The article is devoted to various theories of development in the Muslim world in the second half of the XX – beginning of the XXI century, among them – Arab socialism, Islamic socialism, Gaddafi's Third World Theory, Touhid economy, the concept of the golden dinar. The author considers the Islamic economy only as one of the possible options for applying Islamic principles in the implementation of economic activities.

Key words: Islamic economy, Touhid economy, Arab socialism, Islamic socialism, golden dinar, zakat, riba.

"Either capitalism or socialism – there is no third way "

(Ludwig von Mises)

Recently, not only in religious literature, but also in scientific literature, the judgment has become widespread that the Islamic economy, or the Islamic economic model, is an integral part of Islam as a comprehensive way of life (see: [Pavlov, 2003; Nurullina, 2004; Value Orientations..., 2009; Trunin et al., 2009]). However, with this approach, it is impossible to explain why in a whole number of countries of the Muslim East, where the norms of Islam continue to widely regulate various spheres of public relations, the concept of Islamic economy has either not been developed at all, or is applied on a limited scale. The existing contradictions between various theories of the "third way" in the countries of the Muslim East were repeatedly pointed out by Soviet researchers in the 1960s and 1980s ([Polonskaya..., 1981, p. 113, 119; Sharipova, 1985, p. 68-79;] and others).

In accordance with the class approach that prevailed in those years, all theories of economic development based on Islamic ideology were divided into three broad groups in Soviet Oriental studies: bourgeois, petty-bourgeois conservative, and petty-bourgeois radical (see, for example, [Polonskaya and Ionova, 1982]).

Today, some theories have disappeared from the historical scene, while others, on the contrary, despite the imminent demise predicted by both Soviet and some Western researchers, have become even more relevant and have crossed the borders of the Muslim world. It seems that it is now necessary to look again, outside the ideological framework, at the reasons for the divergence in the formulation of the Sharia-based path of development. What causes these discrepancies? Features of interpretation of certain provisions of Sharia law by Muslim lawyers within certain schools? Or are these differences based on other reasons? To what extent are these differences fundamental and how fair is it to talk about the possibility of building a single, universal system for the entire Muslim world, or at least for the entire Muslim world?

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at least for the majority of Muslims of the national economy system, in which the norms and principles of Sharia are used as an ideological basis? The answers to these questions will allow us to better understand the current trends in the development of Muslim countries, where the Islamic economic model is becoming increasingly relevant.

Among the many theories in this article, we will primarily be interested in those concepts that have found practical implementation in the economic policy of a particular state.

Islamic economy: from an ideal design to an Islamic financial system. Contrary to a fairly common opinion, the Islamic economy, or Islamic economic model, is a relatively new concept, formulated in a complete form only in the second half of the twentieth century. The date of birth of the phenomenon that is usually called the Islamic economy, according to the author of these lines, should be considered 1947, when several studies were published that set out the view of an ideal system that meets the requirements of Sharia. These are Sayyid Manazir Muhammad al-Gilani's Islamic Economy [Gilani, 1947], Mahmud Ahmad's Economics of Islam [Ahmad, 1947], and Muhammad al-Ghazali's Islam and Economic Institutions [Al-Ghazali, 1947]. The term "Islamic economy" itself has been firmly established in the scientific literature only since the mid-1970s. 1

Among the first authors to write on the subject of the Islamic economic order, most were Muslim jurists. This could not but reflect on the presence of a large number of legal definitions in studies on the Islamic economy. Subsequently, many works appeared in which economic problems were considered by the authors through the prism of Islamic values, the authors offered their vision of an ideal Islamic economic system. The general principles and cornerstones of such a system were: the prohibition of riba (loan interest); the construction of an Islamic tax system, the core of which is Zakat; compliance with the order of inheritance according to Sharia.

According to many researchers, it is quite possible to build an effectively functioning Islamic economic system on these three "whales" that regulate the distribution of social product. However, when implementing the provisions of Sharia law governing economic relations, it is impossible not to take into account that the entire system of the world economy and international economic relations is built on different principles.

The main goal of the Islamic economic model was to find alternative solutions to current problems, primarily in the field of finance. In this context, the Islamic financial system is an essential component of the Islamic economy. A significant number of studies on Islamic economics, both in the West and in the East, often focus only on finance. This is not surprising, since it is in the financial sector that the features of the Islamic economic model, whose main goal was to find an alternative to interest-based financing, are more often manifested.

