In recent decades, the topic of Chinese expansion in Russia has become one of the most popular in journalism. From time to time, the public gets acquainted with the "forecasts" and projects of settling the territory of our country by the Chinese. At the same time, the historical experience of Chinese migration in Russia, especially in the Soviet period of its existence, despite the appearance of generalizing works in recent years, is still extremely insufficiently studied. An interesting, but little-known page in the history of Russian-Chinese relations remains the stay in our country of the Chinese1, who found themselves in a foreign country for them against their will. Over the course of several centuries of bilateral relations, a wealth of experience has been accumulated not only in labor migration, but also in the residence of Chinese refugees, internees, deportees, or even prisoners of war. Restoring the historical picture of these groups of migrants staying in our country will allow us to take a fresh look at the general issues of the history of Chinese migration, and to explore the whole range of problems associated with this phenomenon more deeply.

Keywords: Russia and China, Chinese migration, internment, deportation.

The beginning of Chinese migration to Russia was marked by a change in the system of Russian-Chinese relations and the opening of the border between the two countries in the middle of the XIX century. However, even before that, Chinese people came to our country, including not of their own free will. Already in the documents of the XVII century. there is information about the Chinese, bought by the Russians from slavery or released from captivity. In the "Reply of the Daurian voivode A. F. Pashkov to the Siberian order", dated 1658, it is noted: "And in the past, sirs, in 163, I was sent from Yakutskovo to Ostrog... Timoshka Ivanov, the newly Baptized interpreter, and I, your serf, by your sovereign decree, left Evo, Timoshka, in the Yenisei prison to interpret the Chinese, Daursk, and Tunguska languages for your sovereign Daurian service. Why, sirs, Timoshka is a scholar of Chinese letters... And I, sirs, your serf, according to your sovereign decree, put Evo, Timoshka, in the Yenisei prison in the Cossack service for a retired place " [Russo-Chinese relations in the XVII century, 1969, p. 236]. For example, in the summer of 1831, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, K. V. Nesselrode, wrote to the Governor-General of Eastern Siberia: "The Kokan envoy is bringing with him one elephant and two captured Chinese to present to the sovereign Emperor as a gift. Of the latter, it is prescribed

1 The word "Chinese" in Russian refers to such Chinese concepts as zhonggoren and Hua-ren, as well as hanzu. Obviously, the word "Chinese "can be applied without special reservations not to all people from China, but only to representatives of the Han nationality and to various degrees of Chinese nationalities. In addition, the concept of "Chinese emigrants" (huaqiao) is widely used in the world, but even in Chinese science there is a problem with the content of this concept (see: [Haiwai Huaqiao..., 1992]).

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Mr. Governor-General of Western Siberia to send them to you in Irkutsk, and it is His Imperial Majesty's pleasure that you, M. G., should those Chinese prisoners wish to come to you, should send them to the governors of Urga, declaring that you were in the retinue of the Kokan envoy, and that you yourself were taken by us and are returning to fatherland. If the above-mentioned two Chinese wish to stay with us in Russia, fearing, perhaps, punishment for having surrendered, then leave them free to live in the region entrusted to you " [AVPRI, f. 161, op. 10, d. 2, l. 2]. Throughout the subsequent history of Russian-Chinese relations, the Russian authorities usually, with rare exceptions, adhered to this position - the Chinese who found themselves in Russia against their will chose whether to stay with us or return to their homeland.

INTERNED CHINESE

Since the second half of the 19th century and for a hundred years, organized groups of refugees from military units and related civilians have been a prominent component of Chinese migration in our country. Forced to cross the Russian border under the pressure of an armed enemy, they were restricted in their rights and freedoms and placed for more or less long periods on the territory of Russia. For these groups, a special regime of restriction of freedom was introduced, associated with the need to live in a certain area. These Chinese migrants were close in status, and in the twentieth century they were often formally classified as internees.

Among the first significant groups of Chinese citizens who found themselves on the territory of our country were refugees from Western China. Consisting of representatives of various ethnic and cultural groups of the non-Muslim population of Xinjiang, 2 this "wave" of Chinese migration, one of the most numerous in the history of our country, appeared in Russia in the 1860s. As local authorities reported: "The Chinese and Kalmyks who border our borders fled to the Kyrgyz steppe of the Siberian Department, where they proskitavshis more than two months... Since the beginning of spring, villages and outposts in the Kopal and Alatava districts began to arrive... " [ARGO, section 90, op. 1, d. 11, l. 2]. Most of the refugees from Xinjiang were classified as military personnel, while military units serving in the border areas retreated to Russia. On Russian territory, the refugees found themselves in a special situation, some of them retained their military organization and remained under the jurisdiction of the Chinese authorities, but under the control of the Russian administration.

At the beginning of 1862, about five thousand refugees appeared in Russia, then, in 1865 and 1866, only in the Alatava and Kopal districts, more than 10 thousand and more than 5 thousand people moved from China, respectively. Chinese subjects [RGVIA, f. 400, op. 1, d. 105, l. 38]. Almost all the refugees initially planned to return to China, but some of the displaced people, about a thousand people, decided to accept Russian citizenship and convert to Orthodoxy. Eventually, 800 people from among the Kalmyks, Chakhar-Mongols, Daurs, Solons, Sibo, Manchus and Chinese who had previously lived in Xinjiang, who arrived in Kopal in 1867, were assigned to the village of Sarkanskaya and included in the Cossack class [Zakrzhevsky, 1893, p.23]. Refugees from China were very useful for the region that recently became part of Russia. Contemporaries noted: "The Cossacks can thank fate for sending them Chinese emigrants who take on all kinds of work, for the smallest wages, only for the sake of their daily bread... According to the Cossacks, these people work very well and diligently, and labor costs the Cossacks amazingly cheap" [From the travel diary of V. V. Vereshchagin, 2006, pp. 13-14]. For placement in

2 The problems associated with Muslim refugees from Xinjiang are not covered in this article. In Russian culture, Uyghurs and Dungans who settled within the Russian Empire are not considered to be Chinese migrants, as is done in Chinese historical science.

