Previous articles have described folklore and mythological themes common to North America, Central Asia, and Siberia (Berezkin, 2003a; 2005a, b). They relate to the deeds of heroes and the origin of constellations. Since there are practically no such stories in Central and South America, it can be assumed that migrants from different cultures participated in the settlement of the New World. This is evidenced by the Indian cosmogonic texts considered in this article.

Texts classified as cosmogonic tell us how the world came into being and how the ancestors of its current inhabitants ended up in it. Texts of this kind everywhere form the sacred core of narrative traditions [Berezkin, 2005a; Berezkin, 2005]. The first part of the article describes the American versions of the myth of extracting land from the bottom of the sea, and the second part describes the myth of the first ancestors coming out of the ground. The discrepancy in the areas of these plots is an argument in favor of the fact that the carriers of the corresponding mythological traditions came to the New World from different regions of Eurasia.

The plot of "land diver" - American versions

Narratives about the origin of land from grains of solid substance brought from the lower world are typical for South Asia, Siberia, Eastern Europe, and North America (Fig. 1) (Vasilkov, 2006; Kuznetsova, 1998; Napolskikh, 1991; Count, 1952; Dundes, 1962; Köngäs, 1960; Prasad, 1989). Rooth, 1957; Walk, 1933]. In Northern Eurasia and America, it's not just about going down to the lower world, but about diving characters under water. In the myths of the Aleuts and Eskimos, there are no parallels to this story.

It is well known that the myth of the land diver is North American, while it is almost nonexistent in South America. However, the incompatibility of this fact with the recently prevailing and still not completely rejected hypothesis of a single origin of the "Amerinds" is poorly understood. According to this hypothesis, all Indians are descendants of a single group of early settlers, and only the ancestors of native speakers of Na-Dene languages (Atapaski, Iyak, and Tlingit) came from Asia later (Greenberg, Turner, and Zegura, 1986). We will try to show that the myth of getting land from the bottom of the sea was brought by migrants who entered the New World independently of both the ancestors of the South American Indians and the ancestors of the Tlingit and Athapascans.

This does not mean that the northern Athapascans do not know the plot of "the diver". Among the groups familiar with it are Koyukon and upper kuskokwim, kuchin, upper tanana, southern tutchone (about north-

* The work was carried out on the basis of the electronic Catalog of folklore and mythological motifs with the support of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (projects 04-06-80238, 07-06-00441-a), the program of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences "Adaptation of peoples and cultures to changes in the natural environment, social and technological transformations" and INTAS (project 05-10000008-7922).

For a summary and sources of texts, see: http://www.rathenia.ru/folklore/berezkin.

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Figure 1. Map of the global distribution of cosmogonic plots "diver for the earth" and "exit of people from the lower world". 1-extraction of land from the lower world; 2-the first people come out of the ground, from a stone, cave, tree trunk; 3-people grow out of the ground like grass (without details).

no data available), Tagish (including those who have switched to Tlingit), Kaska, Beaver, Haa, Dogrib, Slevi, Chipewayan, Yellowknife, quarry [Bancroft, 1875, p. 96; Birket-Smith, 1930, p. 83, 87; Cruickshank, 1992, p. 44; Dahnhardt, 1907, S. 85; Goddard P. E., 1916, p. 256-257; Honigmann, 1949, p. 214; Jenness, 1934, p. 141-143; Jones E., 1983, p. 129-133; Lowie, 1912, p. 187, 195; McClelland, 1987, p. 253 - 254; McKennan, 1959, p. 190; 1965, p. 103-104; Petitot, 1886, p. 146 - 149, 316 - 319, 373 - 378; Ridington, 1981, p. 354; 1988, p. 117-121; Rooth, 1971, p. 182, 205; Schmitter, 1910, p. 21; Smelcer, 1992, p. 124-125; Teit, 1917, p. 441-442]. There is, however, a noticeable lack of plot for ingalik, tanain, tanan, and atn, who live in southern Alaska [Campbell, 1997, p. 110-111; Foster M. K., 1996, p. 74-75; Harcus, 1998, p. 74]. The Athapascans, who settled in the first millennium BC from Western Canada, penetrated here later than in other areas of the Subarctic; who lived in Alaska before them is not known. Taltan and Tsetsot, whose territories were adjacent to the Tlingit coastal strip of Southeastern Alaska, also do not have a" diver". On the southwestern edge of the Northatapaskan ethno-linguistic massif, the plot is not recorded among the Chilcotins (their mythology is generally peculiar due to the influence of the Salish [Pokotylo and Mitchell, 1998, p. 89-93]). The "diver" was most likely known to the Sarsi Indians of Alberta, a breakaway group from Beaver that adopted the culture of the Plains Indians. The versions recorded in Sarsi around 100 BC may have been native or borrowed from their neighbors, the Blackfeet, the Algonquian language (Curtis, 1976, vol. 18, p. 180-182; Simms, 1904, p. 180-182).

According to the cosmogonic myths of most northern Athapascans, during a flood, the Creator sends freshwater mammals and waterfowl to bring earth from the ocean floor. Some are unable to complete an assignment; successful divers include duck (in casca), pintail (chipewayan), beaver (in haa), but more often muskrat. Sometimes there is no sender; the animals act on their own initiative. With the participation of aquatic mammals in the role of divers, the plot is presented at koyukon, upper kuskokwim, Kuchin, kaska, beaver, haa, slevi, dogrib, yellowknife. In Chipewayans and in one of the two variants in beavers, all divers, successful and unsuccessful, are birds (loon, duck, teal, pintail).

