The Slavic population of the Russian North is geographically surrounded by historically established areas of settlement of peoples belonging to the Finno-Ugric language group, which includes the Baltic-Finnish, Sami, Volga and Perm subgroups, as well as the Nenets belonging to the Samoyedic group.

In the north-west, the Russian-speaking region borders on the territories inhabited by the Sami (Lapps), Karelians, Finns, Izhora, and Veps; along the northern border there are Nenets nomads; along the eastern border there live (from north to south) Komi-Zyryans, Komi-Permyaks, and Udmurts; in the Middle and Lower Kama region, their territory merges with the ethnic the area of the Mari people (Cheremis).

In the language and culture of the Russian population, a substratum complex can be traced back to the ancient interethnic contacts of Russians with the autochthonous population, which eventually dissolved into the Russian ethnic group.

Russians have particularly strong cultural ties with the Komi, Karelians, and Veps, as well as with dispersed groups of Finno-Russian-speaking peoples outside the main area. These contacts contributed to the mutual enrichment of cultural traditions, including in the sphere of religious and mythological representations and ritual practices. Interethnic interaction, which spanned more than a thousand years in time, was so deep and versatile that today it is impossible to determine with reliable accuracy which elements of spiritual (often material) culture are "originally Russian" and which are borrowed by the Slavs from the peoples of the Finno-Ugric group (undoubtedly, there was a feedback). One of the most difficult problems is the extent of mutual influence in the sphere of mythology, and in particular in the field of sacred symbolism.

The cross is one of the oldest sacred signs in the world's mytho-epic and religious systems; the main symbol of Christianity. Roadside, memorial, poklonnye, votive crosses had the status of local shrines (Belova, 2002). Often they could serve as village shrines, functionally identical to the venerated stones, springs and trees [Panchenko, 1998, p. 183].

Being a key symbol of the Christian faith, the cross is the most important element that demonstrates the involvement of a particular ethno-cultural group in it. Among the aspects related to the cult and ritual sphere and aimed at the sacralization of the inhabited landscape, the tradition of building wooden crosses stands out. Roadside or votive crosses are a very common phenomenon among the Slavic population of Eastern Europe [Speransky, 1895; Hristov, 2002; etc.]. The fact of worshiping such shrines (wooden and stone) is quite well known both in European Russia [Shlyapkin, 1907; Panchenko, 1998; etc.] and in the United States. Siberia [Lyubimova and Golubkova, 2000].

The tradition of building wooden crosses has become widespread in the Russian North. Located on the sea coast and on the outskirts of villages, they are unique monuments of traditional folk culture. Crosses, whose height sometimes reached 8 m, were built on uninhabited territories.

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on the northern islands, on the coast of the White and Barents Seas (Boyarsky, 2001; Stolyarov, 2001; Yasinsky and Ovsyannikov, 2003, pp. 336-352). Placed on stone mounds in the Solovetsky Archipelago, they were clearly visible from the sea (Fomin, 1797, p. 13, 92). Often crosses were placed on agricultural or commercial territories - fields or fishing camps [Ovsyannikov and Chukova, 1989, p. 47; Filin and Frizin, 2001, p. 166-174; etc.]. They were both votive crosses placed by peasants or seafarers as a sign of gratitude to the Lord for salvation, successful fishing, etc., as well as monuments to lost fishermen, as well as navigation signs and lighthouses (Dmitrieva, 1986; Ovsyannikov and Yasinsky, 1995; Filin and Frizin, 2001). Crosses could be boundary markers [Yanshina, 1998, p. 337], roadside signs [Kurilov, 2004, p. 71-72], monuments of the presence of historical figures in this area [Kritsky, 1988], or mark places that are somehow connected with legendary characters [Yashkina, 1998, p.346-350].

