The Civil War of 1861-1865 eliminated slavery in the United States. It was replaced by more sophisticated forms of oppression, racial segregation and discrimination of the Black population, 9/10 of which by the beginning of the XX century. still living in the southern states. The First World War had a profound impact on his future fate. The supply of American weapons and ammunition to Western Europe grew by leaps and bounds. New factories were being built in the United States, and more and more workers were needed. The mobilization of 4 million Americans, including nearly 400,000 Blacks, has also increased the demand for labor. Meanwhile, European immigration to the United States has temporarily almost stopped. Encouraged by recruiters from the North, hundreds of thousands of Negroes moved from the South to the northern cities. In total, from 1914 to 1918, up to 500 thousand Negroes moved there. 3/4 of them settled in such major industrial centers as New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, St. Louis, etc. In 1910, 27% of all Blacks in the United States lived in cities, and 10 years later - 34%. They worked in industry and construction, in transport and in the service sector 1, performing, as a rule, unskilled, heavy and low-paid work. Taking advantage of the ignorance and inexperience of the immigrants, monopolies often hired them as strikebreakers, and unions from the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which did not allow Negroes to join unions, automatically pushed them to this path. Artificially inflamed racial antagonism between white and black workers helped the owners disrupt most strikes.
After the United States entered World War I in 1917, President Wilson declared: "Now that thousands of your sons are in military camps and fighting in France, you Negroes can expect to enjoy full civil rights at the end of the war - the same rights that every American citizen enjoys."2 But when African-Americans demanded the promised rights, white supremacists stepped up their terror. According to official data alone, 77 Negroes were lynched in the South in 1919 (including 11 burned alive), 53 in 1920, 59 in 1921 ,and 51 in 19223. In the North, monopoly agents instigated dozens of bloody Black pogroms. However, unlike in previous years, racists often met with armed resistance from Negroes now. In Chicago, for example, there was real fighting for two weeks, during which 23 Negroes and 16 whites were killed, hundreds of people were wounded, and thousands lost their homes .4
In the years 1918-1920, a number of short - lived left-wing Black organizations emerged in the North, which opposed racial discrimination and segregation. A group of Black radical figures appeared, publishing the magazines "Messenger", "Crusader", "Emansipator", "Voice", "Challenge" and others. They welcomed the Great October Socialist Revolution and the national policy of the Soviet government, and sharply criticized the conservative one.
1 In 1920, the amateur Black population of the United States was 4,821,000. 45% of them were employed in agriculture, 22% in the service sector, 19.6% in industry, 6.5% in transport, 2.9% in trade, etc.
2 Cit. by: H. Aptheker. Afro-American History, the .Modern Era. N. Y. 1971, pp. 161. 165.
3 J. H. Franklin. From Slavery to Freedom. N. Y. 1956, p. 472; C. Vann Woodward. The Strange Carreer of Jim Crow. N. Y. 1957, pp. 101 -102.
4 C. Vann Woodward. Op. cit., p. 100; W. F. B. Du Bois. Dusk of Down. N. Y. 1940, p. 264; J. H. Franklin. Op. cit., pp. 472 - 574.
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the tactics of the compromising leaders of the NASPTSN and the Urban League 5 and called for an active struggle for equal rights for Blacks. All of this, along with the first-time resistance to the racist rioters, showed that a significant part of the Black population of the United States had a fighting spirit, a determination to improve their situation, and that a "new Negro" appeared on the scene, ready, in the words of the author of the article in Messenger magazine, to accept death in the name of protecting himself, his family and their political rights 6 .
Although unemployment, poor housing conditions, racial discrimination and racist terror dramatically increased the discontent of African Americans, they, as it turned out, had no one to organize and lead them. The NAACP and, to an even greater extent, the Urban League depended at that time on the financial support of the white and Negro bourgeoisie, and the radical young Negro leaders had neither a clear program nor any significant number of supporters and remained relatively isolated from the general masses. As a result, African Americans were deprived of effective organizations and leadership.
It was at this time that a fat, ugly, squat man with a large head and intelligent eyes began to appear more and more frequently on the streets of Harlem, and his public speeches attracted more and more listeners every day. His name was Marcus Moses Garvey. He was born on August 17, 1887 in the town of St. Ann's Bay on the north coast of Jamaica, in the family of a master mason. Markus was the youngest of 11 children, most of whom died in childhood. Marcus's parents were not mixed with European blood, and his father was descended from Maroons 7 , which Garvey was very proud of. At the age of 14, the boy was forced to leave school and go to work in a printing house. In 1904, he moved to Kingston and by the age of 20 had become a master printer for a large book firm. During the printers ' strike, he was selected to the strike committee and, after its failure, was blacklisted. From then on, Garvey remained skeptical of the labor movement and refused to have any contact with it. In 1910, he went to seek his fortune in Costa Rica, and then visited Panama, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Honduras, and everywhere he saw the exploitation of local Negroes on plantations and in mines. He returned to Jamaica convinced of the need to fight for a better life for the Negroes .8
In 1912, Garvey left for London. There, he became close to the Egyptian nationalist and pan-Africanist Dews Mohammed Ali, who published the monthly Africa Times and Orient Review and inspired the young Jamaican with an interest in Africa, its history, culture, and its situation under colonial rule .9 Garvey began to read a lot about Africa, about the life of Negroes in the United States, and for several months attended lectures in college. He was very impressed by Booker T. Washington's autobiography .10 Under her influence, he returned to Jamaica, where he founded in August 1914. General Association for the Advancement of Negroes (VAUPN). In its manifesto, it was described as an organization dedicated to "working for the common uplift of the Negro peoples of the world, "and its members"commit themselves to do everything in their power to preserve the rights of the noble black race and to respect the morals of all mankind." 11
5 NASPTSN-National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. It was established in 1909; the National Urban League - in 1911.
6 "The Messenger", 20.VIII.1920. Цит. by: W. Foster. The Negro People in the History of America, Moscow, 1955, p. 582.
7 Maroons-Negro slaves who fled the plantations to the mountains and inflicted a series of defeats on the British punitive expeditions sent against them. In 1739, they won the right to self-government from Great Britain.
8 E. D. Сronon. Black Moses. The Story of Marcus Harvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Madison. 1955, pp. 4 - 8, 11 -15.
9 T. G. Vincent. Black Power and the Garvey Movement. Berkeley. 1972, pp. 93- 97; E. C.Fax. Garvey. The Story of a Pioneer Black Nationalist. N. Y. 1972, pp. 38 - 50.