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A geographically isolated version of the plot is recorded in the south-east of Alaska and in the adjacent areas of Canada near the upper Tanana, southern Tutchone and Tagish. Raven-trickster and demiurge-grabs the child of the " sea woman "(fish or female sea lion) and returns the baby to the mother when she brings the earth from the bottom. Among the neighboring Tlingit, a fishwoman promises to become the Raven's wife if he creates the land. At his request, a seal and a frog bring sand from the bottom (Smelcer, 1992, p. 7-8). In the Hyde myth of the Queen Charlotte Islands, a raven is thrown from the sky. Chomga invites him under the water. There the Raven receives a pebble, puts it on the water, and it turns into islands [Swanton, 1905, p. 110-111]. If the Haida language belonged to the na-dene group, these versions could probably be associated with the ancestors of this language family. But the idea of such a relationship is controversial, and without Hyde, the hypothesis of a continental origin of the rest of the na-dene does not fully agree with the abundance of marine realities in the relevant texts.

In the east of the forest zone of North America, the plot "diver" is represented by the Indians of the Algonquian family. The Great Lakes region is considered to be the probable ancestral home of the Algonquian languages (in contrast to the broader association of Algonquian and Ritwa) [Foster M. K., 1996, p. 99; Goddard L., 2001, p. 77-78]. The Blackfeet language was the first to break away from this core, followed by the languages of the Sheyens, Arapaho and Grovantres, the Cree and Montagnier - Naskapi, Shawnee, Miami and Illinoy. These languages spread west (northern and central Great Plains regions), north and northeast (taiga and forest tundra of Central and Eastern Canada), and south (deciduous forests and woodlands in the Mississippi and Ohio basins). Later than others, the eastern Algonquins left the Great Lakes region. At the time of the arrival of Europeans, they lived in the territory from Nova Scotia to North Carolina.

The plot of "the diver" is represented in the cosmogonic myths of all the central, western and northern Algonquins, namely the Blackfeet, Grovantre, Arapaho, Sheyens, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, Potahuatomi, Montagnier and Naskapi [Cooper, 1975, p. 435-436; Dorsey G. A., 1903, p. 191-204; Dorsey G. A., Kroeber, 1903, p. 1-6, 14-17; Fraser, 1990, p. 32-35; Greer, 2000, p. 29; Jones W., 1901, p. 226-235; 1907, p. 337-379; Kroeber, 1907b, p. 59-61; Latorre F. A., Latorre D. L., 1976, p. 261-262; Maclean, 1893, p. 165; Milkman, 1993, p. 22-23; Pokagon, 1986, p. 242-243; Savard, 1979, p. 28-32; Skinner, 1924, p. 332-333; Skinner and Satterlee, 1915, p. 255-260; Wissler and Duvall, 1908, p. 19], as well as all Ojibwachippewa groups and Crees, including the Ottawa and Sault Steppes [Ahenakew, 1929, p. 320-327; Barnouw, 1977, p. 38-41, 64-69; Blackwood, 1929, p. 323-328; Bloomfield, 1930, p. 16-20; Chamberlain, 1891, p. 204 - 205; Dahnhardt, 1907, S. 82; Grinnell, 1907, p. 170; Howard, 1965, p. 4-5; Josselin de Jong, 1913, S. 12-16; Radin, 1914, p. 19-21; Radin and Reagan, 1928, p. 62-76; Ray, Stevens, 1971, p. 20-26; Simms, 1906, p. 337; Skinner, 1911, p. 83, 173 - 175; 1916, p. 341 - 346, 350; 1919, p. 283 - 288; Speck, 1915, p. 34 - 38; Swindlehurst, 1905, p. 139]. According to the myths of the forest belt Algonquins and the recently infiltrated Prairie Crees and Ojibwa Steppes on the northeastern edge of the Great Plains, the lone trickster demiurge sends freshwater mammals and, more rarely, waterfowl to get the land out of the water. The first (usually beaver, otter, loon) do not reach the goal, the last (muskrat, less often beaver) brings grains of earth from the bottom, the demiurge creates dry land. Among the Kickapoos west of Oz. Eri, there's a turtle diving over the ground. The similarity with the main Athapaskan version is shown not only in the species of divers (beaver, muskrat), but also in the image of their sender. The demiurge trickster in this role is typical of the Alaskan Athapascans: it is either a Raven (at Koyukon, upper Kuskokwim, upper Tanana, southern tutchone, tagish), or a certain Jeteaquoint (at Kuchin), whose adventures repeat in detail the adventures of the Ojibwa trickster.

In the myths of the Algonquins of the Great Plains (blackfeet, Grovantre, Sheyens, Arapaho), a certain character (sometimes the same trickster demiurge as the forest Algonquins) sends freshwater mammals, waterfowl, and a turtle after the land. Mammals predominate in more northern mythologies, while birds and turtles predominate in southern ones. The mythology of the Algonquian groups that lived south of New Jersey is not known at all, but the mythology of the Maya and Illina, whose territory was located south of Lake Baikal. Michigan and on the middle Mississippi, are known only sketchily. "Diver" in several versions recorded in the Delaware area of New York. In their myths, the loon, otter, beaver, muskrat get the land out of the water. The loon is successful, but more often the muskrat; they place the earth on the turtle's back. The sender is either missing, or it's the same trickster demiurge as the Ojibwa. The extant version of the Shawnee Algonquins that lived in the Ohio Basin is probably borrowed from the Indians of the American Southeast (see below). The Eastern Algonquins, who inhabited the territory north of Connecticut, recorded many mythological texts in the XIX - XX centuries, but there are no myths with cosmogonic themes among them. Other stories are similar to Central Algonquian and Iroquois.