The custom of installing votive wooden crosses is also known to the Komi-Zyryans (Ovsyannikov and Yasinsky, 1995, p. 36; Smirnova and Chuvyurov, 2002). The formation of the Komi people dates back to the X-XIV centuries; its ethnic basis was the Vychegodskaya Permian tribes inhabiting the Upper and Middle Kama region [Zherebtsov, 1982, p. 23, 26 et seq.]. The process of settlement and registration of the ethnic territory of the Komi-Zyryans covered the XIV-XIX centuries, and settlement beyond its borders - the XVII-XX centuries. early XX century The development of the Pechora basin by the Komi and Russians took place mainly in the XVIII-XIX centuries. In the 17th century, there were only three settlements on the lower Pechora: the town of Pustozersk, which appeared at the beginning of the 16th century, Ust-Tsilemskaya Sloboda, founded by a Novgorodian in 1544-1545, and Izhma, which appeared between 1568 and 1575. Izhemskaya Sloboda remained the only Komi settlement here for a long time. Only at the end of the XVIII century. around it appeared Mokhcha, Gam, Sizyabsk, Bakur and Moshyuga. Then izhemtsy began to settle on Pechora. In general, the subethnic group of Izhma Komi was formed on the basis of Russian immigrants from Ust-Tsilma, Komi-Zyryans with Vyms, Udora, Sysola and other places. Among them, there were several Nenets clans that settled and mixed with the Komi and Russians [Ibid., p. 78 - 80]. In the second quarter of the 19th century, the Lower Ob region was settled by Izhma reindeer herders who had previously roamed the eastern foothills of the Urals and the Lower Ob basin. This process, which took place at a rapid pace, served as the basis for the creation of an ethno-territorial group of the Ob Komi. The main centers of its settlement in the 19th and early 20th centuries were the villages of Saranpaul, Muzhi, and the town of Berezov [Ibid., p. 180; Konakov and Kotov, 1991, p. 51-52].

During field studies in the settlements of the northern Komi-Izhemtsy living along the lower course of the Izhma River (Sizyabsk village, Bakur village, El village of the Izhemsky district of the Komi Republic-PMA* 2003) and in the Lower Ob region (Berezovo village of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Muzhi settlements, Ovgort of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District of the Tyumen Region-PMA 2004), votive and poklonnye wooden crosses were recorded, as well as legends and traditions associated with them.

One of the most notable wooden crosses of the Izhma Komi Republic, which is associated with many legends, is located in the Northern Urals, on a hill a few kilometers from the village. Men. According to the recollections of old-timers, it was installed by the first Izhma colonists of the Northern Ob region to commemorate the crossing of the Urals. "People went to Siberia from Izhma, from the Komi Republic. Many families with their reindeer and sheep crossed the Urals. A lot of people came here. And we went up the mountain here. And they saw the river. The river means that the mountains end, and soon the village will be there. And in this place they put a cross" (PMA, pos. Men). It was made of birch: the branches were cut down, the trunk was hewn and the crossbar was nailed (Ibid.).

Poklonny cross, which stood on one of the highest mountains of the Northern Urals (until the 50s of the XX century) between Izhma and the village. Men, marked the middle of the road of the Izhma settlers who came to Western Siberia. Near it, reindeer herders stopped to rest, prayed, offered sacrifices (bread, alcohol) and drank vodka from copper bells, removing them from the deer (Ibid.).

The sacralization of the territory is associated with the apotropaic functions of the cross. The Komi-Zyryans of the Lower Ob region had an idea that evil spirits could not cross the Ural Ridge. "There (on Izhma) it always seemed strange for some reason. Whether the evil spirit does not pass beyond the Urals. They always said there were different cases. But this is different. Evil spirits could not cross the Urals" (Ibid.). Accordingly, the cross installed on the top also marked the landscape-mythological border. The numerous legends associated with this cross represent a methodical appeal to its protective functions. Some legends tell us that the cross, despite repeated destruction, was always restored to its original place. In the first half of the XX century. (the exact date is not set) there was a strong forest fire that threatened to spread to the village. Men. The villagers gathered together and walked towards the Urals-to the top where the wooden cross used to stand, erected by the first Izhma migrants in Siberia (by that time it had fallen). After reaching this place (on a hill, above

* Author's field materials.

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R. Yugan), people began to pray. The wind picked up, driving black clouds, and heavy rain poured down, instantly extinguishing the fire that was already approaching the Men. After that, a new wooden cross was built, which stood for several decades. Now there is another cross, erected in the 1990s (Ibid.).

At various times, the cross remained a local object of pilgrimage: "Behind the Men there was a cross, on the highest place, on the way to Tiltim, the Cross stands in a clearing in the middle of the forest, behind it-the tundra. We went to the cross to pray"; " When grandmothers go to the cross to pray, they rest there, eat. The clearing there is clean. Cloudberry grows in summer. The clearing is large, with a good view of the cross on the mountain. We always stopped and rested in that clearing"; " One woman was very ill. My legs were sore. She said: "If God allows, I will cross the Yugan in the summer, sit on my knees and go to the cross on my knees." So she got up to the cross on her knees. And people followed, watched, so as not to deceive, went on her knees. She was walking for herself , so who are you kidding? She then lived for many years and walked on her feet" (Ibid.).