10 "Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey or Africa for the Africans". Compiled by A. J. Garvey. Ps. I-II. L. 1967; P. II, p. 126; for B. T. Washington, see A. P. Korolev. Bookerism. Voprosy Istorii, 1976, No. 7.
11 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, pp. 37 - 38. Initially, the organization's full name read: General Association for the Advancement of Negroes and the League of African Communities.
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In addition to the general objectives, the WAUPN outlined an action plan for improving the situation of Negroes in Jamaica, which was based on the creation of teacher training and vocational schools similar to what B. Washington did in the United States. Hoping for financial help from him, Harvey wrote to him in the spring of 1915 and in response received an invitation to come to the United States. But while Garvey was preparing for the trip, B. Washington died. Nevertheless, Garvey arrived in New York in March 1916, settled in Harlem, and established a branch of WAUPN there in 1917. In the beginning, he made a living selling lottery tickets and was not very successful in delivering speeches at several rallies. His first listeners and followers were quite numerous emigrants from Cuba, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, and Trinidad. West Indian Negroes brought with them their long-standing fighting traditions and played a prominent role in the cultural and social life of the Black population of the United States.
Garvey's popularity was boosted by an unexpected event: J. P. Morgan, a mentally ill man, broke into the room he was renting in an old house on 135th Street, near Lenox Avenue. Tyler shot him. A bullet grazed Garvey's forehead, and he ran out into the street with his face covered in blood, but the assailant was arrested, and then committed suicide. This event, as well as the attempt by Emma Apshood, Garvey's secretary and first wife, to protect him, was sensationalized in the local press, and Garvey's name was on everyone's lips in Harlem .12 And since 1918, the weekly newspaper WAUPN "Negro World" began to be published, which soon became the most widely distributed Black newspaper in the United States. Next to the headline was the slogan: "One goal, one God, one destiny," and below it the words: "A newspaper devoted exclusively to the interests of the Negro race." Some sections of it were printed in Spanish and French for the Negroes of the West Indies, Central America, and Africa, and the first page opened with an editorial addressed to "fellow citizens of the Negro race" and signed: "Your humble servant, Marcus Garvey, President-General." The newspaper covered a wide range of issues - from the historical past of the black race and various current events to the prospects for Blacks in a future independent Africa, which greatly contributed to the popularization of Garvey's ideas.
He appealed to the Negro masses to unite in the struggle to restore the Black race to its former greatness and idealized it in every possible way. Appealing to the feelings of the oppressed and humiliated African Americans, he aroused in them racial pride, a sense of strength and self-esteem, argued that in the country of whites, Negroes will never achieve justice and equality, and that therefore the only way out for them is to create a strong independent state in Africa. Given the traditional desire of American Negroes for land and freedom, as well as the historical tendency to move them from the southern states anywhere - North or West, Canada or the West Indies, just to get rid of the hell that was their life on the plantations of the South-Garvey not only raised the banner of militant protest, but and he drew a vision of the" promised land " in Africa. He intuited the spirit of resistance and struggle that had gripped African Americans in the critical postwar years, marked by the rise of monopolies on workers ' rights and the growing political activism of the masses.
By that time, hundreds of thousands of almost illiterate rural Negroes from the South, who had suffered in the climatic conditions of the northern cities where they had arrived during the war, and faced the difficult problem of adapting to them, were on the verge of despair. Expecting to find racial harmony in the North, they quickly learned that here, too, they were considered second-class citizens, hired last, and fired first. The difficult housing conditions in the ghettos, the high cost of living, the rapidly rising unemployment caused by the post - war economic downturn, and the collapse of hopes for a better future promised by President W. Wilson have all given rise to severe frustration and deep pessimism among many of them. They were much more impressed by emotional appeals of all kinds than the old-timers of the Black neighborhoods. And the wave of racist terror-pogroms and lynchings that swept through the United States at that time clearly showed how white America "appreciated" loyal people.
12 Ibid., p. 130; R. Ottley. New World. A Corning. Inside Black America. Boston 1943, p. 69.
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the contribution of African Americans to the country's victory in the war. Black veterans who fought for the "ideals of democracy" felt cheated, finding themselves out of work after demobilization and often in an even worse situation than before the war. They were deeply moved by Garvey's agitation. African Americans were also enthusiastic about the messages coming from Soviet Russia, especially the slogans of social and national equality.
Ethnocentric sentiments, which were characteristic of the early Negro migration movements and intensified due to disillusionment with the "promised land" in the North, grew most rapidly among immigrants from the South. Under these circumstances, Garvey's uncompromising appeal to black nationalism and the exodus to Africa attracted a large following in a short time. "The black peasantry," wrote one contemporary, " is following Garvey in droves... It feels that Garvey is saying things that Negroes are aware of but cannot express themselves. His incendiary speeches gather huge masses of people. The negroes donate their money to him. They are ready to go to hell for it. He became their idol-that black Demosthenes. " 13 In 1919, Garvey made a long tour of the country for propaganda purposes. He visited 38 states, popularizing WAUPN everywhere and creating its branches. "Arise, mighty race," he exclaimed in his speeches, " you can do anything you want!"14 . And the audience responded enthusiastically to this call. Calling him" a great master of agitation, "W. Foster wrote that" in the entire history of the United States, there is hardly another agitator who surpassed Garvey in this respect. " 15 Upon his return from the trip, it was announced that WAUPN had 30 field offices. In Harlem, a large hall was purchased, called Liberty Hall, and served as a place for general meetings of WAUPN members.
Garvey used a variety of organizational forms to attract the Black population. He created a kind of miniature likeness of the future African state. The African Legion was organized to become the vanguard of the African Liberation Army, the Black Eagle Flying Corps, boy scouts and firefighters, the police, the African Motorized Corps and the Sisters of the Black Cross Corps; honorary titles such as "Dukes of Nigeria and Uganda" or "Ashanti and Mozambique" were introduced, as well as knights of the "Noble Order". Nile", "Knights of Ethiopia", etc. All this was intended to make the destitute Negro masses feel that they were becoming participants in a great undertaking.