The Iroquois of the Great Lakes region in the United States and Canada have recorded 25 similar versions of" diver " (Fenton, 1962). Unlike the Athapaskan and Algonquian myths, where characters usually reach for land

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After the flood, the northern Iroquois versions refer to its primary origin. Divers are beaver, duck, muskrat, mink, toad or frog, successful-duck, toad or frog, mink, but in most cases muskrat. The ground is placed on the turtle's back. Sometimes the turtle itself sends animals to bring mud from the bottom; the sender, as a rule, is absent. Among the Tuscarora Iroquois, who recently moved to the Great Lakes region from North Carolina, some sea monsters reach the ground from the bottom. The plot of "the diver" is also known to the southern Iroquois (Southern Appalachian Cherokees), but one of their versions, like the Shawnee version, is close to the version typical of the American Southeast (see below), and the authenticity of the second is not certain.

Another language family whose representatives had cosmogonic myths based on the plot of "the diver" is the Sioux. The Sioux languages are distantly related to the Catawba language of South Carolina. The Tutelo, Biloxi, and Ofo languages, the most distinct among the Sioux proper, were also localized east of the Mississippi. It is assumed, therefore, that the Sioux-Catawba ancestral homeland was located in the Ohio basin, and these languages began to penetrate the Great Plains in the second half of the first millennium AD.

First on the Plains were the Crow (from which the Hidatsa split off much later) and Mandan. The approximate time of divergence between the Mandan and Crow-Hidatsa languages is 1.5 - 2 thousand years, and between these groups and the rest of the Sioux (without Catawba) - 2-3 thousand years [Parks and Rankin, 2001, p. 104]. In the myths of these Indians, two creators meet on the surface of the waters, after which one of them tells the duck to dive. Having received land from it, each of the creators creates its own half of the land, which differs from the other in relief and other features [Beckwith, 1938, p. 1 - 2, 7 - 9, 15; Bowers, 1950, p. 347-348, 361-364; Lowie, 1918, p. 14-18; 1960, p. 195-209]. Since this motif is weakly expressed in crow, it can be assumed that the authors of the image of the two creators were mandan, and Hidatsa was influenced by them.

Among the other Sioux, the myth of the diver is recorded mainly in representatives of the Dakota group (Santee, Teton, Assiniboine), although these records are rare [Erdoes and Ortiz, 1984, p. 496-499; Lowie, 1909, p. 100-101; Meeker, 1901, p. 161-163; Skinner, 1920, p. 273-278]. The other two groups, the Degiha and the Chivera-Winnebago, do not have this myth; it is found only in the Iowas (Dorsey J. O., 1892, p. 300) and possibly in the Quopo (Dahnhardt, 1909, p.88). It is possible that he was known only to members of secret societies [Meeker, 1901, p. 161-163]. The lack of records of the myth from Omaha and Ponca, Oto, Osage and Winnebago is unlikely, however, due to the incompleteness of the data, since the majority of these groups have known cosmogonic plots. Only the Missouri and Kansa myths are completely lost.

Most Indians of the Caddo language family in the southern and central Plains do not have a "diver". The exception is arikara. Around 500 BC, they moved north and allied with Mandan and Hidatsa (Park, 2001, p. 366). The main version of "diver" recorded among Arikara is clearly borrowed from the latter [Dorsey G. A., 1904, p. 11]. Another version does not fully meet the definition of the motif (during a flood, the duck takes the mosquito under its wing, reaches the bottom, and the water disappears [Grinnell, 1893, p. 123]).

A geographically isolated version of the" diver " came from the Shoshone-speaking Bannocks in southern Idaho (Clark, 1966, p. 172-174). It does not differ from the usual Athapaskan and Algonquian. During the flood, the Creator tells the beaver to dive, then the muskrat, which brings silt; the Creator creates dry land. The Shoshoni or Taka languages form one of the branches of the northern group of Uto-Aztec languages. They were common in the historical and cultural area of the Great Basin. The "diver" was not known to other peoples of this area.

A large area of the plot is located in California. Waterfowl, turtle, and frog dive behind the ground. There are no successful mammalian divers, but in one of the yokuts texts, the list of unsuccessful ones begins with a beaver and an otter. The plot of diving for land is recorded mainly among the peoples of the Penuti macrofamily. It is not certain that the two branches of the California Penuti are really related to each other [Callaghan, 2001], but both clearly came to California at a time when there were already Native Americans whose languages belong to the Khok macrofamily (its composition is also disputed among linguists) [Callaghan, 1992; Campbell, 1997, p 130; DeLancey and Golla, 1997; Lathrap and Troike, 1988, p. 99-100]. All other languages believed to be related to Penuti are located north of California. Most speakers of these languages do not have the myth of getting land from the bottom of the sea.

Among the Penuti peoples, the "diver" is recorded in Yokuts, Miwok, Vintu, Patwin, Maidu, and Salinan (Barrett, 1919, p. 4-5; Curtis, 1976, vol. 14, p. 173-176; Dixon, 1902, p. 39-40; DuBois and Demetracopoulou, 1931, p. 287; Edmonds, Clark, 1989, p. 133-136; Gayton, Newman, 1940, p. 38-40, 53-59; Kroeber, 1907a, p. 202, 204 - 205, 209 - 211, 218 - 219, 229 - 231; 1932, p. 304-305; Mason, 1912, p. 190; 1918, p. 82, 105; Merriam, 1993, p. 203-205; Rogers and Gayton, 1944, p. 192]. In addition, it is recorded in tubatulabal, western mono, and kawayisu [Gifford, 1923, p. 305-306; Voegelin, 1935,

* This is an Arkansas version that doesn't have a reliable ethnic attribution.

