 1981, p. 117; Molodin, Oktyabrskaya, Chemyakina, 2000, p. 28-29; Devlet E. G., Devlet M. A., 2005, p. 127-128]) in the Bronze Age. According to E. A. Novgorodova, "the tribes of Northwestern Mongolia in the second half of the second millennium BC still have a myth that originated in the Early Bronze Age, about the abduction of the sun and hunting for the ungulate that stole it" [1989, p. 208]. Other researchers, following A. P. Okladnikov, believe that it originated in the Neolithic (Molodin, Oktyabrskaya, Chemyakina, 2000, p.28-29) or Late Neolithic - Early Eneolithic (Kiryushin, 2002, p. 98).

A sculptural group with such a composition from the burial of the Okunevsky Strelka burial ground is chronologically significant. The moose horn item with the heads and necks-the backs of a bear, an elk, and two other indeterminate zoomorphic characters-was probably an attribute of shamanic kamlaniyas. Judging by the ceramics from this and a neighboring burial site, which have "unmistakable signs of Andronovo influence" (Savinov, 1981, pp. 114-115, Figs. 3, 4), this complex does not belong to the early Okunev antiquities. Radiocarbon dates of the Okunev culture are calculated from 2520 ± 30 to 1715 ± 65 BP [Gorsdorf, Parzinger, Nagler, 2004, p. 88] or according to another procedure for calculating the same data from 2150 to 1750 BC [Epimakhov, 2005, p. 172; 2007, p. 406], and monuments of the Andronovo period on the Middle Yenisei range from 1715 ± 65 to 1420 ± 40 BP (Gorsdorf, Parzinger, Nagler, 2004, p. 88) or from 1610 to 1410 BC (Epimakhov, 2005, p.172-173). In another study, the Okunev antiquities are radiocarbon dated to 2618-1885 BC, and the monuments of the Andronovo period are dated to 1744-1407 BC (Svyatko et al., 2009, p. 249-251). Hence, the lower chronological boundary of the North Asian mythological story is about

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the cosmic pursuit of a hero, deity or first ancestor in the form of a Bear after a heavenly Moose (Moose), according to the composition from the Okunevsky monument with a clear Andronovsky influence-the Strelka burial ground, is limited to the XVII (XVIII) century BC.

But the more ancient prehistory of the mythological plot under consideration is indicated by striking parallels between the accumulation of moose limb bones on Dolgaya-1 and the Irba materials of the sites of Ordynskoye-1a (Vostochnaya) and Ordynskoye-1b (Zapadnaya) in the Novosibirsk Ob region.: "Among the bones of wild animals, 90-95% were elk bones... At the site of Ordynskoye 1b (Zapadnaya), a depression was found, where the bones of the lower part of four moose legs lay in a dense pile. At the Ordynskoye 1a site (Vostochnaya), five of the eight utility pits contained piles of moose leg bones, one (N 7) contained moose bones and shards from one vessel, one (N 8) contained 18 canines and 3 first cervical vertebrae belonging to three adult bears and two cubs, and only one pit contained them there was a pile of bone tools and blanks for them " [2002, p. 45]. And then: "In one of the holes in the mainland there were many bones of elk legs, in another-three tools made of elk pelvic bones" [Ibid., p. 98]. Another study also notes the presence of numerous "pits with cultural remains, among which a large number of moose bones were found" at the Ordynskoye-1b site (Troitskaya, Molodin, and Sobolev, 1980, p. 97). Perhaps these Irba materials reflect even more ancient ideas about the special mythological role and cult significance of the elk's feet.

Sacralization of a place

The special status of the location of Dolgaya-1 and Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa is also due to its dissonance with the hydrography of the Nizhnetomsky hearth of rock art. Up to the Tomskaya Pisanitsa, the Tom River flows from south to north with periodic deviations, then turns to the west and basically retains this direction until the last, Tutalskaya Pisanitsa. But not in the place in question. After the petroglyphic location of Krutaya-1, the river first turns smoothly and then sharply to the south and retains its southern direction almost to the pisanitsa Hanging Stone, after which it flows west again. In the very center of this section is located Novoromanovskaya pisanitsa with Dolgaya-1 (see Fig. 1).