In the years 1919-1920, the movement grew rapidly, reaching the Black population not only in the industrial centers of the North, but also in many southern cities. 16 The exact number of participants is unknown. Garvey in 1919 claimed that there were 2 million; in 1920, referring to other countries, he gave the figure of 4 million; in 1923, 6 million; in 1928, when the WAUPN clearly declined, 11 million .17 Almost all researchers consider this an exaggeration. According to E. Crownon, the number of Garvey supporters in the United States and other countries was probably about 1-2 million people. VAUPN members who paid contributions were: in New York-about 30 thousand, Chicago-9 thousand, Philadelphia-6 thousand, Cincinnati-5-6 thousand, Detroit-4 thousand, Boston-1.5 thousand, Washington-0.7 thousand, Jamaica-5 thousand, Guatemala-3 T. Vincent estimates that there were at least 3/4 million people who supported Garvey, and from 2 to 3 million with "sympathizers" 18 . But regardless of these figures, it remains an indisputable fact that in the early 20s, WAUPN enjoyed great popularity among African Americans. The bulk of its adherents consisted of illiterate and semi-illiterate inhabitants of urban ghettos. However, in the early period of the movement, many representatives of the Black intelligentsia and other groups joined the movement.
13 Cit. by: W. Foster. Op. ed., p. 578.
14 C. McKay. Harlem: Negro Metropolis. N. Y. 1940, p. 154.
15 W. Foster. Edict op. p. 580.
16 In the rural South, where the control of the Negro church over its congregation was more strict, Garvey's influence was much weaker.
17 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, pp. 129 - 131; E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., p. 205.
18 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, p. 299; E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., pp. 205- 206; T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., p. 151.
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the petty bourgeoisie. It was these people who, together with Garvey, managed VAUPN 19 . At the first stage, the support of radical elements of the Negro movement and American communists also played a major role .20
In August 1920, the First International Congress of the Negro Peoples of the World was held, which was attended by 2 thousand delegates from the United States and 25 countries of the West Indies, Central and South America, and Africa. Special issues of "Negro World" were published, and "Marcus Garvey" cigarettes were sold in Harlem with his portrait on the box. At the congress, the "Declaration of the Rights of the World's Negro Peoples" was adopted as the program of the VAUPN, which consisted of an introductory part and 54 articles 21 . The introduction exposed the essence of the American racist system, protested against discrimination and persecution of the Black population of the United States, oppression in other countries, and demanded a definition of fundamental rights "to encourage our race around the world and prepare it for a higher and greater destiny." Then WAUPN positions were formulated on a number of pressing problems for Negroes. Thus, Article 17 described "every country guilty" of lynching people as "standing outside of civilization." Articles 25, 27, and 29 referred to freedom of speech, religion, and"self-determination for all peoples." Article 13 stated: "Africa must become a continent of freedom for the Negroes of the world, and in accordance with the principles of "Europe for Europeans" and "Asia for Asians", we also demand:" Africa for Africans! " for all Africans living in Africa itself, as well as in the United States. beyond it." Article 15 emphasized the" firm determination "of the black race to" demand and seek the return of the vast continent of our ancestors, with all its treasures and resources." Article 45 declared that the newly born League of Nations had "no rights in relation to the Negroes whom it seeks to deprive of their liberty." 50 and 51, which reflected the interests of the Negro bourgeoisie, demanded the unhindered trade of American Negroes with Africa and, in this connection, "absolute freedom of the seas for all peoples." 22
The congress approved the official colors of the movement: black - the color of skin, red - the color of blood and green, symbolizing hopes for a better future. The delegates elected Garvey Interim President of the African Republic and head of the Supreme Executive Council , a kind of interim Government-in-exile. A parade was held on Lenox Avenue, which was attended by tens of thousands of people, chanting: "Down with lynching!", "Unite in the fight for freedom!", " Africa must be free!". The interim President of Africa, Marcus Garvey, dressed in a purple, green and black uniform with gold cords and a triangular hat with long white feathers, rode in an open car escorted by black police and greeted the crowds on the sidewalks, who greeted him with a standing ovation and the WAUPN anthem "Ethiopia, you are the land of our fathers". The banner of the interim president bore a significant slogan: "Negroes fought in Europe, they can fight in Africa as well." Behind Garvey rode Archbishop D. A. McGuire in a silk robe, followed by the regaled black "nobility" and the commanders of the " Noble Order of the Nile." Then the African Legion marched in a battle formation with trumpets, drums and dozens of red-black-green banners, in blue, red and gold edged uniforms, followed by the corps of the "sisters of the black Cross" in white uniforms. Bringing up the rear were squads of boy and girl scouts. Harlem was seething, and white New York City realized for the first time the scale of the movement...
The congress ended with a rally in the hall of Madison Square Garden, which was attended by 25 thousand people. Speaking to them, Garvey received a standing ovation and said:: "Other races have their own states, and the time has come for them to move forward.
19 Among the 72 leading figures of the VAUPN, there were 12 clerics, 7 lawyers, 7 teachers, 4 artists and musicians, 10 office workers and civil servants, and 8 people engaged in unskilled and semi-skilled work. The remaining 24 people were identified as journalists and public figures, and some of them were forced to have additional earnings.
20 W. Foster. Edict. op., p. 587; T. G. Vincent. Op. tit., pp. 40, 45 - 46, 72, 74, 78 - 81, 129, 160.
21 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, pp. 135 - 142.
22 Ibid., pp. 137 - 141.
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400 million negroes want Africa for themselves... We will unite the 400 million Negroes of the world to plant the banner of freedom on the great African continent!"23 . Such gatherings, as well as colorful parades, bright uniforms, high-profile titles, and grandiose dreams of a great future for the black race, made an indelible impression on the poor in Harlem and other Black ghettos. In the words of the prominent Negro sociologist E. Frazier, "as the leader of a mass movement among Negroes, Garvey was second to none."24 And another contemporary, a member of the WAUPN, wrote in praise of Garvey in 1921: "This Negro genius combines the wisdom of Solomon, the eloquence of Demosthenes, the courage of Cromwell, the endurance and determination of Robert the Bruce, the iron will of Bismarck, the fearlessness of Toussaint Louverture and the cunning of Napoleon Bonaparte. This man has as much patience as Carnegie has money. " 25
In 1919-1920. Garvey founded the Blake Starline Steamship Company, as well as a number of retail and other establishments united in the Nigro Industries Corporation. Shares of both companies were traded on the stock exchange. The 1920 WAUPN Congress marked a dramatic increase in Garvey's influence, as evidenced by the successful launch of his commercial companies. In 1921, he traveled to Central America and the West Indies, where the Negro population everywhere gave him an enthusiastic welcome and provided financial support to the WAUPN. By this time, the organization had about 900 branches. In Washington, Garvey's foreign trip, especially his performances in Panama, caused alarm. Secretary of State C. E. Hughes has ordered U.S. diplomats in Central American countries to deny the WAIPN leader entry visas.