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Russian and Chinese farmers were also granted permanent residence by officials: "But for roadside villages there is a profitable and safe colonization: by Chinese who have moved to the Semirechensk region, and in many cases accept Orthodoxy "(Severtsov, 1873, p. 94).

Despite the seemingly favorable situation surrounding refugees from China, these migrants did not stay on Russian territory for long. Former Chinese subjects perceived themselves as an organic part of China (the Middle State), and on the territory of Russia they turned out to be an isolated group, rejected by both the Russian and Kazakh local populations. After the restoration of Chinese power in Xinjiang, migrants, including those who had already accepted Russian citizenship and Orthodoxy, returned to China. By the early 1890s, only about 100 Cossack families from among the former Chinese subjects remained in the village of Sarkanskaya. By the beginning of the 20th century, the remnants of a once large group of Chinese refugees from the 1860s began to assimilate among the local Russian population.

A brief period of relative stability in the Western and Northern regions of the Chinese Empire ended with the demise of the empire itself in the early twentieth century. As a result of the troubled times of the revolution and the national liberation wars in China, new waves of refugees have emerged. In 1912-1913, significant groups of the Mongolian - speaking population fled from Xinjiang, some of them accepted Russian citizenship, while others left for Usu through Semipalatinsk and Omsk. Soon, in 1914, several thousand Chinese fled Mongolia, some of them applying for Russian citizenship. Thus, for half a century, a significant number of Chinese subjects from the Manchu-Mongolian-Han population moved from the territory of Xinjiang and Mongolia to Russia. The Russian authorities accepted them, placed them, and tried to find a place for them in the system of Russian society. But at the first opportunity, the migrants who were accepted and placed in Russia in an organized manner returned to their homeland.

The beginning of Japanese aggression in China in 1931 and the creation of the puppet state of Manchukuo in the spring of 1932 led to the emergence of a new wave of Chinese refugees in the Far East. At the beginning of the 1930s, Chinese military units and civilians began to retreat to the borders of the USSR under the pressure of the superior forces of the Japanese and their allies. The Chinese who crossed into Russian territory were promptly sent to work in areas of Siberia far from the border. In the middle of 1932, a group of Chinese defectors were stationed at a logging site in Western Siberia. For example, in the summer of 1932, five Chinese detained by border guards near the Manchuria station were sent to the Narym district by the decision of the OGPU troika. Apparently, these Chinese were Yu-Wen-Ji3, T'in, Tsang-Kya-Ching, Yu-Fu-Kuon, and Kun-Kuon-Li, who were declared after their arrest in 1938 to have been transferred by the Japanese to the USSR as Chinese police officers in Manchuria [1937-1938 Operations..., 2006, p. 219]. In total, in the summer and autumn of 1932, about 200 Chinese soldiers arrived in the Narym district for logging.

The largest party of Chinese refugees who defected to the Soviet side was the "Homeland Salvation Army" under the command of Su Bingwen, which rebelled against the Japanese in 1932 and soon retreated to the border with Transbaikalia. In December 1932, 4,117 members of Su Bingwen's army were interned in the USSR, including 11 generals, 17 colonels, 389 officers, 2,400 soldiers, 1,300 civilians, including about 650 women and children [Sladkovsky, 1984, p.186]. Soon, in January 1933, in the area of the lake. About 3 thousand Chinese soldiers, led by Li Du, went over to the Soviet side. In October 1933, a detachment consisting of 2 thousand armed fighters, with two generals and four colonels, as well as a ci moved from Manchuria to the territory of the USSR.-

3 Hereafter, italics indicate Chinese names that are given in the spelling used in Russian documents.

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Thai civil refugees [Prikhodchenko, 1988, p. 116]. In total, in 1932-1933, the USSR received more than 20 thousand Chinese military personnel and civilians who retreated with them. During the 1930s, Chinese associated with the resistance, as well as deserters from the Manchukuo Army, continued to cross the border in groups. In accordance with the existing international practice, the Soviet side declared the Chinese who crossed the border interned.

The largest and most organized batch of Chinese internees, Su Bingwen's army, was initially supposed to be transported to China directly in the Far East, then plans were drawn up to transfer Chinese armies to the west. The Politburo of the CPSU (b) decided: "This is a change in an earlier decision... allow interned Chinese to be evacuated to Xinjiang" [Barmin, 1999, p. 124]. However, this was opposed by the Muslim rebels in Western China, whose opinion the Soviet leadership had to reckon with. The Chinese internees were temporarily stationed in Siberia, away from the border. On December 11, 1932, preparations began for the reception of the Chinese in the Siblag management camps near Tomsk, and on the same day the first train with internees was sent from the Dauria station to Western Siberia. The Chinese, being interned, did not enter the Siblag system, but were placed at the disposal of the military department and received allowances at the level of the Red Army's supply. At the Tomsk-I station, barracks, a hospital for forty people were prepared, and fuel was allocated for two months. The local authorities did everything possible to provide the Chinese internees with everything they needed. The army of General Su Bingwen, after wintering in Tomsk, was sent almost in full force to Xinjiang, and the army command left for Europe after receiving it in Moscow.