Mythological connotations of the direction to the mouth of rivers in the ideas of Siberian aborigines are associated with the Lower World, death, absence of the sun, darkness, cold, etc.The turn of the current to the west from the first, Tomsk pisanitsa is characterized by similar symbolizations associated with the setting of the sun. But then all of a sudden, for a very short period, everything is reversed. Instead of flowing north like most Siberian rivers (or west like before and after), the Tom River turns south, as if heading back to its source. According to many Siberian peoples, the Upper World is located at the source of the river (Meletinsky, 2006, p. 217; Meletinsky, Neklyudov, and Novik, 2010, p. 148). In a short section, the flow of the river to the mouth, symbolizing the end of life and death, changes to flow in a southerly direction to the source, which represents birth, reincarnation and the beginning of a new cycle. Therefore, in such a place, life overcomes death. It was here, where the river briefly turns south for a short stretch, that the rites of rebirth took on their true meaning and special power. At the same time, we are talking about a place where coastal rock outcrops are of little use for applying petroglyphs, which differs from the rock planes of other Tom River scribbles.

Perhaps a similar symbolization of the south as the personification of the idea of the coming rebirth and a new beginning in life was preserved among the Ob Ugrians. At the funeral of the Pelym Mansi, before lowering the coffin into the grave, the lid was opened, and the face of the deceased was turned to the south [Ocherki..., 1994, p. 371]. The image of the good female deity Tomam, the mistress of birds and the country where they fly to spend the winter, is associated with the south and south direction of the Chum salmon (Alekseenko, 1967, p. 171). In the Avesta of Iranians, the southern " Ahurov "direction is considered good and happy, while the northern "Devo" direction, on the contrary, is deadly [Steblin-Kamensky, 2009, p.15].

Turning the river signified the place of the inverse potential of rebirth, corresponding to the ideas of the other world. According to the beliefs of the Ob Ugrians, life there is similar to real life, only time flows backwards. According to one belief, this means that the deceased "survives" in the other world until his birthday and returns to the living in the form of a baby or soul [Kulemzin, 1984, p.155; Essays..., 1994, p. 379]. According to V. N. Chernetsov's description, in Mansi, after a person's death, his "shadow" lives in the Lower World "all the life that a person lived on earth... At the same time, shadow wears clothes upside down and lives back: every day shadow becomes younger and younger, until finally he becomes a child. As a result, the shadow becomes very small and turns into a hamlakh core" [Sources..., 1987, p.152]. That is why it can be assumed that the introduction to the feat of a cultural hero or deity on Long-1 personified the idea of reincarnation of life cycles. Only in this place, the moose legs eaten by hunters are likened to the severed legs of a mythical Moose, becoming

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the key to the reproduction and abundance of prey in the new season. A similar semantic meaning was given to the eastern exposure of the planes with drawings towards sunrise and the orientation of the participants of the space chase facing south (see Figs. 3, 4).

Conclusion

At the south-western tip of the excavation, 7 - 8 m to the west of the plinth of the Novoromanovskaya Pisanitsa planes, a stone box was found (see Fig. 2), which is shaped like a late Bronze Age burial site. It is filled with rubble stone and reaches the level of the rock surface. The shale plates forming the long walls of the sub-rectangular structure are oriented along the line of the VVV-ZSZ. They are located at a slight angle to the rock surface and lie on the remains of a cultural layer. Stone products associated with the southern periphery of the work site of the Late Neolithic - Eneolithic period were found under the slabs of the northern wall. Therefore, the structure is significantly younger than the Irbinsky complex. Given the box's entry into the cultural layer that cut through all the horizons of pre-Irbinsky, the probable lower date of its creation is close to the Krokhaly period. Although it could have been built in subsequent epochs, to which these horizons belong.

The purpose of the box could not be determined, but some details of its design indicate a semantic connection with the New Roman images and mythocalendar symbols. The "front", eastern wall violates the rectangular geometry of the structure, oriented along the long axis along the line of the VUVV - ZSZ, and is exposed strictly to the east, which gives the stone box a trapezoidal shape. The eastern exposition includes the frieze with the image of a boat found under the layer, and the vast majority of rock planes with petroglyphs on the main location of the Novoromanovskaya pisanitsa. This confirms the significance of the overall orientation of the drawings to the sunrise, which is also reflected in the exposure of the eastern wall of the stone box. But no less important is the orientation of its long axis along the ZSZ-VUV line. In the west-northwest, the sun sets between the spring equinox and the summer solstice, i.e. from late March to mid-June. In the east-southeast, it rises between the autumnal equinox and the winter solstice, i.e. from the end of September to the second decade of December. The semantic content of such an orientation axis conveys the idea of two transitional = New Year seasons, where "spring" - "autumn" means milestones of two fishing seasons and transitions connecting the halves of the year.

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