In August 1921, the Second International Congress of the Negro Peoples of the World was held in Harlem, attended by delegates from the United States, Central and South America, Ethiopia, Liberia, and South Africa. At this convention, the head of the Los Angeles chapter of the WAUPN, due to disagreements with Garvey, withdrew with his supporters from the organization and founded the Pacific Coast WAUPN. At the same time, Garvey's incompetence in commercial matters and the fact that he did not distinguish between the finances of VAUPN and the funds of the Black Star company led to an increase in the latter's debt, and then to its bankruptcy. In January 1922, Garvey was arrested on charges of illegal financial transactions. He, in turn, blamed the Black Star's bankruptcy on " white shipping companies "and"Bolshevik agents." Garvey was soon released, but the property of the bankrupt company was sold at auction in 1922. The financial setbacks, combined with rumors of Garvey's secret negotiations with the Ku Klux Klan leadership, caused resentment among many Blacks toward the WAUPN and its leader.
Garvey's critics grew in the ranks of the Negro intelligentsia and the bourgeoisie. The Chicago newspaper Defender, owned by a wealthy Black man named R. S. Abbott, and the Friends of Negro Freedom group, led by Messenger publishers C. Owen and F. McCarthy. Randolph held a series of rallies in Harlem under the slogan "Garvey must go!". In addition, the struggle between natives of the United States and West Indian immigrants, who made up half of its leadership, intensified at the top of the WAUPN26 . All of this was reflected at the Third International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World (August 1922), where one of Garvey's chief aides, Philadelphia Pastor James E. Smith, spoke out against Garvey. Izon. He left WAUPN, founded a rival organization, the General Negro Union, and toured the country giving lectures harshly critical of Garvey. Instead of talking about the impending liberation of Africa, he said, we should focus on the internal pressing problems of American Negroes. In January 1923, Eason was killed at a rally in New Orleans. The police stated
23 Quoted from: E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., pp. 64-65; " Philosophy and Opinions...", P. II, p. 130.
24 E. F. Frazier. Garvey. A Mass Leader. "The Nation", vol. 123, 18.VIII.1926, pp. 147 - 148.
25 Cit. by: E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., p. 208.
26 T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 72 - 73, 152, 191, 199; E. C. Fax. Op. cit., p. 162.
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on "the existence of an anarchist conspiracy on a national scale." Garvey replied that WAUPN had nothing to do with the radicals or the murder.
A few days after this event, eight prominent Black figures - publishers and journalists, business representatives and leaders of the NASPTSN - sent an open letter to the US Secretary of Justice, in which they called Garvey "a shameless demagogue who seeks to spread distrust and hostility among Negroes to all white people." The letter ended with a request to start his trial faster 27 . At the trial in May 1923, many witnesses testified to financial misconduct in Harvey's commercial enterprises, and he was jailed. However, in September 1923, Garvey was released on bail of $ 25,000 raised by his supporters, and organized a new shipping company "Black Cross" to trade between different areas inhabited by Negroes, and export colonists to Africa.
In 1924, the IV International Congress of the Negro Peoples of the World was held. It discussed the colonization program of WAUPN in Africa. As early as 1920, a WAUPN delegation was sent to Liberia. It returned with assurances from the Liberian Government of its consent to "undertake industrial, agricultural and business projects in Liberia" .28 At the same time, funds were raised for a loan to Liberia for the construction of schools and colleges, railways and industrial enterprises, for sending craftsmen and skilled workers there. In 1921, a group of American Negro experts arrived in Liberia. It informed that the Liberian authorities have promised to provide land plots to WAUPN. By this time, $ 137 thousand had been raised for a construction loan to Liberia. In December 1923, a new group of experts went there to prepare for the reception of 20-30 thousand families of immigrants from the United States in the first two years, starting in November 1924. In March 1924, she reported that the Liberian Government had approved her project. In July 1924, construction materials and mechanisms were sent to Liberia at a total cost of 50 thousand dollars. But at this point, the Liberian government abruptly changed its position: It requested the immediate departure of VAUPN representatives and stated that none of its associates would be allowed to enter the country .29 Apparently, this turn was caused by pressure from the European colonial powers and the United States. This was practically a fatal blow to the "Back to Africa!" movement.
Obviously, it was these circumstances that prompted Garvey, at least temporarily, to shift his focus from the problem of African liberation to the internal problems of the United States Negroes. At the Fourth International Congress of the Negro Peoples of the World, he created another organization, the Negro Political Union (NPC), designed to "consolidate the political forces of the Negroes so that the race can express its political opinion." Moreover, Garvey included the NPS in the 1924 election campaign, publishing a list of WAUPN-approved candidates and supporting C. Coolidge, the Republican candidate for President of the United States. In New York, he ran against a Harlem candidate, Negro Ch. Robert, for which Garvey was roundly denounced by the Negro press. One editor called it "the worst threat to Negroes that has ever existed in America." 30
Meanwhile, the court in the Garvey case, which was essentially political in nature, found him guilty and sentenced him to a fine of 5 thousand dollars and 5 years in prison. On February 8, 1925, he was sent to a prison in Atlanta, Georgia. The US Supreme Court refused to review the case. From prison, Garvey addressed his followers with a message placed in the "Negro World". "If I die in Atlanta," he wrote, " my work will continue. But if not physically, then spiritually, I will live to see Africa's day of glory. When I die,
27 См. "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, pp. 294 - 500- T. G Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 196 - 200.
28 "Philosophy and Opinions...", P. II, pp. 362 - 365. The delegation's report, among other things, stated that Liberians of American descent were treating the local population almost like slaves, and that there was still genuine slavery. Garvey did not allow this report to be published (ibid., pp. 399-405).
29 Ibid., pp. 367 - 398.
30 E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., pp. 132 - 133.
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wrap me in the red, black, and green mantle, for in a new life I will arise, overshadowed by the grace of God, to lead millions to victory under the banner you know so well. Wait for me in a hurricane and a storm, I will come and bring with me countless millions of black slaves who died in America, the West Indies and Africa, to help you in the struggle for liberation, freedom and life! " 31 .
In 1926, at the Fifth International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World, the only one at which Garvey did not attend, a split occurred in the WAUPN. Meanwhile, in December 1927, Garvey was pardoned by President Coolidge and immediately expelled from the United States as an "undesirable foreigner". He was not even allowed to visit the WAUPN headquarters. In Panama, the authorities did not allow him to land, but at home, in Kingston, he was met by thousands of people. Under his leadership, the local branch of WAUPN has grown significantly. In New York, Negro World also published his weekly goodwill messages to American Negroes. In the spring of 1928, he toured Central America and the West Indies, then visited England, France, and Switzerland, and established a European branch of WAUPN in London.