Thus, it should be borne in mind that when speaking about the Islamic economy, many researchers refer only to the Islamic financial system. As for other important components of the economic model, such as land and labor relations, property issues, they are usually left out of brackets or mentioned in passing by economists-specialists in Islamic economics - and serve as a subject of study mainly for Muslim jurists writing

1 For more details on the interpretation of the term "Islamic economy", see [Bekkin, 2010, pp. 13-29].

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about ethical aspects of business and ownership rights (including land ownership). Undoubtedly, these aspects are still waiting for the researcher.

The theory of Islamic economics has ceased to keep pace with the intensive development of the Islamic financial services market in the world. If in the second half of the 20th century the main attention of researchers of Islamic economics was focused on the construction of theoretical constructions, today scientists see their main task in analyzing and generalizing the practice of numerous Islamic financial institutions scattered around the world. General theoretical works continue to appear that interpret economic development in the light of the provisions of Sharia law.2
However, al-Gilani, Muhammad al-Ghazali, and other theorists of the Islamic economic model were certainly not the first to try to analyze the challenges of capitalism from an Islamic perspective. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, when capitalist relations began to permeate the Muslim world, an attempt to find an alternative to them in Islam was made by the ideologists of the so-called Arab socialism.

Arab or Islamic socialism. At the end of the 19th century, intellectuals in the Arab East were able to get acquainted with socialist ideas. This acquaintance, however, was rather cursory. As noted by the Russian researcher Z. I. Levin, Arab intellectuals often understood "socialism" as an abstract system based on goodness and social justice. One of the first Muslim scholars to write about socialism was the Muslim reformer Jamal al-din al-Afghani. According to al-Afgani, the consistent implementation of socialist ideas could have caused the death of the entire human race. However, after traveling to Europe and meeting followers of various newfangled political theories, al-Afghani revised his point of view. In the 1890s, he was already saying that socialist ideas not only did not contradict religion, but were based entirely on religious principles. The foundations of socialism, according to al-Afgani, are laid in Islam and are most clearly manifested in the instructions on zakat, on the prohibition of usury, on the need to help the weak and the poor. The followers of the Prophet Muhammad, according to the Muslim reformer, were the first socialists in the world [Levin, 1972, p. 230, 234]. At the same time, Al-Afghani condemned socialist views if they were not built on a religious foundation (Al-Makhzumi, 1931, p.189).

Based on such statements, some researchers consider al-Afghani to be the founder of the theory of Islamic socialism3. However, it seems to us that this statement is not entirely correct, since al-Afghani did not formulate any independent concept, but only tried to identify common features between socialism and the Islamic faith.

The Arab socialists did not develop a single economic concept. The concept of "Arab socialism" could include all kinds of economic theories: from scientific socialism (minus dialectical materialism) to concepts based on the ideas of utopian socialists. As a rule, Islam here served only as a way to legitimize these theories. Arab socialists from among the Muslims appealed to the general humanistic ideas that unite Islam and socialism to a greater extent than they tried to put specific Islamic economic institutions at the service of the national economy. In other words, Islam served as an ideological support for the ongoing reforms, and not as a foundation for transforming the national economy of a particular country in accordance with the principles of Sharia law.

2 See, for example, the publications of the Islamic Development Bank's Institute for Islamic Research and Training (IRTI).

3 A similar point of view is common among Muslim authors. See, for example: [Mukhametov].

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But even the most radical reformers understood that any attempt to build socialism in Muslim countries could not but rely on the provisions of Islam. Even President Gamal Abdel Nasser4 repeatedly drew attention in his public speeches to the consonance of socialist ideas with Islam. In the early 1950s, representatives of the left wing of the Muslim Brotherhood movement wrote about the absence of contradictions between Islam and socialism. In the book "Islam and Socialist Concepts" published in 1951, the aforementioned Muhammad al-Ghazali wrote about Islamic socialism based on the idea of monotheism and universal brotherhood, contrasting it with communism and capitalism (Al-Ghazali, 1951, pp. 90-91) (cit. by: [Ibragim, 2002, p. 179]). As in the case of the book "Islam and Economic Institutions", it was not about formulating a concept that can be implemented in practice, but about some ideal model.

Islamic socialism has become a logical extension of the theories of Arab socialism in the political conditions that have changed since the 1970s. And if Arab socialism was primarily secular, secularist, and based on Islamic ideology insofar as the current political situation required it, then for Muslim (Islamic) socialists, Islamic slogans were an organic part of their ideology.

Like Arab socialism, Islamic socialism was not homogeneous. Within the framework of Islamic socialism, both radical concepts such as Gaddafi's Third World Theory developed, as well as moderate-liberal (Islamic socialism of Z. A. Bhutto) and conservative (Moroccan socialism, which had nothing in common with socialism, except for the name) concepts. Unlike the ideologues of Arab socialism, the supporters of Islamic socialism were interested exclusively in the economic aspects of the socialist ideology. Islamic socialists were attracted to the strong role of the state in the economy. As for the financial aspects, the Islamic socialists did not go beyond general declarations. Financial sector reforms were limited to nationalization, but not to the exclusion of loan interest from the operations of banks operating in the country.