In the 1930s, not all Chinese interned on the border with Manchuria were promptly sent to China. Several hundred Chinese internees remained working in the Narym Region. In March 1934, a group of 200 interned Chinese soldiers arrived at the Montenegrin coal mines of Khakassia. At the end of May 1934, the secretary of the Khakass regional Committee of the CPSU (b) reported to the Krasnoyarsk Regional Committee of the CPSU(b): "On March 19, 1934, without prior orientation of the ROK, the Regional Committee and the economic leadership of Chernogorka, 200 Chinese people arrived (under the same circumstances, Koreans were sent to Chernogorka on March 18, 1933). This circumstance has made it extremely difficult for us, because it is not clear what purpose they were sent for, how long they will stay, what kind of people they are. There are no translators, and there are no resources for supplies for the first few days, while people are "acclimating", not specified " [ODIN GARKH, f. 2, op. 1, d. 249, l. 29]. The party that arrived included 128 men from Chun-di-chun's unit and 72 men under Wang-mi-fo's command. The deportees included 18 command personnel, as well as 5 teenagers and several wounded and disabled people. In addition, together with the Chun-di-chun detachments and Wang-mi-fo a detachment of Dia-sin-hi arrived in Siberia, passing through Achinsk, further West, apparently to the Kuzbass. Interned Chinese entered the mines of Prokopyevsk. In 1936, defectors from China were stationed in the Barnaul region.

Being neither prisoners of war nor convicts, the interned Chinese were restricted in their freedom of movement, were on the rights of Soviet special settlers. From the documents of the commission that examined the situation of the Chinese, it is clear that the question of the future fate of the Chinese remained open for a long time. Employees of the OGPU-NKVD considered the interned Chinese military personnel, and this was the position of the command of the Siberian Military District. The position of the local party organs was different, the soldiers were considered as Chinese workers who were in the USSR and could become its permanent residents. The Chinese themselves have always considered their stay in Russia temporary and sought to return to their homeland as quickly as possible.

The persistence of the Chinese in their desire to return to their homeland as soon as possible created problems for the Soviet leadership. From the local authorities about-

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there was a line for dividing large Chinese detachments into smaller groups and placing them in fairly remote areas from each other. True, Soviet workers did not touch the internal military organization of the Chinese. It can be assumed that the interned Chinese were placed in forced labor in Siberia with the intention of returning them to their homeland if the Chinese side demanded, but at the same time making the most of their labor resources.

The Soviet and party organs tried to prevent arbitrary treatment of Chinese internees working in Siberia. As early as October 27, 1932, the bureau of the Zapsibkraikom of the CPSU (b) adopted a secret resolution, which pointed out the gross miscalculations of the management of the forest industry in using the Chinese and demanded that in no case should rough treatment of internees be allowed. But the Chinese themselves also fought for their rights, which the local authorities had to take into account. The following document has been preserved in the archive file of the Narym District Committee of the CPSU(b) for 1933 "On an attempt to desert among interned Chinese":: "The OK Bureau determines that the display of displeasure, absenteeism and attempts to desert the interned Chinese is caused both by the disorderly work of individual undetected Chinese, as well as by the inept and short-sighted leadership of individual business managers who allowed discrepancies in the supply of kit soldiers, the lack and delay in calculating salaries, determining the type of work, and physically unbearable work of a significant part of them and the dispersion, fragmentation of kitsoldats into small groups in different places of work" [TSDNI TO, f. 206, op. 1, d. 15, l. 11].

The situation was similar in Khakassia. On April 21, 1934, just a month after arriving in Chernogorka, the Chinese organized a "bagpipes", presenting the administration with demands: to increase the rate of food rations and issue the necessary work clothes and shoes in full. Most of the interned Chinese in Chernogorka rallied around the leader of a secret "Brotherhood" who called for resistance and, possibly, organized the murder of a unit commander who was in a position to cooperate with the Russians. In May 1934, unrest among Chinese people, accompanied by mass absenteeism, occurred twice in Chernogorka. The first time was due to the death of their commander Chun-di-chun, then the cause of unrest was the death of an ordinary Chinese man who fell from an overpass. In the minutes of the Bureau of the Khakass Regional Committee of the CPSU (b), it was noted: "Recently (22/V), due to the failure to eliminate outrages in the cultural and consumer services of internees, as well as in connection with an accident (20/V one of the internees fell from an overpass and was killed to death), the Chinese did not go to work in an organized manner for two days." 2, op. 1, d. 249, l. 29]. A significant part of the Chinese did not go to work at all for months, and there were frequent cases of Chinese attacks on Russian workers, local women, and Soviet workers.

At the request of the regional Committee of the CPSU (b), a team was created to check the situation of interned Chinese and Koreans in Khakassia. The survey showed that the internees ' reaction was caused by the existing working and living conditions in the mines, as well as the attitude of the mine administration. On May 13, 1934, the chairman of the Zapsibkray Executive Committee, F. P. Grydinsky, wrote to R. I. Eikha: "The report on Chernogorka for the second time signals a great problem there. I would think we should send a commission" [Krasilnikov]. In addition to the investigation along the party line, the regional prosecutor's office also took part in it. In addition to the above-mentioned "shortcomings" in the sphere of work and life of internees, the prosecutor's office in its report to the extreme party recorded "a wide manifestation of cases of great-power chauvinism" towards interned Chinese on the part of the local population.

Interned Chinese constantly sought the right to return to their homeland. The local authorities, speaking about the interned Chinese, noted "their negative attitude towards staying in the USSR" [V. GARKH, f. 2, op. 1, d. 249, l. 32ob.]. In 1935, the Chinese were sent to the Soviet Union.