In August 1929, at the initiative of Harvey, the Sixth International Congress of the Negro Peoples of the World was held in Kingston. During the traditional parade, the African Legion, the Motorized Corps and the corps of the "sisters of the Black Cross" paraded in their uniforms, as well as delegates of the congress in national clothes. The congress discussed the situation of Negroes in the United States, Central America, the West Indies, and the problem of African liberation. A heated discussion developed between Garvey and representatives of the American Negro Workers ' Union on the issue of cooperation between black and white workers. Garvey argued that Negroes should have their own capitalists who would hire people of the black race, and sharply opposed his communist opponent, who called for class solidarity. As a result of disagreements between Garvey and the US delegation, the latter left the congress, deciding to found a separate organization called WAUPN, August 1929. In 1932, it also convened its own congress. This split preceded the breakup of WAUPN32 .
In 1933, Negro World ceased publication, and in the same year Garvey began publishing Black Man magazine. In August 1934, at the Seventh International Congress of the Negro Peoples of the World in Kingston, the question of a single "African" language for Negroes around the world and a number of others were discussed. But this convention was only a weak copy of the first conventions in Harlem. Garvey's attempts to organize a mass movement in Jamaica were unsuccessful, and in 1935 he moved the headquarters of his movement to London. In 1937, he gave lectures in British Guiana and the West Indies, but did not visit Jamaica. And when a spontaneous uprising against the colonialists broke out there the following year, he refused to go there. In August 1938, at the Eighth International Congress of the Negro Peoples of the World, held in Toronto, Canada, he was again elected General President of WAUPN33 for a five-year term . Garvey died in London in June 1940. In his homeland, he is called one of the "architects of the new Jamaica". In 1952, the local House of Representatives recommended that his birthday be celebrated as a holiday. In 1956, the main street of Kingston was named after him, and a bust of him was installed in the capital's park. In 1964, the National Mausoleum was built there, where Garvey's remains were transported from London. In 1965, the Jamaican Government established the award in his name .34
One of the main ideological foundations of Garvism is the call for "racial solidarity" in order to unite broad sections of Blacks with different views and beliefs. The spirit of" racial solidarity " permeates the entire Harvard movement. Speaking at Liberty Hall, Garvey said:: "Anyone who honestly studies history can remember the time when Egypt, Ethiopia and Timbuktu reached the peak of civilization-
31 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, pp. 237 - 239.
32 E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., pp. 151 - 154; T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 218 - 219; E. C. Fax. Op. cit., p. 259.
33 R. Hart. The Life and Resurrection of Marcus Garvey. "Race" (London) 1967 vol. IX, N 2, p. 228; E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., pp. 159, 161, 164.
34 "Philosophy and Opinions...", p. XXVI; R. Hart. Op. cit., p. 128; T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., p. 244.
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rising above Europe and Asia. When Europe was inhabited by a race of cannibals, a race of savages, naked and ignorant pagans, Africa was inhabited by a race of cultured black people who achieved high achievements in art, science and literature, who had a refined culture. Why, then, should we lose hope? Black people, don't lose your courage and faith, go ahead! " 35 .
Garvey's historical excursions did not always correspond to reality. But he openly ridiculed claims that "civilizing contact with the white race" only benefited the peoples of Africa and black slaves in the United States. Garvey taught his followers to be proud of their black skin color. He demanded the preservation of "racial purity", that is, the separation of races, emphasizing that "there is a huge difference between the white and black races", while "there is absolutely no difference between the native African, North American and West Indian Negroes" 36. According to Garvey, only "one hundred percent Negroes" could be members of the WAUPN, and Blacks who entered into an interracial marriage, and even more so their descendants, should not be accepted there .37 Garvey also insisted on a racial division among African Americans themselves - between blacks and Mulattoes (the latter he attacked in every possible way) .38 Probably, his origin played a role in this, because in Jamaica, unlike in the United States, mulattoes were in a special position compared to Negroes, representing a kind of middle stratum that enjoyed a number of privileges. Garvey waged a fierce campaign against them, regarding them as "white agents" and "light-skinned assimilationists." 39 This policy of isolating mulattoes could only weaken the Negro movement, and it also had very limited resonance: in the United States, white Americans did not distinguish between Negroes and mulattoes, who did not have any privileges, and therefore Negroes did not make them.
Although Garvey most often referred to Negroes as "race," it was inextricably linked to African nationalism in his philosophical constructions, and he repeatedly used the terms "nation" and "nationality." "We want to have a nationality like that of English, French, Italian, German, white American and yellow Japanese; we want to have a national government," he said. Calling on Blacks to completely abandon their identification with American society, since they have no future here, he saw the way to liberate Blacks both in the New World and in Africa in the creation of an African state and the formation of a very special racial and ethnic community. "Negroes should have their own country, and they should become an independent nation," Garvey argued. The black man can "find salvation in his mother country, and all this must be done under the slogan "Africa for Africans, at home and abroad!"41. E. Frazier wrote in this connection:: "The Garvey movement was an extreme expression of the racial identity and nationalist sentiment that emerged during the First World War and in the post-war years." 42
"Wake up, Ethiopia! Wake up, Africa! Garvey would exclaim. "Let us work for a single glorious goal - a free and powerful nation. May Africa become a shining star in the constellation of nations!" However, the model of the constitution of the future African state, which he called either the United States of Africa or the African Empire, was the US constitution. Garvey didn't know much about the real Africa, but he was convinced that he was destined to become the liberator of the Black Continent. In an effort to popularize his program, in 1922 he appealed to the League of Nations (through the Persia delegation to this organization) with a demand to unite the former German colonies in Africa into a Commonwealth of Black Nations and the Red Army.-
35 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. I, p. 57.
36 Ibid., p. 52; P. II, p. 7.
37 Ibid. P. I, pp. 29 - 30; p. II, pp. 62, 81, 121.
38 This, however, did not prevent him from having mulattoes among his closest friends and assistants. His second wife, Amy Jaquis Garvey, was also a Mulatto.
39 E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., p. 192.
40 "Philosophy and Opinions...", p. I, p. 5; p. II, p. 106.