There is no consensus among researchers about who is the author of the theory of Islamic socialism. His forerunner, many Muslim authors call the companion of the Prophet Muhammad-Abu Zarr al-Gifari (d. 652), who was famous for his non-greed and ascetic lifestyle. 5 Some Muslim researchers go so far as to equate the concepts of "Islam "and"socialism"6. The authors who support this point of view point out that Western European socialists actually "invented the bicycle", since all ideas of social justice are immanently inherent in Islam. In their argument, they refer to such charitable institutions as zakat, waqf, etc. 7 and also appeal to early Islamic history. Thus, the Arab researcher al-Sakhhar calls the reign of the Umayyad Caliph 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, a Muslim ruler known for his piety and justice, who is sometimes referred to as the fifth "righteous caliph" (Al – Sakhhar, 1988, p.74).

In addition to the companions of the Prophet Muhammad, who were famous for their justice and virtue, among the ideologists of Islamic socialism who lived not so long ago,

4 " Our socialism is a scientific socialism based on science, not on anarchy. But it is not materialistic" [Naser, 1977, p. 48]. As can be seen from Nasser's speeches, he himself did not propose a single name for the reform ideology and was rather reserved about the term "Arab socialism".

5 For more information, see, for example: [Haarmann, 1978, p. 285-89; Badawi, 1962, p. 49-50] and others.

6 See, for example: [Al-Sakhhar, 1988, pp. 52-75], where one of the sections of the article is called "Socialism is one of the pillars of the Muslim religion".

7 According to al-Sakhhar, zakat is the basis of genuine Islamic socialism [Ac-Caxxap, 1988, p. 72].

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The aforementioned al-Afgani, the Tatar socialist Mirsaid Sul-tan-Galiyev (1892-1940), Gainan Vaisov, the son of Bagautdin Vaisov, the founder of the Vaisov movement, and the Muslim philosopher and poet Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) are also mentioned. However, none of the above-mentioned figures formulated any original economic concept that would be based on the provisions of Islam, and it was economics, and not politics, that was the essence of Islamic socialism.

At the same time, one cannot underestimate the significance of their statements, which in some cases served as a source of inspiration for politicians who tried to translate the ideas of Islamic socialism (as they understood them) into practice. So, the ideas of Islamic socialism were popular in Iqbal's homeland-in Pakistan.

The term "Islamic socialism" can be found in the speeches of many Pakistani politicians. In particular, the founder of the state, M. A. Jinnah8, said: "Pakistan should stand on a solid foundation of social justice and Islamic socialism, which emphasize equality and brotherhood of people" [Political Parties.., 1971, p. 228. - Cited in: Pleshov, 2003, p. 83]. The first political figure in Pakistan to launch reforms under the banner of Islamic socialism was Zulfiqar 'Ali Bhutto, who was elected President in 1971. Back in 1966, he proclaimed the slogan of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which he founded and led:"Islam is our faith, democracy is our politics, socialism is our economy." For a State like Pakistan, any ideology that wasn't based on Islam was bound to fail. The only question was whether the content behind the Islamic rhetoric was conservative or liberal. The representative of conservative views was the Jamaat-i Islami party with its leader Abu-l-A'la al-Maududi. The author of the liberal concept of development in Islam was Bhutto.

During the 1971 election campaign, Bhutto was extremely careful in using socialist slogans. Back in 1969, a group of conservative Muslims issued a fatwa declaring socialism an anti-Islamic trend, and 3.'A. Bhutto himself a kafir (non – believer) for promoting socialist views [Raza, 1997, p. 33] (cit. according to: [Chengappa, 2002, p. 29]). The policy of compromise in relations with the Ulema actually led Bhutto by 1974 to the idea of refusing to carry out transformations that had a socialist connotation.

The era of Islamic socialism was short, from 1972 to 1974. During this period, key and long-overdue reforms were initiated: land, labor, education and health care. A policy of nationalization was announced in the heavy industry and financial sectors. Thus, the Bhutto Government has not taken any concrete steps to eliminate loan interest in financial institutions. The country's leadership limited itself to including in the 1973 Constitution a declaration that "The State will eliminate the riba (loan interest) as quickly as possible" (Article 38, paragraph f).