In the village of Sizyabsk in the Izhma district of the Komi Republic, on the territory of one of the estates on the outskirts of the village, by the road, in 2003 there was a wooden six-pointed cross (Fig. 1), to which many small multicolored scraps with crosses sewn on them were pinned (Fig. 2, 3). The cross is old (built at the beginning of the XX century), already leaning; it was supported by the wall of the barn. According to local residents, there used to be several wooden crosses around the village, which closed the roads leading to the village, preventing evil spirits (leshaks), "walking" dead people, and protecting them from pestilence and livestock deaths. Over time, they collapsed, and this cross also fell. But a few years later, it was raised and installed near the place where it used to stand-by the road leading to the old cemetery.

According to informants, crosses were sewn on scraps by women and pinned to a wooden cross in order to prevent the impending misfortune (fatal disease, cattle pestilence), to enlist the patronage of higher forces in any important matter. This process was accompanied by prayers and requests for healing, sending down all sorts of benefits. The cross was called Panteleimon*, which indicates its role as a worshipful and protecting from diseases (St. Panteleimon in popular Orthodoxy gained popularity as a healer). It is possible that it was originally built on a votive basis, like most crosses in rural areas (Yasinski and Ovsyannikov, 2003, p. 343). However, the circumstances related to its construction could not be clarified due to the statute of limitations of events. It is known that back in the 1950s there were six crosses in Sizyabsk. They were located at three entrances to the village (three, two and one)**. Locals remember that the crosses had names (most likely, also after the names of saints), but over time they were forgotten.

Sizyabsky Panteleimon's cross, in addition to these functions, also served as a rural amulet, preventing evil spirits and "walking" dead people from entering the village (stories about their adventures and attempts to harm people are common among local residents). "The place where the cross now stands used to be the end of the village. Then there is a road to the old cemetery (part of it has already gone under the new buildings of the village. - O. G.). The cross was installed so that the dead could not enter the village and harm living people" (PMA, Sizyabsk village).

Similar crosses were installed in other Izhma villages. According to residents of the village of Bakur, in the 1920s there was a loss of livestock. Having gathered, the villagers put up a wooden cross on the outskirts of the village, on the high bank of the Kurya River. After that, the cattle plague stopped. The villagers went to the cross to pray and made various requests. It stood until the end of the 1940s (PMA, D. Bakur).

The tradition of constructing votive crosses on the occasion of disasters and in order to avoid them was also preserved among the Komi-Izhemians who moved to Western Siberia in the middle of the XIX century. In the village. Saranpaul (one of the largest Komi settlements on the eastern side of the Urals) until the mid-20th century. there were two wooden crosses with a height of approx. 2 m: in the center of the village and on the outskirts, near the road leading to the forest. One of them was delivered during a deer epidemic, after which the cattle plague stopped (PMA, pos. Berezovo). In 1919, the Tobolsk traveler G. M. Dmitriev-Sadovnikov, passing through Saranpaul, wrote in his diary: "Among the village there is a large decorated cross with a roof, icons, surrounded by a fence" [2000, p. 16]. Until the end of the 1940s in the center of the village. Muji was a wooden four-pointed cross with a gable roof, as high as a man. The area where he was located was enclosed by a palisade fence. It was also built on the occasion of the death of deer in the 1910s (PMA, pos. Men).

The custom of installing or restoring votive crosses still exists today, undergoing a modern modification. For example, in d. A few years ago, a wooden six-pointed cross with a gable roof (fig. 4) was installed on the territory of the village.

* According to the field materials kindly provided by Yu. A. Krasheninnikova, Researcher at the Institute of Language, Literature and History of the Komi Scientific Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

** See the previous note.

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1. Cross in the village of Sizyabsk.

2. Fragment of a cross in the village of Sizyabsk (middle part).

3. Fragment of a cross in the village of Sizyabsk (lower part).

4. Cross in the village of El.

estates of a young entrepreneur. The initiator was his mother. Earlier, in the years of her childhood (in the late 1930s and early 1940s), a wooden cross already stood near this place. Where my son's estate is now, there was the end of the village and no one lived. In the late 1990s, a family council decided to restore the ruined shrine. "'The cross is needed to make things go well. Everything was bad for him (his son). I prayed, promised God to put up a cross, which used to stand. I asked my son to install it. And everything was good in the family and at work " (GGMA, D. El).