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this issue, it would seem, has moved forward, information has been received from Novosibirsk about the readiness of the consulate to start work on sending fellow citizens to China. However, the repatriation was not carried out. There were attempts to reach China on their own, and in the spring of 1934 nineteen Chinese managed to escape from Chernogorka. In the same year, eleven Chinese people fled from the Prokopiev mines, intending to return to their homeland via Tuva. Quite often, the Chinese moved from one place of stay to another, where interned compatriots also worked. Local authorities reported :" Now the Chinese have a strong desire to contact another part of their squad... especially with one of the commanders (senior)... "[V. GARKH, f. 2, op. 1, d. 249, l. 33]. Chinese diplomacy at various levels of its representation has periodically raised the issue of protecting the interests of its citizens. For example, in May 1937, the Plenipotentiary Envoy D. V. Bogomolov reported:: "Wu Nanzhou, a former adviser to the Chinese Embassy in Moscow, came to visit me... He complained about the poor attitude of the Soviet authorities towards Chinese citizens living in the USSR " [Russo-Chinese relations ..., 2000, p. 49].

The end of the history of interned Chinese in Siberia can be considered the peak of political repression in 1937-1938. The starting point in this can be considered the Order of the NKVD of the USSR No. 00693" On the operation to repress defectors who violate the state border of the USSR " of October 23, 1937. This document ordered the arrest of all defectors, "regardless of the motives and circumstances of the transfer to our territory," including "those who remained unmasked as agents of foreign intelligence services." In fact, all those who crossed the border during the 1930s were repressed. In August 1940, a recording of a conversation between N. M. Lifanov, assistant head of the NKID Department, and Liu Zazhong, adviser to the embassy, noted: "Liu stated that one of the three persons mentioned in the July 30 note of the Chinese embassy, namely Cao Ziyang, was a former Chinese partisan in Manchuria. Together with him, 6-7 of his comrades crossed the border to the USSR, who were also detained at the border, but whose whereabouts are currently unknown... " [Russo-Chinese relations..., 2000, p. 612].

In March 1938, several dozen Chinese, almost all of them defectors who had arrived in the Altai in 1936, were sentenced to death by firing squad or long prison terms on charges of participating in"espionage and insurgent organizations." In 1937-1938, only in the case of a "counter-revolutionary espionage and sabotage Chinese organization" in the Narym district, 57 people were repressed, including 51 Chinese [1937-1938 Operations ..., 2006, p. 423]. In Khakassia in the late 1930s, the Chinese accounted for about 1 % of the total number of repressed people. In the documentary novel "Execution of the prosecutor", the following fact is given :" Already in February-March 1938, Kerin, with the assistance of Khmarin, arrested the entire male population from among the Chinese and Koreans interned in 1931-1933, who worked mainly in the mines of the Montenegrin mines. Only about 700 people" [Gavrilenko, 2000, p. 78]. Thus, internees detained in the USSR and other defectors from Manchuria who did not receive this status were among the repressed. One of the main reasons for the mass repression of Chinese migrants was their intolerance of the existing situation of forcibly detained people in the Soviet Union, their persistent unwillingness to "join" the ranks of Soviet society.

In the history of Soviet-Chinese relations, there was another case of internment of Chinese military units at the border. In the mid-1940s. The Soviet Union received Chinese soldiers and officers who retreated from the flames of the national liberation struggle of the Muslim peoples of Xinjiang. Units of General Xu Keyi, Colonel Li Jisheng and others who crossed the border in July 1945 were interned in East Kazakhstan. First, the governor of Tarbagaytay, 452 officers and soldiers, and 90 members of their families passed through the Watch and were interned. Total, spas-

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yas from the rebels, July 31 passed 1413 people. All of them were placed on collective farms near the Makanchi district center of the Semipalatinsk region. Later, Chinese internees were held together with Chinese officials and civilians, about 1,600 people in total, in refugee camps near Ayaguz and Sergiopolis [Russo-Chinese Relations..., 2005, pp. 143-144, 155, 485]. After the normalization of the situation in Xinjiang and the resolution of contradictions on this issue in Soviet-Chinese relations, the Chinese detained on Soviet territory were able to return to their homeland in an organized manner. In the first half of September 1946, 1202 people were gradually transferred to the Chinese authorities, including 760 men, 207 women, and 235 children [Russo-Chinese Relations..., 2005, p.162].

DEPORTATIONS OF CHINESE IN RUSSIA

Typical forced migrations include deportation - forced relocation or removal to another locality or country, usually home. The Chinese, as well as representatives of other peoples who lived on the territory of Russia, at different times and in different forms were repeatedly among the deported groups of the population. Throughout the history of Russian-Chinese relations, there have been enough examples of forced evictions of Chinese people to their homeland, but these issues are sufficiently studied and are not the subject of consideration in this paper. Less well-known are the facts of forced relocation of Chinese people within our country.

The first isolated cases of forced displacement of Chinese were noted in the middle of the XIX century, immediately after the appearance of the Chinese population in the Russian borders. For example, on August 22, 1868, "The Chairman of the commission established in the post of Vladivostok..." wrote to the head of the naval unit in Vladivostok: "On the basis of this date and the verdict of the commission approved by me, I request: 1) send 15 Manzas guilty of riots that were in the South Ussuri Region with the first departing ship to the island of Sakhalin, in the village of Douai, to be used for work on coal mines " [Matveev, 1910, p. 33]. Such cases of "sending" Chinese people in the first half of the 19th century had the character of extra-judicial persecution and were not deportations themselves.