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p. 209 - 211; Zigmond, 1980, p. 27 - 28]. These three Uto-Aztec groups are located to the southeast of Yokuts, and it is very likely that the plot was borrowed from the latter. Other North American Uto-Aztecs (except for the mentioned Bannocks on the opposite edge of the Shoshone language range) did not know this story. The situation on the northern edge of the California range of the "diver" is similar. There, this myth was once recorded among the Pomo (Hok macrofamily) Indians bordering Penuti (Vintu).

In California myths, as in the Mandan and hidatsa myths, there are two creators. One sends a diver to bring the land, the other is present, then both participate in the arrangement of the land. Less often, both creators are the senders; the second, negative one, becomes active after the earth has already been created. Sometimes one of the two characters discussing a land-mining plan brings it in himself. For example:

Maidu. The Sky Chief sends the turtle to the bottom. On the second attempt, she brings the earth under her claws. The Heavenly Leader places what he has brought on the water, and the land grows. The Speaker-through-the-Nose competes with the Heavenly Leader in creating people, and as a result, they become mortals [Curtis, 1976, vol. 14, p. 173-176].

Mountain miwok. The frog suggests that the Coyote create the earth. Coyote is looking for the best diver. Two types of ducks and a water snake do not reach the bottom. Then the Frog itself brings two handfuls of sand; the Coyote scatters it, and the earth appears [Barrett, 1919, p. 4-5].

Northern jokuts. In the beginning, there is water everywhere. Beaver, otter, three types of ducks do not reach the bottom. The fourth duck, the smallest, grabs sand from the bottom, rising, loses it. However, some sand remains under her fingernails. The duck gives half the sand to the Falcon, half to the Raven. Both fly, scatter sand, and the ground appears below. The Raven creates the Coastal Ridge, and the Falcon creates the Central Ridge (Kroeber, 1907a, p. 204-205).

Western mono. A falcon and a raven are swimming on a log. The falcon tells the birds to dive, get the ground. The duck and coot do not sink; the chomga comes up dead, the Falcon and Raven revive it, find grains of sand under its knees, scatter them on the water, and dry land emerges from them [Gifford, 1923, p. 305-306].

In the Pacific regions of North America, from Northern California to southern British Columbia, the "land diver" motif occurs sporadically. Some recordings are known only by a brief reference to archival materials. The myths of Bellacoola, Chinook, and Molala, as well as the two southern coastal Salish groups, are similar to those of the Athapaskan and Algonquian: freshwater mammals are sent for land; muskrat succeeds [Adamson, 1934, p. 1-3; Ballard, 1929, p. 50-51; Boas, 1940, p. 440]. waterfowl are divers in the nootka and kwakiutl, but also (in the kwakiutl) the seal, and the Raven is the sender [Boas, 1895, S. 172-173; 1910, p. 223-225; Smelcer, 1992, p. 7-8]. In the peripheral version of modoc, on the border of Oregon and California, the Creator himself dives behind the earth [Marriott, Rachlin, 1968, p. 28-29]. Most of the Indians who inhabited the Plateau and the south of the Northwest Coast did not know the myth of diving for land.

In the southeastern United States, myths based on the "land diver" motif are recorded from the mouth of the Mississippi River to Kentucky, namely, Shawnee (Algonquian), Tuskegee (no data on the original language; later switched to the creek language of the Muskogee family), Yuchi (distantly related, apparently, to the Sioux-Catawba), Cherokee (southern Iroquois), Alabama and Coasati (Muskogee), Chitimacha (isolate) [Edmonds and Clark, 1989, p. 284; Duncan, 1998, p. 40-43; Gatschet, 1893, p. 279-280; Martin, 1977, p. 2-3; Mooney, 1900, p. 239; Speck, 1909, p. 103-104; Swanton, 1911, p. 356; Trowbridge, 1939, p. 60; Voegelin, 1936, p. 9-10]. The cosmogonic myths of the inhabitants of the South-East are not well known; there is no information even about the languages of a number of groups; it is impossible to determine which peoples were the main carriers of the plot here. In all versions, the only or successful diver is cancer. Only in the teal, according to a record from the beginning of the 20th century, it is a floating beetle, and according to a recent record, it is a turtle. The latter option could be the result of the informant's acquaintance with the cosmogonic myths of the Northern Iroquois, which were repeatedly published in popular publications. Either there are no losers in the myths of the Southeast, or they are the same as in the Great Lakes region-loon, frog, beaver. Versions with the extraction of land from primary waters are more common than with the extraction of it during the flood.

In Northwestern Mexico, the Uto-Aztec Varigio (Gentry, 1963, p.133) and possibly the Seri (Hoc macrofamily) have a plot with minimal details (A. A. Borodatova, personal communication). In the South

* In the traditions of southern British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, the "diver" motif is also present in non-cosmogonic narratives about retrieving a drowned character or part of his body (shuswap, Thompson, okanagon, klikitat, yakima, and takelma) [Beavert, 1974, p. 3-8; Hill-Tout, 1911, p. 158 - 161; Jacobs M., 1934, p. 47-53; Sapir, 1909, p. 64-70; Teit, 1898, p. 64-66; 1909, p. 675-677]. Among the successful divers - loon, turtle, frog, muskrat, among the unsuccessful-swan, goose, duck, jay, mink, otter. In the Salish tillamook, the muskrat dives for the stolen sun [Jacobs E. D., Jacobs M., 1959, p. 83-84].