In the Christian world, various types of crosses are known: undergarments, breastplates, altars, tombstones, crowning domes of churches, depicted on textiles, wooden or stone crosses in the landscape space system, etc. Cemetery crosses are most common in the cultural landscape. Some researchers have directly linked the origin of grave posts - and at the same time of roadside wooden crosses - with the ancient Slavic burials "on poles on paths" (Freiman, 1936; Dintzes, 1947). The custom of aboveground burials on pillars, which existed in the XI-XII centuries. among a number of East Slavic tribes, it was preserved for a long time as an element of protective magic [Orfinsky, 1998, p. 62]. Therefore, funeral pillars( pillars of the dead), and later genetically related pillars-chapels were installed at the entrances to villages and at road intersections [Ibid.]. At the same time, the development of types and forms of tombstones (including pillars, golbtsy, and crosses) is associated with the symbolism of the house [Ibid., pp. 62-63; Frizin, 2001, pp. 199-233]. Accordingly, the cross is a perfectly simplified model of the tomb, both in the Christian context (a sepulchral monument proclaiming victory over death and the hope of resurrection) and in the pagan context: its vertical shape is similar to that of a tomb.

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a part (pillar) is necessary for the transition to another world, and the roof symbolizes an otherworldly dwelling (Frizin, 2001, p. 226).

Grave structures and funerary rites tend to exhibit archaic forms and the most conservative religious beliefs. The peculiar attitude of the Izhma Komi to the cross, which does not fully correspond to the Christian cult, is reflected in the design of grave monuments in local cemeteries. Most of them are represented by wooden structures resembling pillars and pillars of various heights, or obelisks; there are anthropomorphic figures. "The cross could be considered both a symbol of the Christian faith and a dwelling place for the soul of the deceased at the same time" [Panchenko, 1998, p.193]. This statement can also be attributed to anthropomorphic monuments on graves. Coming to the cemetery, relatives talked with the deceased, turning their eyes to the grave structure, put food at its foot.

We should also mention the ban on placing metal objects in the coffin or on the grave (this was motivated by the fact that" demons in the next world attract everything metallic to themselves like a magnet"), even the metal cross of the deceased was replaced with a wooden one (Sharapov, 2001, pp. 300-303). Obviously, wooden tombstone structures and objects are associated with the ideas of the Komi people that after death the soul of a person enters a tree, and myths about the tree double of a person (Belitzer, 1958, p. 321, 322). This, in turn, echoes archaic Slavic rites, when a wooden stick or twig was sometimes stuck on the graves of the deceased before the cross was installed (Zavoiko, 1914, pp. 98-99).

Local residents explained the absence of crosses on some graves by saying that it is not customary to put a cross in the first year, because it "prevents the deceased from leaving the grave." "It is difficult for him (the deceased) to lie in the damp ground. He must first get used to Mother earth, so as not to immediately fall into darkness. Time must pass first. And after a year, he will completely leave us, then we can put an end to it" (PMA, D. Bakur). However, there were no crosses on many old graves either. Pillars and obelisks, in addition to being monuments to the deceased, also served as a kind of support for them: "when the deceased [from the grave] rises, he holds on to the pillar" (PMA, Bakur village, village. Ovgort). The tomb cross was also considered as an auxiliary tool for the final exit of the deceased from the earth-after the second coming of Christ: "After the second coming, when the end of the world begins, all the dead will come out of their graves. Crosses are placed on graves so that parents can hold on to them when they get up to meet Christ" (PMA, D. Bakur). According to these judgments, the cross prevents the deceased from leaving the grave and keeps him in the ground until the eschatological culmination-the moment of the second coming.

Thus, according to the ideas of the Izhma Komi, the deceased behave quite actively, especially in the first year after the funeral: when they go to another world, they do not break ties with this world, with their loved ones; they regularly get up, walk around the cemetery, communicate (both among themselves and with living relatives), they can visit their native home, but such visits are undesirable, except for memorial days, when parents are specially invited to eat (except for calendar parental days, it was customary for Izhma Zyryans to invite their deceased parents "for lunch" every Saturday and quite often visit the cemetery to communicate with their ancestors and "treat" them).