The first partial deportation of Chinese migrants within Russia was carried out during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. At the very beginning of the war, some Chinese suspected of working for Japanese intelligence were arrested, for example, in April 1904, a suspected Chinese was already being held in the brig of the Tomsk Siberian Infantry Regiment. But this Chinese was formally held under arrest on the rights of those deported from the theater of military operations [GATO, f. 3, op. 18, d. 1135, l. 9]. In April 1904, the partial forced expulsion of Chinese from the Amur region and Eastern Siberia along the Trans-Siberian Railway to the west began, which lasted until the very end of the war [AAA KK, f. 595, op. 3, d. 206, l. 2-17].

Partly during the Russo-Japanese War, the Chinese were forcibly resettled within Russia as part of the parties of deported Japanese. In March 1904, the Ministry of Internal Affairs issued an order to transfer 500 rubles to the Tomsk Governor "for the maintenance of Japanese and Chinese sent from the theater of military operations" [GATO, f. 3, op. 18, d. 1135, l. 1]. On March 31, 1904, a party of 152 "yellow faces"arrived in Tomsk directed soon down the Ob River to the village of Kolpashevo in the Narym Region. At the beginning of April, a batch of 251 deportees (Japanese and Chinese) was accepted, placed in the dachas of the Tomsk convent and in the village of Togursky. By the end of May, 527 "Japanese and Chinese people who had been administratively arrested and expelled from the theater of military operations were accepted and temporarily settled in the Tomsk Province" [GATO, f. 3, op. 18, d.1135, l. 34]. It should be noted that in the total mass of the deported "yellow faces" who stayed in Tomsk, there were no Chinese.-

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For example, a telegram addressed to the commander of the troops in Omsk said: "As of today, only 3,858 Japanese, 26 Chinese, and 184 Koreans of both sexes have arrived in Tomsk, of which 713 Japanese, 25 Chinese, and 175 Koreans have been sent to Perm" [GATO, f. 3, op. 5, d. 76, l. 114]. In the table " Information about the number of people passing through Tomsk region. on the Siberian Railway, Japanese prisoners of war and yellow faces removed from the Far East during February 1905" were indicated, along with 200 prisoners of war, 7 Japanese women, 5 Koreans and 8 Chinese [GATO, f. 3, op. 5, d. 76, l. 235]. After the end of the war, the deported Chinese were again granted freedom of movement and left for their homeland or places of previous residence.

With the outbreak of the First World War, some measures for the forced relocation of Chinese people were again carried out in a number of regions of the Russian Empire. The main reason for this was suspicion of spying for Germany and the danger of sabotage by Chinese migrants. A circular letter from the Police Department to the heads of gendarme departments dated July 28, 1914 stated: "In the current year, several Chinese merchants were detained within the Warsaw Military District, who were convicted of engaging in military espionage for Germany. According to the Main Directorate of the General Staff, the Japanese use the Chinese to organize espionage in Russia... Seeing in all these manifestations very alarming signs for the external security of Russia, the Main Directorate of the General Staff considers it imperative, in order to prevent espionage attempts on the part of Chinese arriving in the Empire, to establish throughout Russia, through the ranks of the gendarme and general police, careful monitoring of the Chinese in order to clarify their true occupation and purpose of stay in the Empire " [GAIO, f. 25. op. 11, d. 92, l. 2-2ob.]. The counterintelligence department at the headquarters of the Irkutsk Military District in 1915 received information that German consular agents in Manchuria prepared sabotage groups from the Chinese to destroy railways and bridges in eastern Russia, including the Trans-Baikal region [GAIO, f. 600, op. 1, d. 907]. The most active were the metropolitan authorities, who expelled almost all Chinese merchants from Petrograd and the Petrograd province at the beginning of the war. The Chinese were expelled from Riga, Warsaw, and other Western cities, and repressions against them were noted in Kazan, Pskov, the Donbas, and other places. The governors of Akmola, Tomsk and Tobolsk also demanded that the gendarmerie expel all Chinese citizens from their subordinate territories. In June 1916, the commander of the Irkutsk Military District issued an order to remove all Chinese from the Cheremkhovsky coal mines, which was not carried out due to the resistance of local coal producers. Thus, in 1914-1916, actions were carried out throughout the Russian Empire to evict Chinese from front-line territories and strategically important areas. However, only a small proportion of Chinese migrants were forcibly displaced. With the beginning of the 1917 revolution in Russia, an organized dispatch of Chinese workers to their homeland began, but this was already caused by the economic situation in the country.

Some cases of forced relocation or eviction of Chinese migrants were noted during the Soviet-Chinese conflict of 1929 on the CER in connection with the strengthening of repressive policies against this group of the population. At the Politburo meeting of September 5, 1929, the OGPU was instructed to increase the repression of Chinese citizens from merchants and speculators. The documents stated: "According to information received at the Consulate of the Republic of China in Chita, on September 7, 1929, 12 Chinese citizens living in Barnaul were arrested by OGPU agents in connection with the conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway and sentenced to three years' imprisonment on charges of Articles 58.6 and 59.12. Criminal Code of the RSFSR and sent to the brick factory of the Siberian Directorate of Special Purpose Camps of the OGPU mountains. Kuznetsk of the Siberian Region " [GANO, f. r-47,

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op. 5. d. 100, l. 78]. In 1929-1933, there were several cases of Chinese residents living in the Amur Region being sentenced to expulsion from the USSR or exile to Western Siberia, and attempts were made to forcibly move Chinese people away from the border or to evict them to their homeland.