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Figure 2. Map of the documented and possible distribution of the "land diver" story in North America during the era of European contacts. 1 - was known; 2-not recorded, but may have been known; 3 - was not known; 4-approximate boundary of the Laurentian and Cordillera ice sheets at the end of the Pleistocene (date to 14 C-ca. 12 KA BP).

In America, it is found in two cosmogonic myths of Northwestern Amazonia - in Sion-secoy (Cipolletti, 1988, p. 57-58; Vickers, 1989, p. 158) and (without details) in Letuam (Palma, 1984, p.51). In addition, in Central and northern South America, near the Guatuso of Costa Rica, the yupa of the south of Northeastern Colombia, and the Wapishan of Guiana, diving is associated not with reaching the ground, but with the destruction of the barrier that prevents the waters from subsiding [Constela Umana, 1993, p. 51, 148-149; Wilbert, 1974, p. 78; Wirth, 1950, p. 171-172]. In Makushi (Wapishan's neighbors), the sun is extracted from the river bottom (Soares Diniz, 1971, p. 82). The divers in these cases are anthropomorphic characters, waterfowl (in seri and wapishan) and armadillo (in yup and sion-sekoy). In the Jupiter myth, a turtle and a caiman dive with an armadillo. In lethuam and varigio, the creators themselves sink to the bottom behind the earth, but the myth of Zion-secoy is similar to typical North American ones - the Creator sends an animal to bring the earth.

It remains to mention the southern Athapaskan Navajo. Their ancestors in the Canadian taiga were most likely familiar with the story of mining land from the bottom of the sea. Having moved to Arizona, where this myth is unknown, the Navajo adopted the local cosmogonic plot, preserving a fragment from the previous one: before the flood, the First Person fills the bag with earth from the four sacred mountains, but forgets to take the bag with him, so he sends a kingfisher or heron to dive for it [Goddard P. E., 1933, p. 130; O'Bryan, 1956, p. 9].

Probable time when the "diver" storyline entered America

Map of the occurrence of the myth of getting land from the bottom of the sea (Fig. 2) suggests, it would seem, that the plot extended from Central Alaska to the southeast along the Rocky Mountains. It penetrated to the west of the continental divide in separate migrations and therefore remained in separate enclaves. While the flow of migrants moved through Central Alaska and into the North American mainland, the groups in the vanguard were the first to leave Asia; in the New World, they went the farthest and retained the earliest set of motifs. Those in the rear were the last to leave Asia and brought later motifs to America. In favor of this reconstruction, there is a parallel between the myths about the land diver in the southeastern United States (i.e., the farthest from Alaska and ancient Beringia) and the myths of those Asian peoples whose territories are also the most remote from Beringia. In the myths of the American Southeast, invertebrates bring the earth, which do not appear in this role in other traditions of the New World. However, it is these creatures, including insects and crustaceans, that bring earth from the lower world in the myths of the non-Aryan peoples of South and Southeast Asia.

This reconstruction does not take into account, however, the configuration of the territory that could have been developed by the Paleoindians. If the story is of Asian origin, it must have entered America via Alaska, but the center of distribution of the extant versions must have been located to the south of the glacier.

The specific motif of the American versions of the myth is muskrat and other freshwater mammals as divers. In North America, it is found in all historical and cultural areas, but the degree of prevalence of the motif varies. Variants with aquatic mammals as divers predominate in the taiga and forest-tundra zone, which during the period of settlement of the continent remained the same.

* Semangi, shany, birkhor, munda, sora, baiga, gonda, agaria [Zograf, 1971, p. 7; Kudinova and Kudinov, 1995, p. 29-30; Evans, 1937, p. 159-160; Elwin, 1939, p. 308-316; 1949, p. 27 - 28; 1950, p. 135-136; 1954, p. 426, 433; 1958, p. 21-22; Fuchs, 1952, p. 608-617; Hermanns, 1949, p. 835; Playfair, 1990, p. 82-83; Roy, 1912, p. v-vi; Soppitt, 1885, p. 32.

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uninhabited. It includes the Canadian Shield to the north of the Great Lakes and the eastern zone of the Mackenzie Basin, later released from ice by other territories. People began to settle these lands only in the VII-VI millennium BC, and Quebec and Labrador-even later. The first settlers moved here from the south and west, as evidenced by the distribution of the Aegean Basin tips characteristic of the end of the Paleoindean epoch (Noble, 1981, p. 97; Wright, 1981, fig. 2). In the Great Plains and adjacent areas of the Rocky Mountains and the Midwest, the Aegean Basin dates from the very end of the Pleistocene to the beginning of the Holocene (Huckell and Judge, 2006, p. 160-162). Perhaps it was the creators of this culture who brought the myth of the diver with them to more northern areas.

In any case, the popularity of the "diver" motif in areas ranging from Labrador and the Great Lakes to the Mackenzie Basin is a consequence of its late spread in a homogeneous natural and cultural environment. The forms of economic adaptation of the first inhabitants of the Canadian taiga and forest tundra did not change fundamentally until the arrival of Europeans (Noble, 1981; Wright, 1981). Since there was no earlier population in these areas, the "progenitor effect"could not but play a significant role in the selection of cultural forms. In this case, the predominance of mammals among divers, the relative rarity of birds, and the absence of frogs are probably related to it. In the same territories with a more complex and long cultural history, where the plot "the diver" appeared early, it was not preserved everywhere, and its local versions evolved differently, giving a greater variety of options.