41 Ibid., P. I, p. 27; P. II, pp. 5, 49, 97 - 98, 107.
42 E. F. Frazier. The Negro in the United States. N. Y. 1957, p. 530.
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give the mandate to manage them to the Africans themselves 43 . Garvey remained loyal to the idea of creating an African state until the end of his life. In 1938-1939, he publicly spoke out in support of the most reactionary bill for the repatriation of American Negroes to Africa, introduced in the US Congress by the racist Senator T. Bilbo .44 The formation of an African state was, in Garvey's view, intended to make the black race "so strong as to inspire fear" in the hearts of the oppressors, and thus automatically provide Negroes not only in Africa but also on other continents with prestige and protection .45
One of the prerequisites for the emergence of an independent African state in the future and the first step towards the complete separation of Negroes from American society, Garvey considered the creation of a "separate Negro economy"in the United States. The commercial enterprises he founded were supposed to serve this purpose. Their shares were sold only to Negroes, and no more than 200 shares for $ 5 in one hand. About 40 thousand people purchased 155.5 thousand shares of Chernaya Zvezda for a total amount of $ 3.4 million. This money was used to purchase two vessels for voyages to the West Indies and Africa, as well as a small river steamer. At the same time, on a cooperative basis, the Nigro Factories Corporation was established with a capital of $ 1 million (200 thousand shares), combining a network of grocery and other stores, sewing workshops and laundries, a photo studio, restaurants, a hotel, a publishing house, a gramophone record production and a doll factory. Negroes were encouraged to support the company in order to provide jobs for their sons and daughters, and tens of thousands of people bought its stock .46 Believing that in this way B. Washington's dream of his own Black business, independent of "white" capital, was realized, Garvey completely ignored the fact that all this business, like himself, ultimately fell under the influence of large "white" banks and corporations when financing his projects.
Garvey was a Catholic, but soon came to the conclusion that the black race needed "a god of its own," and campaigned for the creation of a "black man's church." His assistants made the necessary research in the Bible, revised and interpreted the story of the birth of Jesus Christ in their own way. This is how the African Orthodox Church (AOC) was born. Its head was a native of the island of Antigua in the Caribbean, pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church D. A. McGuire, who gave up the episcopal chair in Boston for this purpose. In 1921, he was consecrated by the white Archbishop of the Greek Orthodox Church as Primate of the African Orthodox Church. The ritual of the latter largely imitated the liturgy of the Catholic and Episcopal churches. Liberty Hall hosted the canonization ceremony of Jesus Christ as the "black man of sorrows" and the Virgin Mary as the black Madonna 47 . "You must forget the white gods, " McGuire said to his flock. "Banish the white gods from your hearts. We must return to the bosom of our native church, to our own true God. " 48 Recommending that the Negroes destroy all paintings of the white Madonna and replace them with paintings of the black Madonna and Christ, McGuire declared that the devil among the Negroes will continue to be white. Although Garvey avoided conflict with Black pastors and borrowed much from the religious heritage of African Americans, the leadership of the Black churches in the United States, fearing losing influence with their adherents, rejected the new "black religion" and took a sharply hostile position towards Garvey. However, some Black church leaders, including the author of a monograph on the role of religion in the spiritual life of African Americans, Pastor B. E. Mays, believed that Garvey used the idea of a black god to revive the idea of a black God.
43 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. I, pp. 4, 6, 9; p. II, pp. 225, 406; T. G. Vincent Op. cit., pp. 184 - 185; E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., p. 147.
44 "Black Nationalism in America". Ed. by J. H. Bracey, A. Meier, F. Rudwick Indianapolis. 1970, p. 197.
45 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. I, pp. 38 - 39; p. II, pp. 49, 97 - 98; E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., pp. 184 - 185.
46 See F. D. Cronon. Op. cit., pp. 50-60; T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 103, 106. In 1924, another steamship was purchased for the new shipping company, named Booker T. Washington.
47 T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 29, 112, 121, 125.
48 Cit. by: C. McKay. Op. cit., p. 166; R. Ottley. Op. cit., p. 73.
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negroes feel proud of their race and encourage them to fight to improve their economic and social situation 49 .
During his 10 years in the United States, Garvey had a significant impact on the lives and thinking of American Negroes. But his views and practical activities were extremely contradictory. Along with their positive and progressive aspects, they also have negative and reactionary aspects. In 1920, W. Dubois, calling Garvey "an outstanding leader," noted that he "summarized and expressed with remarkable success the discontent and spirit of protest accumulated over many centuries of suffering" among black slaves and their descendants .50 The Harlem News, which was critical of the WAUPN program, acknowledged in its February 7, 1925 issue that Garvey "awakened the racial consciousness and racial pride of the masses of African Americans... He made them think, made them unite, organized them, and demonstrated their power." Another Black newspaper, the Amsterdam News, emphasized on November 30, 1927, that Garvey had made African Americans "proud of their race," that he "taught them... admire and praise black people... They followed him because he sensed and responded to the heartbeat of his race. " 51
Even after Garvey's death, Dubois, describing the WAUPN program, wrote that "it was a grandiose and bombastic program, extremely unrealistic in general, but it was sincere and had practical aspects. Garvey proved that he was not only a surprisingly popular leader, but also a master of propaganda. Within a few years, news of his movement, his promises and plans reached Europe and Asia and penetrated every corner of Africa. " 52 And the most prominent contemporary Negro historian of the United States, J. R. R. Tolkien. Hope Franklin sees the crucial significance of Garvism "in the fact that it was the first and only truly mass movement among Negroes in the history of the United States, and that it shows how great were the Negroes' doubts about the hope of achieving first-class citizenship in the only homeland they knew."53 Nobel Prize winner M. L. King, speaking in Kingston in 1965, called Garvey "the first person of color in the history of the United States to organize and lead a mass movement" and who was able to "give millions of Negroes the opportunity to realize their dignity and destiny and help them feel that the Negro is also a person." 54
Garvey's rapid success, as noted above, was due to many factors. In addition, Garvism's heyday coincided with the general rise of the struggle of American workers for their rights, and it was then militant and militant, putting forward demands that met the aspirations of the broad masses of Negroes. The WAUPN program in those years was strongly anti-imperialist in nature and stigmatized the ruling classes of the United States for racist terror, oppression, and discrimination against Blacks in all areas of life. Because of this, WAUPN initially enjoyed support from radical elements of the Negro liberation movement and many left-wing organizations, including the Communists. Since its inception, the U.S. Communist Party has maintained a friendly attitude toward the WAUPN, although it has criticized some aspects of its program and the slogan " Back to Africa!"55 . Based on the fact that the VAUPN represented then "the largest mass movement since the Reconstruction" 56, the Communist Party appealed in 1924. to the VAUPN congress with a letter signed by Ch. Rutenberg and W. Foster, in which, along with criticizing the mistakes of this organization, it promised to support the liberation struggle of African Americans .57
49 B. E. Mays. The Negro's God as Reflected in His Literature. Boston. 1938, p. 185.
50 Yandex Units. Dubois. Memoirs, Moscow, 1962, p. 340.
54 Cit. by: "Philosophy and Opinions...", p. XXVI; T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., p. 246.
52 W. E. B. Du Bois. Op. cit.. p. 277.
53 J. H. Franklin. Op. cit., p. 483.
54 Cit. by: "Philosophy and Opinions...", p. XXVI; T. With Vincent. Op, cit., p. 246.
55 T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 45, 77 - 79, 81 - 84.
56 See W. Foster. Op. ed., p. 587.
57 " We stand for the liberation of Africa from the yoke of the imperialist Powers and for granting the peoples of Africa the right to self-determination. But while we share this position, we emphasize that this does not and should not serve as a basis for refusing to fight for the equality of Negroes in the United States and in any other country" ("Daily Worker", 5. VIII. 1924).
