Libmonster ID: U.S.-1505
Author(s) of the publication: DMITRY BONDARENKO
Educational Institution \ Organization: Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences


Tanzania Keywords:Zambiatolerancenation, studentsdiaspora

Unlike Tanzania, Zambia, like most post-colonial African States, does not have an "objective" - at least partially pre-colonial-basis of national unity. None of the local cultures is able to play this role; the integration of the very different peoples of modern Zambia, often previously unconnected (or loosely connected, or in conflict), began only during the colonial period and thanks to colonialism.

Thus, the historical and cultural basis for the formation of the Zambian nation cannot be anything other than the colonial socio-cultural heritage, including the English language. Some Zambians have noted in interviews that the people of Zambia "have similar cultures and traditions", "speak similar languages" , etc., but, of course, none of them could claim that they belong to the same autochthonous culture in the sense in which Tanzanians of different ethnic origins consider themselves to the native Swahili culture. There is no doubt that it is the existence of Swahili culture in Tanzania and the absence of a similar one in Zambia that caused the difference described earlier in the percentage of respondents in the two countries who are convinced of the existence of a single national culture and believe that there are only separate ethnic cultures, despite the attempts of the Zambian state, since the 1990s, to present multilingualism (and, consequently, multiculturalism) not as an obstacle, but as a factor contributing to nation building 1.

Moreover, in terms of nation-building prospects, Zambia has at least one other constraint compared to Tanzania. In pre-colonial times, Tanganyika (mainland Tanzania), with the exception of the Kingdom of Shambaa (Shambhala), did not develop centralized expansionist political entities that, in a post-colonial independent state, could have become centers of tribalist nationalist regionalism or separatism and evoke the historical memory of their oppression by the ancestors of their current fellow citizens among neighboring peoples. 2 Some of our respondents noted the absence of tribalism as a sign of the existence of the Tanzanian nation along with the Swahili language and culture.

At the same time, at least four powerful polities (Bemba, Lozi, Lunda, and Chewa) rose up in Zambia during the pre-colonial period, and the student's response to the question "What needs to be done in the field of interethnic relations?"is significant in this regard.: "To improve inter-ethnic relations by eliminating the inferiority complex that individuals from certain ethnic groups experience in relation to other ethnic groups, such as Bemba and Lozi."

If Tanzanian law does not recognize the authority of chiefs, then the Constitution of Zambia does

Ending. For the beginning, see: Asia and Africa Today, 2011, No. 12.

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1996 announced the creation of the Chamber of Chiefs, which, as one of its members explicitly stated in an interview with us, tries to influence all spheres of public and political life of the country, both at the regional and national levels, even if officially its prerogatives are limited to so-called "traditional issues". Village and district chiefs are also very influential figures at their own levels of competence (for example, as we found out during a field study, they cannot be bypassed by mining companies, even large foreign ones, who want to develop mineral resources on their subject lands).

So, if in Tanzania national unity has a basis in the pre-colonial cultural history of autochthonous peoples (and the idea of this is introduced into the consciousness of citizens by the official ideology), then in Zambia such a basis was created (of course, involuntarily) only by the colonial regime. Most university students belong to the part of society that professes civic values and is committed to the idea of national unity. Can't the more positive perception of the Zambian students of the minorities formed due to colonialism be explained as a projection of their less negative attitude towards the colonial past, since, unlike their Tanzanian colleagues, they consider it, among other things, as the time of the beginning of the formation of their nation? Our data support this hypothesis. First of all, we note that among the Zambian respondents, there were much more people who believe that it was during the colonial period that the foundations of national unity and progress of their country were laid (42.6%; among Tanzanian students-only 24.5%). In Zambia, this answer is almost as popular as the answer "colonialism has harmed the people of the country" (43.4%), while in Tanzania it is more than twice as popular (24.5% vs. 52.8%). Many Zambian interlocutors explicitly stated that the Zambian nation was formed (or began to be formed) in colonial times, and the country's independence was the culmination of its history (a typical statement: the nation "was formed after 1911. North-Western and North-Eastern Rhodesia were merged to form Northern Rhodesia, which was declared an independent Zambia in 1964. Since then, the Zambian nation has persisted, even though we have [in the country. - D. B.] - 72 ethnic groups " 3). In complete contrast to the Tanzanian informants, none of those interviewed in Zambia attributed the formation of the nation to the pre-colonial period; on the contrary, several people claimed that even today the Zambian nation does not exist, but only a conglomerate of more than seventy "tribal" cultures.