In American myths, in addition to the beaver and muskrat, waterfowl, a frog and a turtle act as a diver. Birds are mentioned as often as muskrats, and in California and in the Missouri basin they predominate. The turtle and the frog, which is close to it in folk mythological classifications, usually dive behind the ground along with birds and are known in this role everywhere except in the Subarctic. Although in most Northern Eurasian myths waterfowl are the only zoomorphic divers, among the Buryats, Mongols, and Eastern Evenks (as well as the inhabitants of the Balkans), a frog or turtle is also a diver, along with or without birds. These South Siberian-Trans-Baikal myths resemble the Tibetan myth (Hermanns, 1949, p. 833). Both in Asia and in America, the turtle in some cases is both a diver for the earth and its embodiment, support.

Almost all North American versions are similar in structure to each other and to Siberian ones. In the myths of North America and Siberia, two or more animal characters play the role of a diver, but only the latter manages to bring land. They do this at the suggestion of the sender, who is usually a demiurge. Variants where only one character dives or the sender is missing are also found on both continents, but they are distributed haphazardly, without connection to specific language families or territories. The reduced versions, according to which the demiurge himself gets the earth from the bottom (modoc, varigio, letuama), reflect the degradation of the plot in an alien ethno-cultural environment. The myths of the inhabitants of the coast of Southern Alaska (Tlingit, Tagish, etc.) may go back to a special Asian source, but the corresponding texts are too few for far-reaching assumptions. Both the Siberian and North American versions differ from the South Asian ones, in which the diving motif is not developed and insignificant - although the characters go down to the lower world for land, this descent itself does not cause difficulties. It cannot be ruled out that the image of the invertebrate diver in the myths of the American Southeast is brought from Asia, but since this motif does not combine with other motifs specific to Indian myths, a random coincidence is possible.

As for the image of the sender, in Indian myths it is represented by two main types of characters. In the north, the sender is the trickster demiurge, and in California and the Missouri basin, the myth has two creators. This difference, however, does not apply only to the "diver" plot and does not areally correlate with it. Trickster demiurge is typical of Northeast Asia and western Alaska, where the "diver" plot is absent. The motif of two creators among the Indians is hardly related to those Siberian and Eastern European narratives, according to which the creator's competitor in the form of a waterfowl is sent to the bottom to get the earth. There are some parallels, however, in the Western Evenki versions. In them, at the beginning of the story, both creators are on the surface of the waters and one of them sends a bird to the bottom. For example:

Kiren Evenks. There were two brothers in the upper world. The eldest told the duck to dive to the bottom of Lake Baikal to get sand. Junior put a leaf on the water and earth on it. The wind caused the leaf to crumple in folds, creating mountains (Evenki Skazki, 1952, p. 49).

Mandan. A lonely Man walks on the waters, meets the First Creator. Both ask the diver to get mud from under the water. The Lone Person gives half of the land brought by the dive to the First Creator, and creates a flat country east of the Missouri. The first Creator creates hilly land to the west (Bowers, 1950, p. 361-364).

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The "diver" motif, although not familiar to the earliest migrants to the New World, penetrated America before the disappearance of the Laurentian Ice Sheet. The presence of isolated South American records and the absence of a plot in Northeast Asia and western Alaska suggest that the plot is related to a fairly early migration episode. The similarity of the versions recorded in the Canadian taiga zone is explained by their late distribution from the south. It is unlikely that the myth is related to the origin of the na-dene languages. The motifs characteristic of the Athapascans are also represented in the Algonquins. A significant part of the Athapascans of Alaska and the Yukon do not have a "diver"; some of their representatives (Kuchin) may have recently borrowed it. However, if the linguistic ancestors of the Algonquians are ca. If 4 thousand years AGO came to the Great Lakes region from the Plateau region (Berezkin, 2003b), then their connection with the "diver" is secondary. The image of the muskrat diver among some coastal Salish and Algonquins is not specific to these Indians and was hardly brought by the Algonquins from their ancestral homeland. It is more promising to see Penuti among the early carriers of the plot, as V. V. Napolskikh also wrote about [1991, pp. 117-118]. The ancient connection of the" diver " with the Sioux is doubtful: very many peoples of this family do not have a fixed motif, so the Mandan and Crow-hidats versions most likely go back to an earlier Missouri substrate. The original connection with the" diver " of the Iroquois is difficult to judge - the depth of divergence of the Iroquois languages is too small; the northern Iroquois penetrated from the south to the Great Lakes region only ca. 1 thousand years ago [Snow, 1995]. We can only say that the most important area of the plot was located between the Rocky Mountains and the Great Lakes. Whose linguistic ancestors lived there 12-10 thousand years AGO, it is unlikely that it will ever be known, although it would certainly be tempting to localize the ancestors of the California Penuti in this territory. If the images of not only waterfowl, but also turtles / frogs got into American myths from Asia (given the ecology of frogs, this is possible [Berezkin, 2005b, p. 259]), then the likely area from which the plot "diver" was brought to the New World was located where in the known myths about mining both birds and frogs operate on the land, i.e. in the Circumbaikalian region*.