Researchers give mixed assessments of the results of reforms in Pakistan: from extremely negative (Badejo, 1988, p.27-32) to positive (Chengappa, 2002, p. 27-47). Without going too far, it should be noted that the reforms did not achieve the result that the masses expected from them, which ensured the success of Bhutto's party in the elections. Coming from a large landowning background, Bhutto acted in the interests of this group of Pakistani society, which historically opposed the representatives of the industrial and financial bourgeoisie in Pakistan.-

8 It is important to take revenge on the fact that Muhammad 'Ali Jinnah belonged to the Indian Muslim caste and at the same time to the Khoja Ismaili religious community, which specialized in trade and usury operations. After the formation of independent Pakistan, immigrants from the Khoja, Bohra and Memon Muslim communities who migrated from India formed the backbone of the country's industrialists and financiers. It is not surprising that the issue of eliminating loan interest in the country has not yet been resolved.

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Tsam from the Muslim merchant-usurer castes from India: Khoja, Bohra and memonovs. The reforms were half-hearted. They have made little difference in the situation of the poor and underprivileged.

But even such half-hearted changes have provoked discontent in Muslim countries with conservative regimes, especially in Saudi Arabia. Any reforms under the slogans of socialism in such countries as Egypt, Somalia, Pakistan, etc., were perceived extremely negatively.

After the collapse of the Islamic socialism project in Pakistan and the fall of the Bhutto government, the ideological basis for economic transformation was the views of conservative theologians, especially al-Maududi.9 In Sudan, a similar story happened, with the only difference being that the new theory of economic development was a consequence of the evolution of the regime itself. The period of socialist orientation in the 1970s was replaced by a policy of Islamization of various spheres of public life, including the economy and finance.10
Against the background of these trends in the Muslim world, Libya stood out, where in the 1970s a special model of political structure developed-the Jamahiriya.

Economic Development Theory in the Green Book: Gaddafi's Islamic Socialism. Inspired by the ideas of Nasserism and Arab socialism, Gaddafi came to power in a military coup on September 1, 1969. Very soon, the young leader of the country became disillusioned with the theory of Arab socialism and turned to the ideas of Islamic solidarity. This, firstly, corresponded to the Libyan leader's own planetary ambitions, who sought to play first fiddle not only in the Arab world, but also in the Muslim world as a whole. Secondly, it was more in line with the internal tasks of the Libyan revolution. In traditional Libyan society, Islam was a more powerful unifying factor than nationalism. Gaddafi was one of the first leaders in the Arab world to feel the decline of Arab nationalism and socialism and try to rebuild.

According to the Soviet researcher L. B. Borisov, Gaddafi's Third World Theory is one of the concepts of Islamic socialism, since it is based on the thesis of creating a socio-economic system based on "socialist ideas embodied in Islam" (Borisov, 1985, p.113). The Islam that inspired Gaddafi's theory was not the Islam of the urban commercial bourgeoisie, but of the patriarchal Bedouin society. The basis of the economy of such a society was collective ownership of the means of production. It is not surprising, therefore, that Libyan socialism with its egalitarian ideology, with some similarities, differed from the socialism that Z. A., who came from a family of large landowners, tried to build. Bhutto in Pakistan in the early 1970s. Obviously, the ideas of social justice of the landowner Bhutto and the Bedouin Gaddafi may have been significantly different-due to the formation of these two people in different cultural and social environments.

The creation of the Third World Theory began shortly after the victory of the Libyan revolution in 1969. [Polonskaya and Ionova, 1982, pp. 229-230]. The essence of Gaddafi's economic concept can be reduced to the slogan: "Not employees, but partners." According to the author of the "Green Book", the existing wage system turns producers into slaves: "An employee is in semi-slave dependence on the owner who hired him. Moreover, he is a temporary slave and the basis of his slavery is work, for which he is not a slave.

9 For the influence of Maududi's views on the process of Islamization of the economy in Pakistan, see, for example: [Ryazanov, 2011, pp. 93-1051.

10 Despite the fact that the first Islamic bank appeared in Egypt in 1963 under President Nasser and was generated by the objective need of the population for financial services corresponding to Islam, the further development of Islamic economic doctrine in practice took place in conservative states.

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which he receives payment from the employer, regardless of whether the employer is a private person or the state." Gaddafi proposed to abolish wages and return to "natural rules", which, in turn, are the basis of"natural socialism". One does not need to be a deep scholar of Muslim law to understand that such statements in no way fit into the Islamic economic doctrine, which is based, among other things, on the traditions (hades) governing employment relations. Other provisions of the "Green Book" do not fully comply with the principles of sharia law, in particular, about the inevitable replacement of private property by socialist property; about the inadmissibility of land being owned by anyone [Al-Gaddafi]; about the gradual disappearance of profit and money in society, etc. At the same time, the issue of banning loan interest in the "Green Book" is ignored. During the implementation of reforms in Libya in the 1970s and 1980s, the question of eliminating the riba from the country's financial system was not raised.