Further, the assumption is clearly confirmed that the more positive people's opinion of colonialism is, the more tolerant they are towards their compatriots of European and South Asian origin.

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In particular, among respondents in both countries who see the origins of their progress in the colonial period, 91.3% said they have a good or very good attitude towards Europeans, while not a single person said they have a bad one! But even more important is the clear increase in tolerance towards non-African migrant communities as the degree of negativity in the assessment of the colonial period decreases: among those who consider colonialism primarily evil, 79.4% of Respondents have a positive attitude towards Europeans, 68.4% towards Indians, and among those who see colonialism as the sources of national unity and progress -91.3 and 75.8%, respectively. Our hypothesis that a more tolerant perception of colonial-born minorities by Zambian students is associated with a less negative assessment of colonialism as a phenomenon that gave birth to their nation is even more convincing if we pay attention to the fact that in both Zambia and Tanzania, the percentage of tolerant people from Europe and South Asia among the population of these countries is students who believe that colonialism gave an impetus to the addition of nations are significantly higher than the average for the samples. However, it should also be noted that the interdependence between the perception of the colonial past and non-African diasporas is incomplete: As highlighted above, the majority of our respondents showed a tolerant attitude towards both diasporas in their responses, i.e. their positive assessment prevails among those who consider colonialism to be an unmistakable evil.

At the same time, we expected less tolerance from respondents who are most committed to traditional culture and its values. As indicators of the "degree of traditionalism", we considered the answers to the following questionnaire questions: "Do you think that a woman can have the right to disobey her husband?", " How many children do you think is optimal for the family?", " Do you know folk songs and fairy tales?", "Do you think it is necessary to commit suicide?" rites of ancestral worship, at least on important occasions?" and "Who will you contact first in case of illness: a professional doctor or a traditional healer?". It was not difficult to predict that among our respondents there were indeed traditionalist-oriented young intellectuals, but not very many: 20.8% of respondents (29.4% of Tanzanians and 11% of Zambians) are convinced that a woman has no right to disobey her husband under any circumstances, 32.7% (26.4% in Tanzania and 39.9% in Zambia) 32.2% (44.5% of respondents in Tanzania and 18.2% in Zambia) consider it necessary to make offerings to the spirits of their ancestors, 71.7% (68.6% of Tanzanian respondents and 75.2% of Zambian respondents) will not go to a healer's appointment under any circumstances. The exception is one of the most basic and fundamental values of all African cultures: the desire to have many children: only 22.1% of young educated Tanzanians and Zambians (30.8% and 15.6%, respectively) consider it optimal to have no more than two children in a family.

Thus, on average, about a third of young intellectuals in the two countries can be considered more or less traditionalist-oriented, but it is worth noting that in Tanzania their share was significantly higher than in Zambia (the question of the optimal number of children, as noted above, is a special case). Is traditionalism a predictor of less tolerance towards non-African migrants - people of fundamentally different ethnic cultures? If we look, in particular, at the distribution of attitudes towards Europeans and South Asians among respondents in both countries who have different perceptions of the ancestral cult-the basis of the traditional African worldview4, we will see that among respondents who are not committed to the tradition, there are more those whose attitude towards non-African migrants is positive: 86.3% against 80.9% in the case of Europeans and 72.2% against 62.8% in the case of Indians. Thus, traditionalism is not a strong, but still a real predictor of the attitude of indigenous people towards non-African minorities.