Primary waters and the exit of people from the lower world

Many cosmogonic myths of the peoples of California and the Great Basin, although they do not contain the "diver" motif, are close to the subjects characteristic of Penuti. In Achomavi, Atsugewi, and central Pomo, the first ancestors, while creating our world, extract (although not from the bottom) a lump of solid matter and place it on primary waters or in some indefinite space [Angulo, 1928, p. 583-584; 1935, p. 234-238; Curtis, 1976, vol. 13, p. 206-210; Dixon, 1908, p. 159-170; Merriam, 1992, p. 1-3]. In the Wappo (Yuki language family), the mythical story begins with the fact that the flood waters descend and the Coyote creates people on earth (Radin, 1924, p. 45). At hoochnom (also yuki), the land that rises above the waters is thrown out by a mole digging a hole [Foster G. M., 1944, p. 232-233]. Within the Great Basin, primary waters that give way to land are described in the cosmogonic myths of the Paviotso, northern Paithot, and Mono Owen Valley, eastern Shoshoni, Chemeuwi, southern Paithot, and Utah (Curtis, 1976, vol. 15, p. 123-128; Kelly, 1938, p. 437-438; Laird, 1976, p. 148-149; Lowie, 1924, p. 1, 157-158; Mooney, 1896, p. 1050-1051; Saint Clair, 1909, p. 272-273; Steward, 1936, p. 364].

Nothing so clearly demonstrates the difference between the South and Central American cosmogonies and the North American ones as the unequal distribution of the motif of water primacy. For North America, from the Island of St. Lawrence to Western Mexico, our catalog contains representative data on 230-250 mythological traditions (the figure varies depending on whether some close traditions are counted together or separately). For South and Central America, the number of traditions is the same. But if on the first continent the motif of the primacy of waters is represented in more than half of the myths, then in the second-only in a tenth of them. Outside the New World, the water primacy motif seems to be completely absent in Australia, very rare in Africa, but common in Eurasia and Oceania. The proximity or remoteness of the place where the myth is recorded from the sea does not affect the occurrence of the motif. Rather, the absence of" primacy of waters " can be considered an archaic feature, the areal distribution of which sheds light on the process of formation of mythology over tens of thousands of years.

But if not only "diver", but also "primary waters" in the South and Central American

* The motif "dispute of animals about the duration of winter and summer, night and day", as well as the motif "diver", in the New World is typical mainly for North America [Berezkin, 2007, pp. 197-201]. At the same time, it is largely an alternative to the "diver" - it is not known to the California Penuti, it is represented among their northern and southern neighbors, it is very popular within the Great Basin, it is found among the Eskimos, and in Siberia it is common among the Sayan-Altai Turks (Altaians, Khakas, Tuvans). This picture corresponds to the assumption that several populations with a not entirely homogeneous culture, which were geographically separated from each other back in their ancestral homeland, penetrated into America from continental Siberia.

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If they are usually absent from the myths, then is there any other widespread plot-forming cosmological motif for these regions? A " candidate "for an alternative" diver " option is a story about the exit of the first ancestors from the lower world - a hole in the ground, a stone, a cave, a tree trunk. We are not talking about the appearance of the first pair of people or deities, but about a more specific motive for the simultaneous appearance on earth of many people, different in gender and age, which is associated with the formation of the appearance of the earth itself. The cosmogonic character of the plot is particularly pronounced at the northwestern tip of its American range, where the latter comes into contact with the area of the "diver".

In the tradition of the North American Southwest, the narrative of the first ancestors ' exit from the lower world is elaborated in great detail. It describes the search for trees that people (or people-animals) climb up, passing through several intermediate worlds on the way from the lowest to the earth's surface. The most complex versions are recorded among the Pueblo Indians of Arizona and New Mexico, who are the heirs of the ancient Anasazi tradition, as well as among the southern Athapascans, who came from Canada to the south about 500 BC, but adopted the traditions of the local population*. On the Great Plains, the Caddo family carries the same story. It is significant that only one version of the "diver" (probably borrowed from Mandan or hidats) has survived from Arikara, but ten narratives about the first ancestors ' coming out of the ground [Dorsey G. A., 1904, p. 12-35, 39-44; Gilmore, 1926, p. 188-193; Grinnell, 1893, p. 124-125]. Several myths of this kind are known among the Caddo proper, living on the border of Texas, Arkansas and Louisiana [Dorsey G. A., 1905, p. 7-13; Mooney, 1896, p. 1093-1094; Swanton, 1942, p. 26-27]. Wichita and Pawnee have no myths about either humans coming out of the ground or the diver.

It is impossible to mention all the versions in the article, so we will limit ourselves to data on their ranges (see Figure 1). Although the motifs "diver" and "exit of people from the lower world" do not logically exclude each other, they are never used in the same plots and are almost never found in the same traditions. All traditions that contain both motifs are located east of the Mississippi and in the central part of the Great Plains, i.e. along the southern border of the range of the "diver". In the Plains, they are native to the Mandan, Hidatsa, Arikara, Cheyenne and Teton, in the Atlantic zone - Delaware, in the Southeast-Alabama and Coasati. The motif of people leaving the lower world within the same border zone is noted in Omaha, Oto, Kiowa, Tonkawa, Caddo, Tunica, Avoel, Choctaw, Creek, Seminole. In addition, the Mi'kmaq text in the Northeast vaguely mentions that "people grew up like grass", and the Iroquois-Seneca in the XIX century recorded a unique version of people coming out of the ground, which is not related to the prevailing ideas about extracting land from the bottom of the sea [Archambault, 2006, p. 6]. All the Indians who lived north of the southern border of the "diver" range, except for the eight groups listed above, lack not only the motif of the appearance of many people from the lower world, but also the less specific motif of the appearance of a pair of first ancestors from earth, stone, wood, etc. and Canada is marked in 77 traditions, the Indians of Latin America - in four. The motif of people coming out of the lower world south of the border of the "diver" distribution (from Arizona to Patagonia) is noted in 73 traditions. The same motif is found among the Eskimos (Northern Alaska, Canada, Greenland), who, as it was emphasized, did not know the myth of extracting land from the bottom of the sea.

