Social evolution, its regularities and main characteristics have always been in the focus of attention of social scientists. One of the most influential theories of historical development was and still is Marxism, which gave rise to various neo-evolutionist theories of twentieth-century political anthropology. In contrast to "Soviet Marxism", which constantly emphasized the importance of class struggle and the actions of the social lower classes in the history of society, neo-evolutionist concepts paid primary attention to the activities of the upper classes, who established their power and domination and sought to consolidate it in ideological systems; an example of this approach is the theory of political evolution by E. Service " local group-tribe / community-chiefdom-state" [Service 1962, 1975].

The recently formulated theory of collective action aims to prove that "under certain conditions, state formation reflects rational agreements and mutually beneficial agreement between the rulers and the governed in the political community" [Blanton and Fargher, 2008, p. 11]; cf.: [Zakharov, 2010(2), pp. 383-392], which brings back to mind the classical theory of the social contract by D. Locke and J.-J. Russo. R. Blanton and L. Farger develop the concept of collective polity, built on the cooperation of individuals and groups of the political community. This article analyzes the applicability of the theory of collective action to the Java polities of the eighth and tenth centuries.

Keywords: collective action, formation of statehood, Ancient Java, inscriptions.

By collective politics, researchers mean a " complex society in which the government provides services ("public goods") in exchange for income, including labor, provided by willing taxpayers " [Blanton, Fargher, 2008, p. 13]. I will immediately note that any polity fits this definition, because it is impossible to imagine a political community divided into managers and managed, in which there would be no public goods provided by managers, and there would be no income provided by the managed.

The main sources of information about Ancient Java are inscriptions in Sanskrit and Old Javanese (Sarkar, 1971-1972; De Casparis, 1950; 1956; Brandes, 1913). They are monuments of official power and at first glance can hardly preserve information about the actions of the lower strata. However, in the Old Javanese inscriptions, the life of the Old Javanese wanua community is presented in some detail, as shown in the works of F. A. Shavkatsky. Van Naerssen and S. V. Kulland [Van Naerssen and De Jongh, 1977; Kulland, 1979 (1 - 2); 1982(1 - 2); 1992; 1993]. Without repeating the already known facts, I will focus on-

I will focus on identifying evidence of the active role of communities in interaction with the upper classes and try to answer the question of whether it is possible to speak of "rational agreements and mutually beneficial agreement between the rulers and the governed in the political community of Java".

One of the key problems of the theory of collective action is the separation of the concepts of group and collective action. R. Blanton and L. Farger did not deal with this. Collective action is often understood as the coordinated action of a group of individuals to achieve a common socially significant goal (people who have united for this purpose are called a collective) or the uniform behavior of many individuals united not by common norms and values, but by similar impressions and the same environmental impact (a concept from behaviorism). It is easy to understand that we are not able to explore the ancient Javanese impressions of their everyday environment - there are no sources.

A group in the broadest sense is understood as a set of individuals united by any common feature: common spatial and temporal existence, activity, economic, demographic, psychological and other characteristics. In this sense, we can talk about students, young people, Muscovites, believers, workers, teachers, etc. But it is possible to clarify the concept of a group due to the sign of direct and indirect social relations. Then there are small groups, experimental groups, reference groups, primary and secondary groups... In so far as action is purposeful, socially significant behavior (in M. Weber-human behavior, with which the acting individual connects some subjective meaning), group action is such purposeful behavior of individuals that involves them in direct and indirect relations and with which they connect some intersubjective meaning. In fact, this is the behavior that makes these individuals a group. An example is a student's party, which is usually aimed at having fun.

The above considerations may lead to the conclusion that collective and group action are one and the same thing. This is not entirely accurate. If we call a group any set of individuals united by any common feature, then it is extremely difficult to find an example of purposeful behavior that has an intersubjective meaning in different age or professional groups. Indeed, it is possible to talk about the performances of individual groups of students, but hardly about the performance of the entire student body; it is possible to talk about the prayer of individual believers in the church, but it is not possible to prove the single meaning of prayer for all believers.