Thus, the Third World Theory, or Gaddafi's theory of Islamic socialism, has more in common with the views of Western utopian socialists than with the concept of Islamic economics. The similarity with the Islamic economic doctrine is shown in such general postulates as the condemnation of exploitation, enrichment of some at the expense of others, and hoarding. Gaddafi's concept does not claim to be Islamic. In the second part of the "Green Book", the word "Islam" is not mentioned even once in the presentation of the socialist concept. This is a deliberate move. The third world theory claims to be universal, to solve the problems of all mankind, so open references to Islam could narrow the number of adherents of the Libyan leader's teachings. Nor does Gaddafi mention aspects of Islamic economic doctrine such as the Muslim tax system and the Islamic prohibition of usury (riba). An experienced politician, he understood that the Third World Theory was designed for external consumption, and therefore did not overload it with Islamic rhetoric. At the same time, in his numerous speeches inside the country, Gaddafi strongly emphasized the Islamic foundations of the Third World Theory [Borisov, 1985, p.113]. Moreover, any mention in the press of the Green Book in the media of the Jamahiriya was accompanied by references to the principles of Islam and quoting the Koran [Malashenko, 1985, p. 135]. An important difference between Gaddafi's Third World Theory and the ideas of Arab socialism is that the former claims to be a global scale, while the theory of Arab socialism is limited to the Arab world or at most to the Islamic Ummah. In this sense, Gaddafi's economic doctrine acts as an alternative to the Islamic economic doctrine, which is also addressed to all of humanity.

Due to their utopian nature, the economic ideas outlined in the Green Paper have not been consistently implemented either in Libya itself or abroad. It is noteworthy that at the time when the Green Paper was published, the Islamic economic model in the world was in its finest hour or, more precisely, a starry chance. In three Muslim countries, at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, attempts were made to Islamize the entire financial sector. These countries were Sudan, whose leadership tried to build Arab socialism in the early 1970s, Pakistan, which also implemented reforms under the slogans of Islamic socialism, and Iran. It was in Iran, after the Islamic Revolution, that another theory of economic development emerged, based on the provisions of Islam.

Touhid economy. Among the first authors to write about the Islamic economic model, most were Muslim jurists, both Sunni and Shiite. Among the Shiite scholars, the figure of the outstanding scholar Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr stands out. His fundamental work " Our Economy "("Ikti Saduna") – one of the first attempts to deeply understand the economic development of society in accordance with the principles of Sharia law.

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Al-Sadr's book was not a ready-made guide to the creation of an Islamic economic system. In his work, the scientist describes a theoretical model of development that differs from both the capitalist and socialist paths. A significant part of the book is devoted to criticism of Marxist theory. In this sense, al-Sadr's "Our Economy" can be called a philosophical rather than an economic work. Al-Sadr advocated strengthening the role of the state in the economy, emphasizing the importance of its functions in maintaining social balance. Some of the ideas contained in "Our Economy" are close to those of Arab or Islamic socialism, but for al-Sadr, the very idea of using such terminology is blasphemous. The scientist emphasizes the idea that the Islamic economic system is self-sufficient and owes its origin to divine Revelation, and not to economic theories invented by people. In his book, al-Sadr sees the Islamic economy as an important part of the Islamic faith, just as for him the capitalist economy is an element of capitalist democracy. Equally, the Marxist approach to economics is only part of the interpretation of other aspects of social life by Marxist scholars. This thesis is the key to understanding the application of the Islamic economic model in Iran after the victory of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

In the course of implementing the theory of "Islamic governance", the question of applying the provisions of Islamic economics in practice arose. Since Imam Khomeini's writings did not contain many economic provisions, and al-Sadr's mentioned work was too philosophical, the book of the Islamic intellectual and first president of Iran Abolhassan Banisadr "Touhidna 11 economy" [Banisadr] was used as an ideological basis for carrying out Islamization reforms. After the publication of this book, published abroad just a few weeks before the start of the Islamic Revolution, the term "touhid economy" came into use in Iranian society to refer to the Sharia-compliant economic model. In the context of the Touhid model, Sharia-compliant economic relations are seen as an integral part of the Islamic way of life. Unlike the understanding of the goals and objectives of economic development among Sunnis among Shiites, who make up the majority of the Iranian population, the economy is one of the means of rapprochement with Allah, a mechanism for implementing religious morality, and not a tool for meeting human needs. It seems to us that the consistent application of such provisions in practice opens the way to the denial of modern commodity-money relations.