The threat of war with Japan under the totalitarian regime in the USSR prompted plans to forcibly evict all Chinese from the border areas. In June-July 1938, 7,130 Chinese were taken out of Vladivostok in five trains. Most of the Chinese population of the Soviet Primorye region was deported to China, and four trains were sent via Ayaguz station to Xinjiang. However, some of the Chinese who wanted to stay in the USSR were forcibly resettled in a neighboring region, away from the border. The fifth train from Vladivostok transported 941 Chinese people to the Kur-Urmiysky district of the Khabarovsk Territory, who did not want to return to China and accepted Soviet citizenship [Chernolutskaya, 1993, p. 80]. At the end of June 1938, a resolution was issued by the Presidium of the Kurormi district Executive Committee and the district Committee of the CPSU / b/, which stated: "1. To recognize it possible and necessary to accept Chinese immigrants in the number of 2500 people in the district to work in the forest industry. For the Kukan timber industry 1300 people and Mugdusinsky mekhlesponkt 1200 people. 2. Oblige... take urgent measures to carry out preparatory work for the reception of displaced Chinese people... " [GAHK, f. 1752, op. 1, d. 14, l. 133]. It should be noted that in the context of the development of Soviet-Chinese cooperation in countering Japanese aggression in the Far East, the facts of forced eviction of Chinese people were painfully perceived in the Republic of China. For example, the Soviet plenipotentiary reported: "After lunch, Gao... He complained about the recent deportation of Chinese citizens from the USSR and said that the non-suspended deportation makes an extremely bad impression on all public circles in China" [Russo-Chinese relations..., 2000, p. 53]. The deportation of Chinese people from the Far East has resonated not only in China, but also in other countries. But in the face of the aggravation of the international situation and the activation of the Japanese special services, which used representatives of the local population of Manchuria to work in the USSR, the Soviet leadership still evicted most of the Chinese from the border territories. Numerous defectors from Manchuria were sent to prison in the first half of the 1940s.

After the Soviet Union relaxed its repressive policy, Chinese migrants were released from prison. For example, the Chinese newspaper Family and Life described a case where several captured Chinese soldiers escaped from a Japanese prisoner-of-war camp via Argun in the summer of 1943. On the Soviet side, three fugitives were arrested by border guards and ended up in a Soviet camp. The Chinese were released from prison in 1947, after which they settled in the suburbs of Krasnoyarsk and began growing vegetables. One of the released Chinese, Zhao Qingyan, married a Russian girl in the same year, and later this family moved to China [Jiating Yu shengho..., 1997]. Thus, the vast majority of Chinese migrants were repressed, but then they were among the first rehabilitated peoples in the USSR. However, the Chinese released from prison, as a rule, were sent to forced settlement in various regions of Siberia.

In the first years after the end of World War II, Chinese migrants continued to be subjected to such repressive measures as "expulsion to special settlements". The labor of special settlers was used in various branches of the national economy. For example, in 1946, at least 29 exiled Chinese entered the Oktyabrskaya mine No. 1 of the Kansk Mine Administration of the Krasnoyarsk Territory [AAA KK, f. 26, op. 9, d. 48, l. 155].By the end of the 1950s, small compact settlements of Chinese special settlers appeared in Siberia. For example, not far from the village of Aban in the Krasnoyarsk Territory, a Chinese gardening and vegetable growing team was created, and in the village of Belyaki in the Lower Angara Region, a "Chinese special commandant's office"functioned for a long time.

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"CHINESE PRISONERS OF WAR"

The concept of "Chinese prisoners of war" for the history of Russian-Chinese relations is largely conditional. This is due to the fact that formally our states have never been at war with each other. However, in the history of bilateral relations, large-scale military clashes took place, in addition, the Chinese participated in the Russian Civil War, served in the armed forces of the puppet state of Manchukuo that fought against the USSR. Accordingly, the documents contain references to "Chinese prisoners of war", and this concept reflects the real facts of the history of Russian-Chinese relations.

For the first time, Chinese prisoners of war appeared on the territory of Russia during the largest military conflict in the history of Russian-Chinese relations in 1900, better known as participation in the suppression of the Yihetuan uprising. First, by order of the chief Chief of the Kwantung region, E. I. Alekseev, the Chinese mine school in Port Arthur was disarmed, its command staff and cadets were arrested and put in the brig [Materials..., ed. III, book 1, p. 43]. In June 1900, Russian troops occupied the administrative center of the south of Liaodong - the city of Jinzhou and arrested the authorities of this city, led by fudutong (regional chief) Fu Jie [Yihetuan..., 1959, p. 486]. Soon the prisoners were sent on steamboats to Vladivostok, and the tsar's decree ordered the students of the mine school to be arrested as prisoners of war and sent to hard labor [Yihetuan..., 1959, p.486].

The situation with the Chinese sent to Russia as prisoners of war turned out to be contradictory. According to a report to the Minister of War, these Chinese formed a plot to blow up powder magazines in Port Arthur, 190 people were arrested in this case [Materials..., ed. III, book 1, p. 246]. In the accompanying documents, the commandant of Port Arthur reported that the Chinese of the mine school were arrested as a precaution, and on this basis the commandant asked to treat the arrested people with leniency [RGIA DV, f. 1, op. 5, d. 611]. In July 1900, 101 Chinese "prisoners of war" were sent from Vladivostok to Sakhalin, of which one was 13 years old, two were 15 years old, two were 16 years old, and another 47 were under 21 years old [RGVIA, f. 486, op. 1, d. 63. l. 73]. In the fortress of Vladivostok, Fudutong, a general, several officers, and, in addition, the head of the mine school and officers, a total of 45 Chinese, remained as prisoners of war at that time. These Chinese were soon also sent to Russia, with a total of 138 Chinese prisoners of war stationed on Sakhalin in 1900. By order of the local military governor, it was announced: "Chinese prisoners of war, converted by the Highest command to road and other work corresponding to hard labor... they are considered to be part of the Alexander district " [RGIA DV, f. 1133, op. 1, d. 2074, l. 255].