A key feature of collective action is its consistency in achieving a common goal. A group action may be uncoordinated (separate speeches of representatives of pensioners). Collective action generates and / or forms the collective itself, ensuring its solidarity in the face of the environment. It can be assumed that collective action involves a certain type of mobilization of individuals, while group behavior may be rather amorphous and generally not look like a joint one in the case of a reference group: it is known that it includes people who are socially significant for the individual, who may not meet at all (and in theory do not even know about it). the existence of each other).

The ancient society of Java consisted of many social groups, distinguished by profession: farmers, warriors, gold and silversmiths, coppersmiths, foresters, heralds, musicians, priests, tax collectors, rulers... There were communities and community members, as well as people who were not part of the communities. Within communities, elders were distinguished (for more details, see [Kullanda, 1992, p. 143-147]). Is it possible to find evidence of the existence in Ancient Java of a coordinated action of a group of individuals to achieve a common goal?

Before suggesting possible answers to this question, it should be emphasized that Java has developed a local model of monarchy-kraton (literally "place/palace of the ruler"). The ruler had the title ratu - "king, (supreme) ruler", or maharaja [Wisseman Christie, 1983, p. 11; Kullanda, 1992, p. 79]. The kingdom consisted of several regions-principalities headed by raka - "princes", and rakarayan - "rulers" (Kullanda, 1992, p. 180). As shown by S. V. Kullanda, the borders of the watěk regions, which unite several Vanua communities, were mobile [Kullanda, 1992, pp. 137-138]. This makes one wonder again whether the craton was a state, because territorial division is one of the key signs of statehood. I am inclined to give a positive answer to this question, because, firstly, the administrative apparatus is well attested by inscriptions: already in the text from Kalasan 778, the tax collectors pangkur, tawān, and tirip appear [Zakharov, 2006, p. 116-117], and the Tulang Air I 850 inscription provides a detailed hierarchy of positions under the ruler [Sarkar, 1971, p. 115]; secondly, taxation was very developed, as indicated by the numerous names of taxes and the extensive apparatus of their collectors [Barrett Jones, 1984, p. 126-137] third, the mobility of the boundaries of the Vagayek region can hardly serve as an argument in favor of the absence of these regions themselves and can rather be interpreted in the sense that at a certain time there was a struggle for the expansion of their region by local princes (raka, Rakarayan).

Thus, the search for collective action in Ancient Java must take into account the inclusion of any group in the monarchical organization of power. Moreover, a strict distinction is desirable between a) individual actions, b) actions taken "on behalf" of a group (for example, a community), and c) actions involving representatives of different communities and creating a collective that is different from traditional social associations.

It seems appropriate to start by identifying those public goods that can be reflected in the available sources - monuments of official power by their nature. These are apparently tax disputes, land grants, including the provision of highly productive land (in Java - irrigated sawah rice fields), maintaining public safety, and building roads. A special place is occupied by court intrigues, about which some inscriptions give quite detailed information: for example, the inscription Vuatan Tija of 882 tells about the rebellion of the Prince of Landhaiyan against the king of Lokapala Kaiyuvanga [Sarkar, 1971, p. 250-261]. Many people participated in them, and it is possible to detect a collective action, although its true (subjective) goals may remain unclear.

The most important point of the theory of collective action, which emphasizes the rational nature of agreements between rulers and taxpayers, is the concept of bargaining between them over the amount of taxation and the volume of public services provided. Accordingly, the task of the researcher is to search for data on tax disputes in order to identify the form of participation of taxpayers in them.

One of the most famous ancient Javanese inscriptions, Mantyasih I 907, published by King Balitung (898-910), reports the exemption of land ownership from taxes, or the foundation of Sima  (for more details, see [Barrett Jones, 1984, p. 59-90]; cf. [Wisseman Christie, 1985]), in favor of the elders (patih) of the wanua community. The reason for such a grant from the king is the amount of taxes paid by the community to the royal wedding (sambandhanyan inanugrahān sangkā yan makwaih buatthaji iniwonya i  mahārāja kāla ni warangan haji, lines 5-6). In this case, of course, it was the elders who acted together, who received the royal favor and the right to dispose of the community's income without control.