Native American cosmogonic myths with a diver and with a way out of the ground are not only localized differently in America, but also find parallels in different regions of the Old World. The continental occurrence of the "diver" motif and its absence within the Pacific rim of Asia are well known (the Chukchi, Koryak, Itelmen, Nivkh, Ulchi, Wilta, Orochi, Udege, Ainu, Japanese and more southern inhabitants do not have a"diver" motif). The motif of people coming out of the ground in continental Eurasian cosmogonic myths is practically not found. Almost all cosmogonic myths with this motif are located, in addition to Africa (12 traditions) and Ancient Sumer, in Australia (Aranda, Lake Eyre), Melanesia (Medjprat, Arandai-bintuni, Marind-anim, dugum dani, Porapora, Kukukuku, Keraki, Orokaiwa, Bining, Trobrians), Polynesia (Tuamotu, Marquises), non-Aryan India (Bhuya, Asur, Kond, Toda, Lushei, Minyong Ahor, Naga, Kuki), Indochina (Banar and other mountain Khmer islands), Taiwan and Indonesia (Vatubela Island, Kai Island, Tetum, Bunun, Paiwan). Within Northern and Central Eurasia, only one Selkup text mentions that "Ostyaks crawled out of a hummock in the ground" (Pelikh, 1972, p. 4). 342], and in one Nganasan, - that "people began to appear out of the ground" (Popov, 1984, p.42).

Many narratives about the penetration of people into the currently inhabited world contain characteristic features of-

* The number of publications on the mythology of these peoples is very large. For a bibliography on the Pueblo, see [Parsons, 1939]. For illustrative examples of southern Athapaskan texts, see, for example: [Matthews, 1994, p. 63-76; Mooney, 1898a, p. 198-199; O'Bryan, 1956, p. 3-10; Russel, 1898, p. 254-255; Stephens, 1930, p. 100 - 102].

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trouble. People coming out of the original container are threatened by a monster, or the monster comes out with people and blocks the exit. The path from one part of the world to another passes through a narrow opening. A certain character gets stuck in it, which permanently interrupts the connection between the worlds. The presence of these details is essential for comparing American and Asian cosmogonic myths. In the Old World, they are found only on the southeastern edge of Asia. Here is a summary of several texts recorded east and west of the Pacific Ocean:

Kondas (Dravidians of Central India). When half the people came out of the hole in the ground, a man-eating ox also appeared. The goddess smashed his head with a stick, and he fell backward, jamming the door. The remaining people could not get out [Elwin, 1954, p. 432].

Banar (mountain Khmer). People came out of the underworld through a hole in the ground. A buffalo with two heads got stuck in it and turned into a rock (Chesnov, 1982, p. 206).

Mejprat (Papuans of New Guinea). The first ancestor heard a noise from the trunk of a mango, opened the trunk with an axe, and people climbed out of the hole. A two-headed monster appeared behind them, but the first ancestor pushed it back and closed the hole [Elmberg, 1968, p. 269, 274-275].

Visayas (Philippines). People live in the sky, the hunter's arrow breaks through the firmament. People weave a rope, go down. The fat woman couldn't get through and stayed in the sky [Eugenio, 1994, p. 290-291].

Arikara. Hitting a hollow poplar tree, the bison people summon real people from the ground. They come out, and the buffalo men kill them. The young man manages to escape, he distributes bows to people, the bison people run, turn into bison [Dorsey G. A., 1904, p. 40-44].

Kiowa (southern Great Plains). The first ancestor takes people out into the world, releasing one at a time from a fallen hollow poplar tree. A pregnant woman gets stuck, and those who follow her cannot get up (Mooney, 1898b, p. 152-153).

Warrau (Orinoco estuary). People live in the sky, a person shoots an arrow, it pierces the sky. People descend the rope to the ground. A pregnant woman gets stuck, turns into a Morning Star [Wilbert, 1970, p. 216 - 220, 293 - 311].

Surui (Central Amazon). The first ancestor turns the house into a rock, people trapped inside call for help. Birds hollow out a hole, people come out, but the pregnant woman gets stuck. The woodpecker is unable to cut a new hole, and those who remain inside die [Mindlin, 1995, p. 62-65].

Caduveo (border between Brazil and Paraguay). God finds a hole in the ground, pulls out people and animals. A terrible beast devours those who come out. God kills the beast, distributes its fat among the animals [Wilbert and Simoneau, 1990, p. 21-22].

Conclusion

The plots of mining land from the bottom of the sea and people entering the earth from the lower world are connected with different cultural traditions. Their ranges almost do not overlap. The plot of "the land diver" is typical of Northern and Central Eurasia, and among the American and Asian versions there are many similar ones in detail. In America, this story most likely penetrated at the very end of the Pleistocene; the differentiation of its variants took place on the spot. It is very likely that in the final Pleistocene - early Holocene, the creators of the Aegean Basin tradition were familiar with the diver motif. Typical of Southern, Central, and southern North America, the story of people coming to earth from the lower world finds parallels in the mythologies of the Indo-Pacific rim of Asia.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 03.04.07.

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