Banisadra's model in the" Touhid economy " is an ideal Islamic society, where everyone is the owner of the means of production. At the same time, ownership of the latter is limited by the limits of each person's labor capabilities, and not by capital. High income earned without additional personal labor is illegal. According to Banisadr, if property is not based on personal labor, it should belong to the Islamic state. In contrast to the socialist theories, where the distribution should be carried out either according to labor or according to needs (communism), in the same economy, one of the important criteria for the distribution of social product is piety. The author sees an exemplary Islamic society as a world where abundance prevails and there are no state borders, and where knowledge is proclaimed the main value. Such a society, according to Banisadr, can arise in 12 generations. The influence of utopian socialists, especially Proudhon, with whose writings the Islamic intellectual Bani is associated, is quite clearly traced in the "Touhid economy".-

11 From the Arab. tawhid – monotheism.

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Sadr, who had lived and been educated in the West for a long time, was familiar firsthand.

Soviet orientalist V. P. Tsukanov identifies a number of features of the touhid model. The main problem from the point of view of the touhid economy is the improper distribution of wealth. The main emphasis is placed not on production, but on distribution, exchange, and consumption. 12 The relationship between the growth of private property and the commodity-money nature of production is denied. Autarky acts as a means of liberation from economic and political dependence on other countries [Tsukanov, 1981, pp. 129-131].

At first glance, these features really allow us (if we take the autarky out of brackets) to conclude that the general provisions of the Iranian Touhid model, with certain reservations, are generally consistent with the postulates of the Islamic economy in the form in which it is now known to us due to the widespread practice of Islamic banks and other financial institutions. However, many researchers overlook a key point that makes it possible to draw a clear line between the Banisadra concept and the Islamic economic model.

The idea of touhid means that the implementation of the Touhid model is unthinkable outside the Islamic state, which acts as a conductor of Sharia-compliant economic principles in life. As for the Islamic economic model itself in a broad sense, the creation of an Islamic state in the form of a basis, and not a superstructure, is declared by Sunni Muslim jurists to be desirable, but not a prerequisite for the implementation of the principles outlined above. In practice, this means that supporters of the Touhid model, before implementing its postulates in practice, need to take care of creating an Islamic state, where all spheres of public life are subject to Sharia law. Consequently, the existing experience of a large number of Muslim and non-Muslim countries in creating separate Islamic financial institutions in the context of the Tawhid economy is virtually irrelevant.

However, as it turns out, even the establishment of Islamic rule cannot guarantee the success of a Sharia-compliant economic model. As you know, politics often harms the economy, including in countries with an Islamic form of government. The concept of the touhid economy shared the fate of its author: after Banisadr left the post of president and adviser to Imam Khomeini in 1981, the Iranian economy soon ceased to be called touhid, at least in the country itself.

But it wasn't just politics that got in the way of implementing the principles of the touhide model. The changed economic conditions made it impossible to implement it. The Touhid economy proved to be ill-equipped to carry out major economic transformations in the spirit of Islam, as some representatives of the clergy wanted. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the country's leadership did not have a clear concept of socio-economic development in the spirit of Islam. Banisadr's ideas, due to objective, but mostly subjective reasons, were not suitable as a theoretical basis for structural transformations even on the scale of the financial sector, and other authors did not formulate a comprehensive and practical theory of development in accordance with Sharia law.

The policy of autarky, or self-reliance, was indeed most suitable for implementing some of the provisions of the touhid economy. But with the change of economic policy and the departure from the principles of autarky under President Muhammad Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989-1997), the Touhid model no longer fit into the realities of economic development. With the beginning of the liberalization of the economy, it is still clear-

12 One of the slogans of the tawhid economy was " production according to ability and consumption according to piety."

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In general, the deviation of the course of economic reforms from the Islamization of the economy, which was outlined in the 1980s during the Iran-Iraq war, began to manifest itself.

The period of Muhammad Khatami's presidency (1997-2005) is characterized by some liberalization in the cultural and political spheres, along with a more cautious policy of economic reforms than under Rafsanjani, especially in matters of foreign economic cooperation and privatization. At the same time, the Islamization of the economy is no longer mentioned even at the declarative level. The situation characterized by the ideological base of the economy lagging behind the real situation in the national economy has not changed even during the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

According to N. M. Mammadova, an expert on the Iranian economy, it is in the economic sphere that the process of evolution of the Islamic regime in Iran has been most reflected, primarily in the implementation of privatization and attraction of foreign capital [Mammadova, 2005, p. 49].