An inscription from Palepangan in 906 contains a legal dispute over the taxation of the Palepangan community [Sarkar, 1972, p. 55-59; Kullanda, 1992, p. 146]. Tsarist official

(nayaka) taxed more land than the community had. The ramanta elders appealed to one of the highest dignitaries of the Mataram kingdom, rakryan mapatih i Hino (Barrett Jones, 1984, p. 99), to restore justice. Rakryan mapatih ordered to measure the community's land. As a result of the measurement, it turned out that the Palepangan community owns less land than the nayaka official indicated. Then rakryan mapatih set a lower amount of community tax. This case shows that communities, firstly, could defend their rights in the field of taxation, and, secondly, in some cases they could get a review of the actions of lower officials - here with the help of higher ones.

But there is also evidence of unsuccessful actions of the elders of the community in matters of taxation. The 891 Balingavan (Singasari) inscription states that in response to the request of the elders of Balingavan to exempt their community from taxes, i.e. to establish a Sima, the ruler (rakryan) of Mahulun region transferred the right to income from the community to the corporation of three tax collectors (sang mapatih katrini) [Sarkar, 1971, p. 295 - 306].

In all the cases considered, the community's elders speak on behalf of the community. Ordinary community members do not appear in these documents. In the case of Palepangan, it is possible to assume their interest in reducing taxes, but it remains unclear whether the elders of Palepangan acted with the support of the rest of the community or not. The Balingawan community was actually re-subordinated financially without the consent of its elders, and this can be interpreted as evidence of the arbitrariness of the Mahulun ruler and, accordingly, the community's inability to protect its status as a taxpayer responsible to the ruler (state taxpayer). It is important to emphasize that collective action in these inscriptions covers only the elders of the community and can hardly always be considered successful.

However, since we are talking about the Sima allocation ceremony, we should pay attention to one interesting fact: the participation of all members of the community from young to old. It has long been known that when land ownership was exempted from taxes, officials were given various gifts according to their status, and the very foundation of the Sima was witnessed by respectable people - neighbors and elders of neighboring communities, who also received gifts [Barrett Jones, 1984, p. 69-70]. But sometimes gifts and the right to participate in the festive feast were received by all other community members. The Lintakan inscription of 919 says that "the youth, men and women, received their share of silver in the amount of 1 atak and 1 kupang each" (ikanang rarai lakilaki waduan  pirak anātak anakupang winehan [Sarkar, 1972, p. 168, 176-III. 6]). The 928 Sangguran inscription contains a similar text: "Then, in accordance with their position, all the patikhas, wahuta, rama elders, kabayans, ¹ and all the elders of the neighboring places, old and young, men and women of low, middle and high status, without missing anyone, sat down to feast in a circle and received ready rice." [Sarkar, 1972, p. 242, 234 - verso, 39 - 41]. This can be interpreted both as a statement referring only to patikhs, vakhuts and elders, and as evidence of the participation of other community members in the meal. The latter assumption is probably supported by the mention of low, middle, and high status (kanisthamaddhamotama [Zoetmulder, 1982, p. 791]).

Hence, the founding of a Sim was a process involving many individuals. The presence of neighboring elders at this ceremony was necessary due to the division of land, some of which (the Sima proper) was exempt from taxation by the central government. The same circumstance explains the presence of

¹ In Old Javanese, patih and vakhuta mean a (higher) official, the former term may also mean a head, the former among others, while the latter means a priest; kabayaan means an elder (see Zoetmulder, 1982, p. 759, 1324, 2171). Therefore, let's assume the translation "officials, priests and elders". According to S. V. Kullanda, the lowest state officials from the members of the community, who managed their affairs and carried out communication with the central government, were called ramanta (Kullanda, 1992, p. 145). Among them, higher categories were distinguished: patikhas, nayyaks, and vakhuts (Kullanda, 1992, p. 145).

government officials. Ordinary community members appear at a ritual feast, confirming their consent to this transaction and thereby their membership in the community (for parallels with the sale of land plots in ancient Sumer, see [Yemelyanov, 2003, p. 48-49; Diakonov, 1983, p.174, 254-255]). This is the process of reproduction of the primary social group.