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However, already in the early 1920s, Garvey began to gradually move away from the original radicalism and, in particular, from his earlier demands for equal rights for Blacks with white Americans and a number of others, focusing his activities on the utopian plan of "return to Africa" and related commercial enterprises. In essence, he betrayed the cause of the struggle for civil rights and social equality of Negroes in the United States by declaring in October 1923: "Let the stupid Negro agitators and so-called reformers, encouraged by their equally deluded and frivolous white friends, cease to preach and defend the doctrine of 'social equality. '" 58 He began to argue that "Negroes should be loyal to every flag under whose shadow they live." 59 According to one of the leaders of the Communist Party of the United States, R. Minor, the WAUPN program "was gradually revised and corrected so that in the end all requirements affecting the interests of the ruling class were thrown out of it, and the WAUPN turned into an organization that actually approved of the disenfranchised position of Negroes in the United States."60
So Garvey abandoned the struggle for the betterment of Blacks in the United States for the idea of creating a Black state in Africa. This gradually led him to collaborate with the most reactionary anti-Black elements. Garvey's outspoken rejection of civil rights demands for Blacks, coupled with a call for "Back to Africa!", drew acclaim from the Ku Klux Klan, so - called Anglo - Saxon clubs, and other white racist groups. They were quite happy with such a program, because it would weaken the resistance of African Americans to oppression and exploitation, and also allow them to put an end to the "Negro question" in the United States once and for all.
In early 1922, Garvey met with the head of the Ku Klux Klan, E. J. Clark, in Atlanta to find out if the klan could support the WAUPN program and help finance the departure of Negroes from the United States to Africa .61 The details of this meeting remained unknown, but the very fact that a prominent Black leader could collaborate with the head of the worst enemies of African Americans caused a storm of indignation among them. Dubois, who had previously spoken respectfully of the WAUPN leader as a "man of ideas," wrote in May 1924:: "Marcus Garvey is without a doubt the most dangerous enemy of the Black race in America and around the world. He's either a lunatic or a traitor. " 62 Former prominent figure of WAUPN U. Pickens also called Garvey "one of the worst enemies of his own race." 63 Garvey, however, did not mind. He became in contact with other Ku Klux Klan leaders, Colonel Simmons and Major Cox, who, at his request, appeared at Liberty Hall in front of members of the WAUPN and praised its leader in every possible way. In addition, he began negotiations with one of the leaders of the Anglo-Saxon clubs, the racist J. R. R. Tolkien. Powell and racist congressmen from southern states.
Speaking at Liberty Hall in October 1925, Powell, like Simmons and Cox, expressed his approval of the "Back to Africa!" movement and the WAUPN program to preserve the "racial purity" of whites and blacks. Cox even dedicated a pamphlet to Garvey, calling him "a martyr to the struggle for the independence and integrity of the Negro race." 64 Garvey, in turn, expressed his admiration for people like Cox and Powell. "I view the klan, Anglo - Saxon clubs, and white American societies," he said in response to criticism, " as better friends of my race than all the other hypocritical white groups combined... You can call me a klansman if you want, but when it comes to the social, economic, and political competition of the Negro with the whites, then potentially every white person is a klansman, and lying here will not do any good. " 65
58 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, p. 3.
59 "Communist", June 1930, p. 549.
60 Cit. by: W. Foster. Op. ed., p. 585.
61 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. П, pp. 260 - 261; "Defender", 8.VII.1922; "New York Times", 3.II.1923.
62 "Crisis", vol. XXVIII, 1924, pp. 8 - 9.
63 "Defender", 26.IV.1924; T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 191 - 192, 209 - 211.
64 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, pp. 339 - 349. After Garvey was expelled from the United States in 1927, some white Southern racists argued for allowing him to return to the United States.
55 Ibid., p. 71.
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In fact, Garvey believed that the worse the situation of Blacks in the United States became, the more willing they would be to listen to his calls. "Lynchings and racial pogroms," he explained frankly, "work for us, showing the Negro that he must either create his own civilization or remain forever the victim of the white man." 66 His closest associate, McGuire, also claimed that the Ku Klux Klan's campaign of intimidation and violence is pouring water on Garvey's mill, driving anxious Negroes to WAUPN67 . While Garvey gradually adopted the attitude of cooperation and begging for handouts from the worst enemies of the Negro workers, he also tried to convince them that their most dangerous rival and competitor was the white union worker. On the contrary, the white capitalist is their best friend, because in the pursuit of profit, he is happy to use the Negro for lower wages than to pay a white worker connected with the union. Therefore, if a Negro wants to have a job, he must agree to lower wages for his work. Garvey thus opposed union with white workers and unions .68 Recalling that among the Negro leaders "there were people who believed that a policy of reconciliation with the exploiters could do more for the Negro people than an open fight against them," W. Forster wrote: "Booker T. Washington was the first prominent exponent of such views, Marcus Garvey-the second." 69
As Garvey drifted more and more toward bourgeois nationalism and the defense of the interests of the Negro bourgeoisie, who were fighting for their "place in the sun," he began to assert that "capitalism is necessary for the progress of the world"; those who oppose it or fight against it are the enemies of advancing humanity. The only thing that is needed, in his opinion, is control over 70 corporations . Both the slogan "Africa for Africans!" formulated on the principle of the notorious "Monroe Doctrine" (not accidentally supplemented with the words "at home and abroad") and the demands for "freedom of trade" and "freedom of the seas" in the WAUPN "Declaration of Rights" were associated with the ambitious plans of the black bourgeoisie of the United States. "Why," Garvey asked, " can't Africa give the world its own black Rockefeller, Rothschild, and Henry Ford? Now there are opportunities for this, and Negroes must succeed in business. " 71 At the same time, Garvey openly stated that he did not want to have anything to do with either socialism or communism, since the leaders of these movements are white. "What is the overall racial difference between a white Communist, a Republican, or a Democrat?" "he asked a question and warned that the Communists were even more dangerous to Negroes than all the other white organizations." 72 And if Garvey initially took a friendly position towards Soviet Russia, then later he turned into a fierce opponent of the USSR.