V. N. Belitzer wrote that at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, only well-to-do peasants placed grave crosses, while the rest were limited to simple posts that were cut with an axe, giving them the shape of a human figure [1958, p.329]. Among the Komi Old Believers, there was a belief that the cross on the grave was awarded only to very religious people who strictly observed the canons of the old faith (they should have earned it). The main mass of ordinary Old Believers was supposed to put a column with an icon embedded in it (with the image of Christ on men's tombstones or the Virgin on women's). Columns without images, with pommels ("cones") the burials of strangled persons and all those who did not die of natural causes and therefore are not worthy of holy icons were celebrated [Shurgin, 1996, p. 184]. The above field materials suggest that the reason for placing a cross or pillar on the grave is not the property or social status of the deceased, but religious views that go back to pre-Christian beliefs based on the cult of ancestors and allow them to walk on the earth after death. It should be emphasized that the attitude of Zyryans to this "fact "is neutral and positive, in contrast to the unambiguously negative reaction to the" appearance " of the dead, classified as hostages (Zelenin, 1995, p.39-88), equated with the undead. That is, wandering around the land of the buried dead and coming out of the grave of ancestors who died a natural death are phenomena of different orders.

In general, the Izhma Zyryans have an attitude towards the dead as living people. For example, it is forbidden to throw dirt on the coffin (to avoid this, plank walls are installed inside the grave and a roof is built over the coffin), because it is believed that the deceased may experience pain and fear (PMA, village of Bakur, village of Sizyabsk, villages of Muzhi, Ovgort). Sometimes

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a window is placed in the lid or wall of the coffin so that the deceased can "look" into this world (variant: "to make it light") [Belitser, 1958, p. 329] (similar views were recorded by Yu. A. Krasheninnikova in 2000-2003 among the Izhma Zyryans).

It is noteworthy that, according to popular beliefs, the activity of the dead with a negative status (unclean, mortgaged) is traditionally higher than that of the deceased ancestors [Zelenin, 1995, p. 39-88]. Therefore, in a society where faith in everyday and ubiquitous contacts with representatives of the other world is so strong (in particular, among the Komi-Izhemians), all sorts of amulets and rituals aimed at neutralizing evil representatives of the other world are logical and natural. Crosses placed at the entrances to villages were designed to keep out uninvited guests from the other world. First of all, people sought in this way to protect themselves from harmful spirits - evil spirits and the restless dead. The latter were credited with the ability to send diseases, livestock pestilence, drought, frost, crop failures [Ibid., pp. 39-140] - just those disasters, in order to avoid which it was customary to establish votive crosses.

The connection of crosses on the graves of ancestors with rites aimed at healing diseases is demonstrated by the materials of Yu. A. Trusman (St. Petersburg Province, the last quarter of the XIX century). On such crosses, local residents put offerings in the form of canvas rags, wool and money, which promised health and well - being [1885, pp. 193-194].

The construction of sacred crosses in the Izhma Komi region largely coincides with the East Slavic rites of making everyday towels and building ordinary churches, which are also aimed at combating epidemics (less often-with drought, hail, prolonged rain) [Zelenin, 1994]. In the event of a cattle pestilence, Belarusians would place a wooden cross by the road outside the village (which the men made in one night) and hang a towel on it (woven by the women in the same period), after which the widespread disease was expected to stop. The ceremonial towel hanging on the cross served as a direct barrier to illness and death: it was believed that death, reaching this barrier, could not cross it, turned aside and passed by [Ibid., pp. 195-196, 200-201].

Wooden crosses, richly decorated with woven towels, belts, and ribbons (called tax crosses), were placed in settlements and near roads all over Belarus [Belorusy, 1998, p. 256]. Occasional rituals performed collectively in extreme situations (during droughts, pestilences, and epidemics), directed at roadside and other types of crosses, were widely practiced in Belarus and Western Ukraine [Lysenko, 1998, p.182-184]. The most common form of vow was a promise to donate a piece of cloth or towel to the cross. Among the Russian population of the Arkhangelsk Province, it was a very common custom to put wooden crosses and pillars (which were called chapels) on the edges of streets, at the entrances to villages, on roads, intersections, in groves, etc. Often they were hung with "pieces of carved cloth, patterned cloth or canvas", on which crosses were embroidered (Efimenko, 1877, p. 32-33). High votive crosses on the Mezen were decorated with aprons, silk shawls, and dolls; money was placed here (Permilovskaya, 2001, p. 238).