The military actions that unfolded in the summer and autumn of 1900 on the territory of Manchuria led to the fact that in the autumn of 1900 thousands of Chinese soldiers and officers were captured in Russian captivity, a small part of which was sent to Russian borders, to Vladivostok, Khabarovsk, Sretensk and other places. Due to the fact that the captured officers were recognized as "a harmless element, but causing large expenditures of the treasury for their maintenance", and the Chinese soldiers did not work well, already in November 1900, the authorities of the Amur General Government petitioned for their release. In January 1901, Nicholas II agreed to the release of Chinese prisoners of war. At the beginning of March 1901, the Chief of the General Staff telegraphed to the Chief of Staff of the Amur Military District: "Admiral Alekseev informed that the arrested officials and students of the Chinese mine school in Port Arthur were not suspected of any conspiracy, they were arrested solely as a precaution. The Minister of War has now given permission to grant them their freedom and take them to what prison-

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or a Chinese port, at the discretion of the commander of the troops" [Materials..., ed. II, book 7, p. 32].

Later, during the occupation of Manchuria in 1901 - 1903, Russian troops continued to fight the Chinese resistance, and some of the captured prominent Chinese military leaders and officials were sent to settle in Russia. In 1902, the leader of the resistance in Manchuria, Lin Chi, initially wanted to appoint Omsk as the place of exile. Later, some Chinese officers were stationed in Irkutsk, other cities in Siberia and the Far East, while soldiers were left in Manchuria or sent to inner China. Thus, in 1900 - 1902, more than a hundred Chinese were taken to Russia from China, according to documents - "as prisoners of war". However, the general political situation around the Russian-Chinese military conflict, as well as the circumstances of the capture of the Chinese, do not allow us to unequivocally characterize them as prisoners of war, which is reflected in the office documentation of that time.

During the Russian Civil War, "Chinese prisoners of war"were again recorded in documents. The prisoners of war were from both the red and white sides. Many Chinese workers were forced to join the Red Army in a situation of devastation. As a rule, the Whites tried not to take the Chinese Red Army prisoners, and dealt with them in the most brutal way. Contrary to popular beliefs, there were also "white Chinese" during the Russian Civil War. As prisoners of war, some Chinese ended up in the first Soviet camps. In 1920, prisoners from the army of Ataman Semenov, as well as a significant number of Chinese prisoners from European Russia, were brought to the "First Krasnoyarsk Concentration Camp" (Merk, 2007). For example, several Chinese soldiers convicted by the Fifth Army Commission of Inquiry were serving sentences there [AAA CC, f. r-1743, op. 1, d. 1135, l. 182]. Soon, by the beginning of 1921, almost all Chinese "prisoners of war" were released from the above-mentioned camp [AAA CC, f. r-1743, op. 1, d. 177]. The rapid release of Chinese prisoners of war was due to the fact that all Chinese in Soviet Russia at that time were perceived as class allies against world imperialism.

In addition to the direct participation of the Chinese in the Civil War, during this period, Chinese occupation forces were also introduced into the territory of Russia. They were involved in clashes with both white and red units. In March 1919, in Tuva, the Kolchaks captured the Chinese from a detachment that was defeated in battle in the Chadan region. White troops, on instructions from above, were forced to release the captured Chinese. But there are cases of sending "Chinese prisoners of war" from Tuva to the Yenisei province. For example, S. A. Nepomnyashchy, a member of the Executive Committee of the Belotsarsky Soviet, recalled that in the summer of 1919, a Chinese prisoner was brought to the Minusinsk prison along with Tuvans and Mongols [For Freedom..., 1957, p.56]. Red Army units tried not to engage in military clashes with Chinese detachments. In those rare cases where battles did occur, prisoners of war are not recorded in the documents. The Reds preferred to use other means: for example, during the liberation of Troitsko-Savsk in February 1920, according to the memoirs of contemporaries, "fighters of Chinese nationality and those who knew Chinese were instructed to fraternize with Chinese soldiers at the time of their pickets" [Buryat-Mongolia..., 1933, p. 45].

A special page in the history of Russian-Chinese relations was the Soviet-Chinese military conflict of 1929. At the beginning of the fighting, the Chinese, as was usual, tried to avoid capture, in the "secret political reports of the Political Department of the 35th Siberian Rifle Division" it was noted: "As a rule, they did not surrender... We explain it by absolute intimidation of the alleged large-scale atrocities of the Red Army " [GANO IO, f. 16, op. 1, d. 1065, l. 56]. But soon the Chinese army was demoralized. For example, as a result of the Manchurian-Dalanor operation on November 17-20, 250 ofi were captured-

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Tserov and 9 thousand soldiers, led by the commander of the North-Western Front, Liang Zhuqiang. Soon, thousands of Chinese captured soldiers found themselves in the border regions of Siberia and the Far East.