W. Foster attributes Garvey's political transformation and capitulation to the lull in the post-war struggle of the American working class and the decline of the powerful revolutionary movement that shook Europe in the early post-war years. 73 This is undoubtedly true. As the history of the national movements of the imperialist era has shown, a number of extreme nationalists in different countries of the world have made this kind of political evolution. It is quite true that such figures who oppose the rapprochement of nations are ready to "turn the whole world into a system of isolated ghettos"; "they don't mind the barbed wire, as long as the thorns stick out in the other direction. It is not surprising that in many respects they are practically aligned with the great-power Black Hundreds. " 74
Garvey's success was ephemeral and fleeting. This is due to many reasons, and above all to the fact that Garvey's narrow-racial, nationalistic approach
66 Cit. by: E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., p. 159.
67 "Defender", 16.VIII.1924.
68 "Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, p. 69.
69 W. Foster. Op. ed., p. 693.
uo " Philosophy and Opinions...". P. II, p. 72. A private person, in his opinion, should not own a capital of more than $ 1 million, and a corporation - more than $ 5 million.
71 Ibid., p. 68.
72 Ibid., pp. 69-70, 333-334; E. S. Fax. Op. cit., p. 148.
73 W. Foster. Op. ed., p. 584.
74 I. Cohn. Dialectics of the development of nations. "Novy mir", 1970, N 3. p. 141.
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the approach to solving the "Negro question" contradicted the objective process of developing the self-consciousness of African Americans in the United States. Garvey's attempt to erect high racial walls between black and white Americans did not at all correspond to the aspirations of a significant part of the black "middle class", that is, the Black intelligentsia and the bourgeoisie, to break down racial barriers and become an equal part of American society. Their hostility to WAUPN was only compounded by Garvey's persistent desire to discredit the mulattoes who dominated these social strata of African Americans, in order to set them against the "pure" Negroes. With the exception of individual members of the Negro bourgeoisie, WAUPN did not receive any major financial support from this class as a whole .75 For the vast majority of African-American working people, while the "Back to Africa!" program provided a seemingly easy way out for the oppressed, discriminated against, and disillusioned Black masses, it was not a real answer to their concerns. By demonstrating the appeal of slogans of ethnic solidarity and self-determination as a means of protest and struggle against oppression, discrimination, white racism, and chauvinism, it also served to obscure the fact that by the twentieth century, North American Negroes had no connection with Africa and African culture, and few of them were going to "return" to the Africa that they had previously described. they had only the vaguest idea.
In essence, Garvey was calling on African Americans to give up their rights, although incomplete, but won by the heroic struggle of many generations, and give everything that was created by their hard work, sweat and blood, to the supporters of "white supremacy." Only a very, very few people were willing to do this and then agree to the hard life associated with the settlement, development and colonization of a foreign and unfamiliar country. Having reduced to zero much of what was progressive and potentially valuable in its original program that had helped improve the situation of African Americans, Garvizm was unable to come up with a real alternative to the harsh living conditions of the oppressed Negro masses, and its program began to increasingly conflict with their interests. By refusing to cooperate with "white" organizations (with the exception of extreme right-wing organizations like the Ku Klux Klan and Anglo-Saxon clubs), Garvey also lost support from Black radical elements. As a result, his movement began to rapidly decline and after a few years came to naught.
The split of the WAUPN and the departure of Garvey's most prominent associates from it only accelerated the finale, although until his death there were still two rival organizations under this name: one under the leadership of Garvey himself, and the other, separate, in the United States, led by L. Francis (in 1940 there were only 700 people in it)76 . In the 1930s and 1940s, the movement broke up into a number of small organizations and groups of a nationalist nature that borrowed certain provisions of Garvism. The only relatively numerous organization that has survived to this day is the Nation of Islam. However, unlike WAUPN, it declares its intention to create a Black state not in Africa, but on the territory of the United States, and for this purpose requires the allocation of one or more states .77 At the same time, although Garvey never set foot in Africa, his ideas have had a significant impact on shaping the views of many modern African leaders. This is evidenced by k. Nkrumah, K. Kaunda, J. Kenyatta and others
75 E. F. Frazier. Black Bourgeoisie. N. Y. 1965, pp. 121 - 122; E. D. Cronon. Op. cit., p. 221; E. S. Redkey. Black Exodus. New Haven, p. 300; H. Cruse. The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual. N. Y. 1967, pp. 431 - 498.
76 G. Myrdal. An American Dilemma. The Negro Problem in Modern Democracy. N. Y. 1944, pp. 812 - 813.
77 See about it: E. U. Essien-Udom. Black Nationalism. Chicago. 1962, pp. 4, 33- 35, 67 - 69, 122 - 142, 166 - 167; A. Bontemps, J. Conroy. They Seek a City. Garden City. 1945, pp. 176 - 183; E. Muhammad. Message to the Blackman. Chicago. 1965, pp. 1 - 29, 173 - 175. In the early 1960s, one of the leaders of the Nation of Islam, M. X, also wrote about the influence exerted on him by M. Garvey (E. C. Fax. Op. cit., pp. XX, 279, 287-288).
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participants in the struggle of the peoples of the African continent for freedom and independence. Some modern preachers of pan-Africanism borrow mainly reactionary elements from Garvey's ideological heritage, which are reflected, in particular , in the concept of "negitude"78, while others rely on more progressive ideas.
In the United States, where in the late 60s and early 70s nationalist and separatist tendencies in the Negro movement were revived again, a group of neo-Linguistic theorists also appeared: S. Carmichael, E. Cleaver, H. Newton, I. A. Baraka, R. Innis, D. Foreman, D. Boggs, etc. Although there are some differences between their theories, they all share a narrow racial approach to social phenomena, militant Black nationalism, and separatism. They see the Black liberation movement in both Africa and the United States only as a struggle of the black race, rejecting class distinctions in capitalist society and considering all whites a hostile camp .79 In doing so, they are condemning the struggle of black Americans to defeat, because their true liberation from oppression and discrimination is possible only in alliance with the white working people of America under common progressive slogans.
78 "Philosophy and Opinions...", pp. XXIII-XXV; T. G. Vincent. Op. cit., pp. 245 - 247.
79 See: G. Winston. Strategy of struggle of the black population, Moscow, 1975; O. N. Mitrokhin. The Negro movement in the USA: Ideology and Practice, Moscow, 1974.
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