Comparing the East Slavic rites associated with wooden crosses and the tradition of building crosses by the Izhma Komi people, as well as the custom of hanging rags with crosses sewn on them on Panteleimon's Cross in the village of Sizyabsk (see Figures 1-3), one cannot help noticing the obvious similarity. First, crosses were placed near roads, on rural outskirts. Secondly, they were built in case of livestock deaths. Third, scraps can be correlated to some extent with ordinary towels. Informants emphasized that crosses are sewn to rags, which are then pinned to the cross "with prayers and requests." In this case, obviously, there is a motif of secondary sacralization of flaps. It was believed that the fabric has a certain sacred status, which is enhanced when the image of the cross appears on it (and the crosses are not drawn, but embroidered or sewn, which can be correlated with the magic of needlework), and even more increases by joining a wooden cross - as a sacrifice placed on the altar, acquires absolute sanctity. If in East Slavic ritesif the ordinary canvas was prepared by all the women of the village, then here, probably, a local version is presented, which has an individual expression (when the pleas and requests relate not to the entire community, but to specific individuals), which is more consistent with the socio-cultural trend in the modern worldview.

In the Izhma Komi, the correlation of the scraps hung on the cross with the deceased is very conditionally indicated. During the interview, most residents of Sizyabsk did not connect this custom with the commemoration of the dead. However, along with numerous references to the apotropaic and" pleading "functions of scraps, a different opinion was also expressed:" Buy rags with crosses-mementos to those buried here from relatives who live far away and cannot visit their native graves. Passing by, strangers will see crosses, and from this the souls of the deceased feel that their relatives remember them" (PMA, Sizyabsk village). Perhaps, in the context of this statement, a judgment was made that preserved the rudiments of the oldest tradition of travelogue.

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burial sites. The dead, whose souls are scattered in the world around them, are embodied in the scraps dedicated to them-just as they are personified in tombstones, icons and photographs. Apparently, according to local residents, the dead look at the world through someone else's eyes - the eyes of passing people who looked at the cross and remembered them.

Despite the fact that this point of view was recorded only once, it is very interesting in terms of comparison with similar rituals of the Russian population. In the Novgorod Province, there was a custom to hang rags or towels with black or red crosses sewn on them on trees and roadside crosses. These towels and rags were previously nailed to the outer walls of houses within six weeks after the death of one of the household members "on the basis of the belief that the soul of the deceased arrives at its dwelling for forty days, washes with water and wipes with an embroidered towel" [Gerasimov, 1895, p.124]. To a certain extent, this custom echoes the tradition (ubiquitous among the Slavs and Finno-Ugrians) of leaving towels on tombstones, as well as the Komi custom of hanging out a clean towel when there is a dead person in the house, so that the soul, after washing, can dry itself. However, the text of M. K. Gerasimov specifies a specific time limit: the soul arrives at home before forty. It does not explain for whom the towels that are hung on roadside crosses after the fortieth day are intended.

According to popular Orthodox beliefs, on the fortieth day, the soul of the deceased said goodbye to relatives and home, finally passing into another world (it will visit its loved ones only on memorial days). Obviously, it became one of the family's guardian ancestors (if, of course, we were talking about the soul of a person who died of old age) [Sedakova, 2004, pp. 31-32]. Accordingly, the towels intended for the deceased had to be kept within the home space until the fortieth day,and after this period they were expelled from it. If the towel nailed to the wall of the house was intended for a specific soul-a recently deceased person, then, probably, after being removed to a roadside cross, its purpose was somewhat abstracted (for the entire host of ancestors). In this situation, an analogy can be seen with the personal (mainly textile) belongings of the deceased, which should also be disposed of within forty days. They were partially destroyed by burning or floating them [Ibid., pp. 52-54]. It was believed that in this way these objects fell into the afterlife. Another part of the deceased's belongings was distributed to relatives and neighbors - "for the memorial of the soul" (there was also a custom to lower the coffin into the grave on long pieces of canvas, which were later cut into small pieces-"towels" and divided among those who came to the funeral) [Ibid., pp. 203-204]. Here there is a motif of focus on continuing the life of the deceased in this world. Personal belongings of the deceased, pieces of cloth or other sacrificial items distributed to relatives were attributes of the deceased, replacing him in the world of the living. Perhaps, through such objects and the people who used them, souls could feel this world, just as they looked through the eyes of passers-by who saw crosses and memorial rags. And thus the soul was dissolved in society, which is necessary for its rebirth and a new arrival on earth. Until then, the souls of the dead visited this world when they were in the next world; they needed food and other paraphernalia, such as rags or towels.