At the end of 1929, Soviet and party organs in the Far East paid special attention to prisoners of war. Signed by the secretary of the Far Eastern Regional Committee of the CPSU (b) on December 14, 1929, a directive was sent to the field, in which, in particular, it was stated: "Huge masses of Chinese prisoners of war soldiers taken during the last combat operations go to the economic work at the disposal of Dalles, Dalleszag, Dalugl and others. Dalkraykom VKP (b) draws your attention to the need for a thoughtful, seriously organized system of economic and political services for prisoners of war during their stay at work. The goal of working with prisoners of war is to use every day of their stay on Soviet territory for complete political re-education... The experience of political work with Chinese prisoners of war has shown that the success of all work depends on how productively the khoz is organized.consumer services, how much care and desire will be shown by all party, economic and trade union organizations to improve the situation and life of prisoners as much as possible... it is particularly important to achieve such a situation in which the possibility of great-power chauvinism on the part of the Russian part of the workers is completely excluded, so that every case of disdainful or hostile attitude towards prisoners is met with the strictest condemnation and a resolute and merciless struggle... The Regional Committee of the CPSU (b) informing you about the presence in the Region of a huge array of prisoners up to 8000 people. He considers working with them to be the most important party-political task. Responsibility for the successful implementation of which primarily falls on all parts of the party apparatus..."[GAHK, f. p-2, op. 1, d. 154, l. 11-12].

In the "minutes of the meeting of the Regional Commission for work among Chinese prisoners of war of 29 / XI-29 of the year" it was written:: "The issue of publishing the daily newspaper For the Soviet Union has been resolved... exclusively for serving prisoners of war in the region... 30 Chinese communists were requested from Vladivostok to work with kit-military prisoners en route Khabarovsk-Vladivostok; an order was issued through Poarma to detain 6 Chinese communists in Chita for political work with prisoners, except for those sent from the Khabarovsk organization... To guide and check the setting of political work among prisoners of war under the jurisdiction of the OGPU PP, the national commissar-instructor of the Regional Committee T. was sent to the logging sites and Russian Island (Vladivostok) for two weeks. Hwa-Yu-Chi... The entire batch of kit prisoners of war arriving and staying in Khabarovsk should be concentrated on Krasnaya Rechka... Give instructions to V-Vostok, Khabarovsk and Chita on providing the necessary number of kitpolit workers, creating and equipping red corners, holding and organizing evenings and film sessions among prisoners of war, publishing popular leaflets on the spot, allocating Russian and Chinese workers to visit and talk with prisoners of war. Periodically request information from district committees about the implementation of this instruction..."[GAHK, f. p-2, op. 11, d. 124, l. 1-2].

Chinese prisoners of war did not stay long on Soviet territory. Already on December 22, 1929, the Khabarovsk Protocol on the Settlement of the conflict on the CER was signed, according to which the Soviet Government pledged to release all arrested Chinese citizens and interned Chinese soldiers and officers. In general, prisoners of war, while they were on Soviet territory, tried to be treated not as a defeated enemy, but as deceived representatives of the fraternal people. The newspaper Sovetskaya Sibir wrote at the beginning of 1930: "Large groups of liberated soldiers of the Chinese army, taken in former battles with the White Chinese, appeared on the streets of Khabarovsk. The soldiers were released in accordance with the agreement signed in Khabarovsk. The attitude of the population towards them is the most friendly. Many of the osvo-

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bozhdennykh express their desire to stay in the Soviet Union for a working life "[Sovetskaya Sibir, 03.01.1930]. Thus, the Chinese prisoners of war were originally planned to be used in the national economy and brought up in order to get closer to the Soviet people. But soon the Chinese were released and sent to China. In part, this was not only economically feasible, but also corresponded to public sentiment: political organizations recorded the following conversations among Red Army soldiers:: "They took prisoners, and what they will feed, again the peasant will have to take a deep breath" [GANO IO, f. 16, op. 1, d. 1065, l. 64]. Moreover, the masses of Chinese who found themselves in Russia against their will, despite the extensive propaganda, did not show any desire to join the ranks of the Soviet people.

Another poorly studied plot of the "Chinese prisoners of war" story is the stay of Chinese and Manchu prisoners of war from the Kwantung Army and Manchukuo formations. Among the Kwantung Army personnel captured in 1945, there were 15,934 Chinese, which was 2.5% of the total number of prisoners of war [Kuznetsov, 1997, p.22]. Contrary to popular belief, some of the Chinese prisoners of war ended up in Soviet camps. For example, more than a hundred Chinese together with Japanese prisoners of war arrived in Krasnoyarsk in the autumn of 1945 (Spiridonov, 2003, p. 38). The top leadership of Manchukuo, more than 50 people, were also prisoners of war on the territory of the USSR. Probably, all the Chinese who were taken as prisoners of war in the USSR in 1945 returned to their homeland by 1950 as the prisoners of war were repatriated or were handed over to the Chinese authorities.

The history of long-term stay in Russia of various groups of forcibly displaced and unfree groups of Chinese gives a rich experience of "Chinese migration development", the experience of Russian-Chinese coexistence and interaction. Throughout the history of Russian-Chinese relations, especially in the 1860s and 1940s, Chinese internees and prisoners of war periodically found themselves in Russia. In addition, Chinese migrants in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, as well as representatives of other peoples, were often subjected to repression, including forced relocation and restrictions on freedom of movement. While in Russia, Chinese people who were restricted in their freedom always sought to return to their homeland, actively fought for their rights, opposed the arbitrariness of the authorities, and did not put up with manifestations of chauvinism and nationalism. The Chinese tried to preserve their culture, created various self-government structures. However, even in this situation, they were not able to overcome internal strife, and they were not able to create a Chinese community that could adapt to the Russian-Soviet realities. The presence of these groups of Chinese in Russia has always been a serious problem both at the interstate level, and for local authorities and society. Nevertheless, this page in the history of bilateral relations has not been complicated by serious conflicts and does not have a noticeable negative impact on the current situation in Russian-Chinese relations. Ultimately, the history of Chinese internees and prisoners of war is no longer perceived by our contemporaries as an integral and integral part of the history of Chinese migration in our country.

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