The Islamic nature of the economy in Iran continues to be preserved only at the declarative level, but in the modern system of economic relations in the country, it has practically no place. In such circumstances, it would be appropriate to expect Shiite scholars to revise the concept of the Islamic economy in a broad sense (i.e., not only the Touhid model, which the country abandoned back in the 1980s), taking into account the changed economic realities. But that still hasn't happened. Moreover, the fatwas of Grand Ayatollah ' Ali Khamenei indicate that the Supreme Leader (rahbar) Iran is quite liberal in its interpretation of the problems associated with the Sharia prohibition of usury. So, in particular, when asked whether it is permissible to receive interest on deposits placed in a non-Muslim country in a bank, even if the bank's owners are polytheists, Khamenei answers in the affirmative. According to the Grand Ayatollah, it is also permissible to receive "prizes" from banks in the form of a supplement to the deposit amount, even if the receipt of such "prizes" is pre-agreed [Khamenei, 2005, p.501,509, 399].

Given the above, it seems to us that the Iranian experience in the Islamization of the economy not only does not give a complete picture of the Islamic financial system, but also misleads the untrained reader about its real capabilities and prospects. Based on the results of our analysis of the reforms aimed at Islamization of the financial sector in Iran [Bekkin, 2010, pp. 222-234], we can conclude that it is incorrect to characterize both the financial sector and the national economy of this state as Islamic. In practice, this means that a number of conclusions drawn regarding Islamic finance in Iran should be reviewed.

The experience of implementing Islamic principles in the Iranian economy is important not only for this state, but also for other Muslim countries. One of the key conclusions reached by the researcher of the Touhid model in Iran is that the theory of Islamic economics is not universal.

At the same time, practice shows that, even in a state that claims to be called Islamic, with the existing system of world economic relations, the implementation of the principles of the Islamic economy in full is difficult, or, to be more precise, impossible.

The concept of the "Golden Dinar". The economic concept of the Murabi Tun movement13 is the youngest in the series of theories under consideration. The economic concept of the Murabitun movement took shape in the early 1970s, when the Islamic economic model became widespread around the world.

13 This Mourabitoun movement should be distinguished from the Lebanese Mourabitoun party. http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil war in Lebanon (10.07.2012).

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Most of the Murabitouns are followers of the Maliki school of law (madhhab), common in Morocco. The fact that the Murabitouns idealize the economic practice of the inhabitants of Madinah is connected with their belonging to this madhhab.

One of the most important provisions of the Murabitun ideology is a conservative approach to the fulfillment of one of the five pillars of Islam – the payment of zakat. According to representatives of the movement, zakat is currently charged in violation of the basic provisions of Sharia law. In particular, the following conditions are not met. Zakat should be collected by the leader of the Muslim community (amir); zakat should be paid in cash in gold or silver and in no case in paper money; zakat should be collected and distributed as soon as possible. The thesis about the inadmissibility of paying zakat in paper money is based on the fatwa of the movement's economic ideologue, the Spaniard 'Umar Vadillo. This decision is based on the following reasoning: paper money is a debt obligation of the state, and zakat cannot have the character of a debt belonging to a third party [Vadilho/ / http...].

Since paper money is not recognized by Murabituns as a means of paying zakat, members of the movement put forward the idea of a triad: gold dinar-silver dirham-fulus, so that believers can make payments in gold or silver. As a bargaining chip for small purchases, Murabituns allow the use of paper fulus, or change money that is recognized as such in a particular society. In other words, we are talking about modified bimetallism.

Murabituns have an extremely negative attitude towards the modern financial system, and this is understandable. But they also criticize the Islamic financial system with equal fervor. In the eyes of the followers of the Murabitun movement, Islamic banks and other institutions of the Islamic economy are even more evil than traditional (non-Islamic) banks, since they actually work in the interests of the global usurious financial system, misleading Muslims. The only chance for Islamic banks to become truly Islamic, says ' Umar Vadillo – is to recognize the gold dinar and silver dirham as the only possible means of payment. To do this, in his opinion, they have all the resources, including modern technologies [Thomson// http://umarvadillo].

However, the theory of modernized bimetallism would have remained on the list of audacious but marginal economic doctrines if the Murabituns had not managed to enlist the support of reputable politicians in the Muslim world. This was not so easy to achieve, given the fact that, according to the Murabitoun doctrine, "the dinar and dirham are minted by the legitimate and sovereign ruler of Islamic society (Amir al-Mu'minin), and not by the mafia central bank, which requires an open Sharia government in the country instead of a party-parliamentary plutocracy" [http://pravaya.ru].

Former Prime Ministers Mahathir Muhammad of Malaysia and Nezhmet din Erbakan of Turkey, as well as the late King Hassan II of Morocco, were among the politicians who supported the gold dinar project either in action or in words. However, all attempts to implement the concept of the golden dinar on the scale of a single state failed. Nevertheless, the Murabitouns earned points that allowed them to start implementing their ideas at the level of individual regions and regions in Muslim countries.