On the one hand, the purpose of towels and rags was interpreted as a direct gift to the deceased (towels hung on grave monuments and fences, or scraps of "mementos" on a roadside cross). On the other hand, textiles were seen as amulets or sacrificial gifts designed to appease spirits and beg for help and patronage in some important enterprise. But even in this case, the addressee was representatives of the world of the dead: either the ancestors who died and became guardian spirits, or the hostages of the dead, from whose evil influence they defended themselves in two ways - by scaring or cajoling with gifts. For example, hanging pieces of cloth on trees - "a mermaid on a shirt" - was a rite widely spread in the Slavic world [Zelenin, 1995, p. 187]. Mermaids, who were considered to be the eternal dead, posed a certain danger to both people and crops (they could cause storms, rains and droughts) and demanded a redemptive sacrifice in the form of scraps, handkerchiefs, and scraps of canvas. A mermaid who received a generous gift could make a person happy and reward, for example, with a good flax harvest or "spore" (dexterity) in spinning, etc. [Shane, 1902, p. 317; Vinogradova, 1986, p. 102].

Thus, the purpose of the pieces of cloth with crosses hanging on crosses and trees becomes obvious: they are dedicated to the deceased.

Another symbol of the Christian cult - the crucifix - is adapted in a peculiar way by the Izhma Komi-Zyryans.

In the attic of a house in Bakur village in 2003, there was a fragment of a wooden crucifix (Figs. 5-9). Its base has been preserved - a sculptural image of Jesus Christ, made of wood and painted.

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Figure 5. Sculptural image of Jesus Christ (fragment of the crucifixion) in the village of Bakur.

6. Fragment of a wooden sculpture of Christ (D. Bakur).

7. Fragment of a wooden sculpture of Christ (D. Bakur).

Figure 8. Demonstration of clothing covering the statue (D. Bakur).

9. Demonstration of the sculpture of Christ (D. Bakur).

The cross is lost. Figure height approx. 110 - 120 cm. Body parts and facial features are proportional. The head is bowed and slightly lowered, the eyes are closed. The hands and feet are pierced with nails, and blood is shown streaming from the wounds. There are bloody smudges on the right side of the chest. The statue represents Christ undressed, wearing only a loincloth. The sculpture is made elegantly. Thoroughly worked out all the smallest details. Carefully and subtly carved facial features. The hair, moustache and beard stand out in relief, the ribs, naturalistically appearing through the skin, the smooth folds of the loincloth. This work can be dated approximately to the end of the XIX century.

The attic where the sculpture was stored was the upper part of a residential building. Half of this room was used as a warehouse for old furniture, gardening tools and various utensils, storage of dried herbs. In the brighter part of the attic-not far from the window - there was a statue surrounded by icons. It stood on a small pedestal covered with towels and handkerchiefs. At the feet were candles placed on a saucer and in a tin can (see Figure 7). There, in a vase, were candles and a bread bagel, covered with a piece of paper. Thus, this part of the attic was a makeshift altar, the central shrine of which was a fragment of the crucifix.

The curator of the statue Olga Semenovna Kaneva told his story. When the church in Bakur was destroyed by Soviet order (the informant refers to this event as the end of the 1930s; according to other sources, this happened in the early 1950s), the crucifix was thrown out along with the icons. Religious people (such as in the village-

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research institutes were the majority) could not allow desecration of shrines, dismantled the images at home and carefully hid them. Olga Semyonovna's mother-in-law brought home a wooden sculpture of Jesus Christ, already separated from the cross. Later it was installed in the attic. Their house became a kind of center of worship of the statue, partly replacing the destroyed (and still not restored) temple. People came to pray to Christ, put up candles, and made various requests. In most cases, they asked for the healing of sick relatives or the successful outcome of any businesses. Most often, women came, even if it was about begging for success in men's activities (hunting, reindeer husbandry); they asked for good luck for their men - husbands, sons, fathers and brothers. They usually vowed that in the event of a happy outcome, they would bestow Christ. The statue was given handkerchiefs, towels and clothes," treated " with cakes and bread, and candles were lit.

In the late 1950s, a villager's husband and two sons left for the tundra and did not return on time. A worried woman came to the statue and began to pray to Christ for the return of her relatives. She made a vow that if her husband and sons survived, Christ would receive a beautiful shirt as a gift (until that time, the statue had not yet been dressed). The next day, the husband and sons came home unharmed. As a token of gratitude, the woman sewed a shirt and dressed the sculpture in it. I embroidered a cross on the front of my shirt. Later, other villagers began to make similar vows and in case of healing from serious illnesses or returning from the taiga of lost people, they gave Christ new clothes.