Is it possible to find evidence of state authorities granting highly productive land to taxpayers? J. Wisseman Christie believes that irrigation systems in Ancient Java were built and maintained by the communities themselves (Wisseman Christie, 1992; 2007). This theory seems to be supported by the almost complete silence of well-known inscriptions of the VIII-X centuries about the participation of the authorities in the construction of irrigation systems. But this is the case when the nature of the inscriptions-mainly the foundation of Shema-prevents extensive praises of the kings. The vast majority of Ancient Javanese inscriptions are legal documents, not manifestos and eulogies. However, it is not enough to say this. Let's turn to the facts.

King Dokapala Kaijuvangi (reigned 855-885) ordered the creation of an irrigated field (sawah) from a non-irrigated one (těgal) and assigned this task to a rakarayan of the Vka region named Pu Chatura, according to the Kwak I inscription of 879 (Sarkar, 1971, p.217). The Kinevu inscription on the Ganesha statue of 907 contains a petition from the Kinevu elders to King Balitung to increase their irrigation fields (sawah). This means that the king controlled the irrigated land, at least partially. An older text from West Java - an inscription from the fifth century Tugu-tells about the digging of the "beautiful Gomati River" by King Purnavarman (Zakharov, 2006, p. 49-50; Noordyun and Verstappen, 1972, p.298-307). These are, of course, insignificant data, but they do exist, and the more cautious conclusion seems to be that the irrigation necessary for highly productive agriculture was partly managed by the communities themselves, and partly at the disposal of the tsarist authorities.

An important sign of a developed state is its ability to ensure public safety. In Ancient Java, only in the earliest dated Sanskrit inscription from Changgal 732, belonging to King Sanjaya, the monarch is glorified for achieving security: "a person sleeps on the royal roads without fear of thieves and other misfortunes (letters, fears)"  rājapathe jano  cānyairbhayaih) [Zakharov, 2010(1), p. 35,40; Sarkar, 1971, p. 18]. Later, security was apparently maintained by the communities themselves. The Mantyasih I inscription of 907 states that the elders of the Mantyasih community should ensure safety on the roads of the Kuning community (sinarabhārānta ikanang patih rumaksa ikanang havān, A. 7 [Sarkar, 1972, p. 65]). An inscription from Balingawan in 891 mentions certain dangers in the non-irrigated fields (těgal) of the community of the same name, whose members are required to pay for "spilled blood and a dewy corpse" (anak banwa ri balingawān āpan lanā ya manahur dening rāh kasawur wangke kābunan [Sarkar, 1971, p. 304 - LVII, 8 - 9]). This is reminiscent of the well-known collective responsibility of Vervi in the Lengthy editorial of Russkaya Pravda (articles 3 to 8). A small amount of ancient Javanese material suggests a weak provision of public security by the state authorities (which is in a certain correspondence with the revealed SV. Kullandoy instability of regional borders, passed from one ruler to another). This circumstance explains the mention of armed "youths of the south or north" and youth / warriors (vereh kidul, vereh lor, vadva) in an inscription from Kamalaga in 821 (Sarkar, 1971, p. 57; Kullanda, 1992, p.65).

However, the ancient Javanese state provided a certain degree of legal protection for the individual, as evidenced by two texts of the tenth century. The Jayapatra Dyedukman inscription of 907 contains a legal dispute between a widower and a lender over the debt of a deceased wife (Sarkar, 1972, p. 99-101). The creditor wanted to recover the debt from the widowed husband, but since the latter did not know about the debt his wife had made on her property, according to ancient Javanese law, he could not be considered a defendant, which is su-

a similar decision was made ². The second source, the inscription Jayapatra Vurudu Kidul 922, describes a case of slander, which was studied in detail by S. V. Kullanda [Sarkar, 1972, p. 198-206; Kullanda, 1992, p. 143; 1995, p. 13-14]. A certain Sang Dhanadi (the gender of an individual is not determined grammatically or contextually) was called vka kilalān, i.e., a child of the tributary ³, a governor (saměgat) of the Mangkhuri region named Vukajana. The status of a taxable kilalān in Ancient Java meant exclusion from the Vanua community and an incomplete status [Kullanda, 1979(2), pp. 28-33]. Sang Dhanadi provided witnesses who showed that his ancestors were decent people (wwang yukti) [Kulanda, 1992, p. 143; 1995, p. 13]. The result of this trial was the acquittal of Sang Dhanadi. However, a month later, the insult was repeated by a certain Sang Pamariv, who also called Sang Dhanadi a " Khmer child "(wka kmir). A new trial again acquitted Sang Dhanadi and issued him with a security document forbidding him to incriminate him in the future.