On September 20, 2006, three gold coins in denominations of 1 dinar, 1/2 dinar and 1/4 dinar were minted in the Malaysian state of Kelantan. They perform primarily the function of an investment coin in the state: the federal government and the Central Bank.-

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The Central Bank of Malaysia does not intend to put up with the existence of another currency in the country along with the ringgit.

Thanks to the efforts of the Murabitun movement, the gold dinar project has been actively developing in Indonesia since 2008. The country has established a system of agencies (wakala) specializing in the minting and distribution of gold dinars and silver dirhams.

It is obvious that the project of returning to the gold dinar has more global goals than using gold as a supplement to paper money in the two Southeast Asian countries. The main purpose of introducing the gold dinar is to accumulate capital in the Muslim world. Thus, the majority of investments from the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf account for assets in the United States and EU countries, which means control over them by Western powers. Although some Muslim countries are rich in oil and gas, they will never be on a par with Western countries for the simple reason that capital accumulation occurs there, and not in the Muslim world. The golden dinar was designed to solve this important macroeconomic problem, which hinders the development and integration of Muslim countries. In other words, it is a vicious circle: in order to overcome the lag and dependence on the West, Muslim countries must introduce a single currency with or without a gold peg. But the implementation of this task looks impossible due to the economic problems in the Muslim world.

The concept of the golden dinar is hardly a serious alternative to the Islamic economic doctrine. However, the very existence of such a project as the golden dinar demonstrates that the Islamic economy is not a universal doctrine even today, being the dominant, but not the only concept for the development of the Muslim world in accordance with the principles of Sharia law.14
* * *

Our brief analysis of some of the main concepts of economic development in the Muslim world allows us to draw the following main conclusions:

* The Islamic economy, or Islamic economic model, is not a universal economic doctrine for all Muslim countries. For most of the second half of the twentieth century. it was only one of the theories of the "third way", which reflected the interests of the conservative part of Muslim society. Its fundamental difference from the petty-bourgeois concepts of socialism was that the creation of an Islamic economic system did not actually affect the foundations of the social system and did not require radical transformations, including nationalization, land reform, etc. The main task of the Islamic economy since the 1970s was seen by its ideologists and practitioners as the creation of Islamic banks and other financial institutions within the framework of the traditional (non-Islamic) financial system.

• One of the three attempts to apply the Islamic economic model on the scale of a single state (Iran) demonstrated the difference between the Sunni and Shiite approaches to the Islamization of the economy. In the first case (with a few exceptions), the creation of single structures in the form of Islamic banks and other financial institutions was allowed, in the second case, the implementation of the economic principles of Islam was possible only in a state with all spheres of public life.

14 One notable example is the fatwa issued in 2009 by 31 Muslim scholars in Pakistan, which declared Islamic banking haram (illegal) from the point of view of sharia law, since banks ' activities are based on loan interest. The fatwa urges Muslims not to deal with these banks [Clerics declare Islamic banking hara'am // www.allvoiccs].

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they are regulated by Sharia law. However, the differences in the legal interpretation of the various" economic " provisions of Sharia law are not decisive. For example, in Sudan, where the Maliki madhhab prevails, an attempt was made to Islamize the entire financial sector. At the same time, in the Maghreb countries, where this legal school also dominates, Islamic financial institutions have not developed. Differences in the choice of economic model in the Muslim world were influenced primarily by the peculiarities of the political structure and the level of economic development of certain countries.

• The concept of the Islamic economy has become widespread in the modern world due to the success of Islamic financial institutions. One of the most important factors for the success of the Islamic economic model was its mobility and flexibility. While other theories (such as those of Arab and Islamic socialism) served as the ideological basis for development in individual countries, the Islamic economic model can be applied in any system.

• The concept of the golden dinar also has a similar flexibility and mobility in modern conditions. It can be implemented both in small groups of like-minded people in the context of a non-Islamic financial system, and on the scale of an Islamic state. A characteristic feature of the golden dinar project is its categorical rejection of the Islamic economic model. According to the Murabituns, Islamic financial institutions are no different from traditional ones and even pose an even greater danger than the latter, since they mislead Muslims. However, the concept of the golden dinar is unlikely to be a serious competitor to the model of the Islamic economy, which has gained popularity in the world.

• At the same time, the Islamic economic model will increasingly expand its geography, including to non-Muslim countries and those Muslim countries where until recently the implementation of this concept was considered questionable in the light of local interpretation of Sharia law (for example, Oman). Currently, the development of Islamic economic doctrine is determined by practice.

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