In the summer of 2003, the sculpture was dressed in two shirts with crosses sewn in the form of an application (see Figures 8, 9). A large pocket was sewn to the hem of the upper shirt (made of colored fabric). A pewter cross is worn around the neck. Handkerchiefs and towels placed at the feet of the statue are also decorated with embroidery or applique in the form of a cross (in the center). Women came to the attic of the Kanevs ' house to pray. Candles were lit. Clothing was given infrequently - only in case of a successful outcome of particularly important cases concerning life and death. The number of shirts worn on the statue varied (from one to three). When the clothes became dilapidated, they were exchanged for new ones. Sometimes Christ was presented with fresh clothes for a short time, then the shirts were worn one on top of the other. If the "shirts were worn out" and no one brought clothes as a gift for a long time, the hostess of the house sewed a new garment herself.

In essence, the crucifix (even a fragment of it) is a cross. The Christian religion has very harmoniously accepted the ancient solar symbolism of the cross and thoroughly contaminated it with its own creed. Folk Orthodoxy, which absorbed many pagan traditions, using this symbol, raised other, more ancient layers of religious worldview from the depths of consciousness. The cross was perceived not only as an instrument of Christ's execution and a symbol of his resurrection, but also as an original solar sign, protecting against dark forces hostile to nature and man. In this regard, Christ, depicted as crucified on the cross, could also act as a patron spirit. The connection between the death and resurrection of the Lord and the cross interweaves Christian and pagan symbolism: as a solar sign, the cross represents the idea of rebirth and eternal life, of opposing the forces of darkness.

Handkerchiefs and towels with embroidered (or sewn) crosses brought to Christ as a gift, in fact, can be a modification of scraps pinned on a roadside cross or hung on trees.

So, the facts presented here open up another option for adapting the Christian cult. In the ritual and folklore complex and ritual practice of the Izhma Komi, elements of various mythological representations are clearly manifested, the emergence of which stretched over time and was associated with different religious systems. At the same time, the same symbolism is preserved. The cross is a unique model for research in this area.

The idea of installing the votive cross was obviously adopted by the Komi-Zyryans from the Russian population, as evidenced by numerous examples of the construction of such crosses in the Slavic world. In addition, according to the reports of priests of the Arkhangelsk Province of 1880, at that time they existed in all parishes, and in a considerable number (for example, in the Zachachyevsky parish of the Kholmogorsky UYEZD there were 22 crosses) [Ovsyannikov and Yasinsky, 1995, pp. 28-37]. In this connection, it is noteworthy that the largest number of crosses were located near Russian or Pomeranian villages or where the Russian population was predominant. Only two crosses are recorded near the village of Izhma: "One is located in the front of the village, at the crossroads, in all likelihood, according to the ancient custom, crosses were arranged in such places. The other is behind the village, in a meadow" [Ibid., p. 36].

Thus, the Christian symbol was organically connected with the pagan beliefs of the Komi-Zyryans. The organic nature of such combinations, on the one hand, indicates a certain degree of universality of the components of both early mythological and developed religious symbols.-

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It is possible to assume that the tradition of establishing crosses and related sacrifices is close to similar pre-Christian rites of the Komi Republic. First of all, this is the cult of trees, common among the Finno-Russian-speaking peoples. In the ritual and household sphere of Komi-Zyryans, both sacred trees that protect the entire rural community and its territory, and personal guardian trees are known. In addition, trees on a grave or cemetery, according to their ideas, could be both monuments to the dead, and a means of communication between living people and the dead or spirits of another world (Sharapov, 1993).

List of key informants

Anastasia Zakharovna Anufrieva, born in 1925, the village of Muzhi (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District)

Arteev Iosif Vasilyevich, born in 1929, the village. Muzhi (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District)

Anastasia Arteeva, born in 1920, Sizyabsk village (Komi Republic)

Arteeva Praskovya Akimovna, born in 1931, El village (Komi Republic)

Velyaminova Anna Ananyevna, born in 1932, the village. Ovgort (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District)

Zinaida P. Vokueva, Sizyabsk village (Komi Republic)

Kanev Philipp Andreevich, born in 1929, village Berezovo (KhMAO)

Olga S. Kaneva, born in 1931, Bakur village (Komi Republic)

Klodepshikova Luiza Aleksandrovna, born in 1930, Bakur village (Komi Republic)

Popova Anna Dmitrievna, born in 1929, the village. Muzhi (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District)

Terentyeva Elizaveta Ivanovna, born in 1934, Bakur village (Komi Republic)

Terentyeva Klavdiya Vasilyevna, born in 1927, Bakur village (Komi Republic)

Filippova Margarita Iosifovna, born in 1934, the village. Ovgort (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District)

Khozyainova Anna Fyodorovna, born in 1925, village. Muzhi (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District)

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 25.07.2005.

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