The considered cases of legal protection do not directly relate to collective action. They only show the existence of a certain legal system provided by the state, and in the case of Sang Dhanadi, even the slander of a high - ranking official-the regional governor-was removed.

The development of transport infrastructure, in particular the construction of roads, was a royal duty, but could be transferred to the local ruler. According to the Waharu inscription of 873, after the foundation of Sima, its owner sang khadyan (literally "his honor", or venerable lord [Zoetmulder, 1982, p. 571]) named Kulupturu became the sole owner of labor duties of the population, including road repair (manglurung) [Sarkar, 1971, p. 187]. Consequently, the state only partially provided for the development of infrastructure.

The participation of communities in political intrigues is known only from one source, although the struggle for power was quite lively, judging by the inscription of Vanua Tentah III (Wisseman Christie, 2001, p. 29 - 31, 51 - 52]. During the reign of Lokapala Kaiyuvanga around 882, according to the Vuatan Tija inscription, a rebellion broke out by the Landhaiyang prince.⁴ The rebellious ruler killed one of the children of the king-the prince of the region of Manak. The Vuatan Tija community saved another royal son, Bhumijaya, from death [Sarkar, 1971, p. 251]. As a token of gratitude, Lokapala ordered that it be set aside as a free possession (sima) of Bhumijaya. The ability of a community to intervene in political disputes is possible only if it has military power and political will. The presence of military force in communities can be judged on the basis of their armed units and their responsibility to maintain road safety in other communities, which implies some kind of military organization (see above). In this case, the Vuatan Tija community has taken an active position, although its subjective purpose can hardly be reconstructed. It can hardly be considered such a goal to move into the personal possession of Bhumijaya. In any case, we have a collective action before us - it is difficult to assume that a small group of elders who do not have the support of their relatives could have saved the king's son. However, the organization of the rescue is anyone's guess. One can only conclude that the Vuatan Tija community is actively involved in the conflict.

² A different picture is formed in the case of the son of the borrower-debtor - he is obliged to pay the debts of his father, as shown by the copper tablet Vuru Tunggal 912 [Sarkar, 1972, p. 135-137].

³ The legal status of social groups mangilalalkilalān drbya haji was studied by A. Barrett Jones [Barrett Jones, 1984, p. 137-141]. S. V. Kullanda showed that mcmgilala means the collector, while kilalān means "the one from whom taxes are collected" [Kullanda, 1992, p. 142; 1995, p. 13-14]. The main argument is the grammatical form: mangilala-active form, kilalān-passive from the root * kilala [Zoetmulder, 1982, p. 867].

⁴ It should be noted that the rulers of Ancient Java are usually known by the name of their principality, for example, rake Kayuwangi - " prince of the Kaiyuwangi region "(Kaiyuwangi literally means "Fragrant Tree" [Kullanda, 1992, p. 91, 151]).

Let's summarize the considered data. In Ancient Java, there was a group action of the traditional institution-community, which was manifested in joint participation in the foundation of the Sima, ensuring security, group responsibility for its violation, and interfering in political intrigues. Communities could influence the amount of taxation. The elders of the community could speak on its behalf and form smaller groups to increase their income. The ancient Javanese Kraton state provided some legal protection for individuals, but left it to communities to maintain security. The collective action aimed at forming a group can only be recorded in the reproduction of the community at the foundation of the Sima. We don't see any other collectives other than traditional ones (those that go beyond traditional social categories like elders). This leads to a conclusion about the weak development of collective action in the craton.

In general, this conclusion casts doubt on the cognitive value of the theory of collective action. The formation of statehood, at least in this case, was hardly based on rational agreements between the rulers and taxpayers.

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