We also suggested that the respondents ' perception of non-African compatriots could be influenced by two other factors: religion and the degree of religiosity. The religious composition of the population of Tanzania and Zambia is fundamentally different. In Tanzania, approximately 40% of citizens are Muslims and Christians (but the latter are much more numerous among representatives of highly educated strata of society; 5 it is characteristic that among our respondents there were 124 Christians and only 43 Muslims), while the rest are mostly pagans (there are very few of them in the highly educated environment, and they were not represented in our sample).. In Zambia, however, Christians certainly dominate (98.5% of respondents in the sample). At the same time, as our previous studies in Tanzania have shown, a social group with a good secular education should be expected to have a lower level of religiosity (and, consequently, a higher level of secularism) compared to representatives of less enlightened strata of society.6 At the same time, secularism should not be confused with atheism: only one (!) out of more than 2,000 people interviewed in Tanzania during three field seasons described themselves as an atheist. In addition, the degree of secularism of even the most highly educated Africans in general is not as high as among modern European or American intellectuals. For Africans, religion remains a significant aspect of their worldview-

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social and political views, but its role is not decisive and may probably decrease to a certain level in the future due to the development of the education system, as well as the spread of "global" mass media.

However, earlier studies have also found that an increase in secularism, directly related to the development of the education system (which is not only secular in itself, but also opens up wider access to modern, mostly secular, media), leads to an increase in the level of religious tolerance and a decrease in ethnic and racial tolerance secularization makes religious similarities and differences less important for the individual, shifting the center of gravity in matters of self-identification and identification of others from the transcendent and universalist values of monotheistic religions to terrestrial and local ethno-cultural values. In this connection, we can recall how inextricably intertwined were the processes of secularization, the rise of national consciousness and the development of higher (university) education in Modern Europe. Undoubtedly, it is because Tanzania has a Swahili culture that is shared by most people of different religious and ethnic backgrounds that the percentage of those who believe in the existence of a single national culture is significantly higher among Tanzanian students than among Zambian students, despite the much greater religious diversity of both their society as a whole and their immediate community. social environment.

It is also significant that in both countries, among respondents who believe that it is permissible to build political organizations on a religious or ethnic basis, the majority prefer the second option (27.2% vs. 19.4% in Tanzania, 35.3% vs. 30.1% in Zambia). It is also worth noting that although both these principles are rejected by the majority of both Tanzanian and Zambian students, this majority is not so overwhelming in Zambia (67.3%; in Tanzania-76.7%), where, as already emphasized, the foundation of national unity is objectively weaker.

The first hypothesis about religion as a possible factor of racial tolerance or xenophobia in Tanzania and Zambia, which we will test, is that the difference in attitudes of African students towards European and South Asian minorities may be partly explained by differences in the religious composition of the population of the two countries. Tanzanian and Zambian Europeans are almost exclusively Christians of various denominations, while "Indians" are a conglomerate of almost all religious groups common in South Asia, with a certain prevalence of Muslims, however, rightly preventing Africans from identifying this community as a whole as Muslim and forming their attitude towards it on the basis of a sign of religion. Do Zambian students generally treat Europeans better than Tanzanian students, since the former are almost all Christians, and among the latter a significant part (in our sample -25.7%) are Muslims?

No. The above hypothesis is not confirmed in the analysis of the collected material. First, not only among Tanzanian students in general, but also among Tanzanian Christian students, the level of tolerance towards Europeans was lower than in Zambia (2.9% vs. 0.7% negative ratings), and second, although there are significantly fewer Christians who treat Europeans "very badly" or "very badly". Among Muslims, there were much more respondents who described their attitude towards Europeans as "very good" (35.1% vs. 26.2% of Christians). Non-native origin as such determines both the position of non-African diasporas in society and their perception by the ethno-racial majority to a much greater extent than their religious affiliation.7


A high level of education contributes to the cultural integration of Tanzanian Muslims and Christians and to overcoming the sectarian tendency of Islamists. 8

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In our opinion, the fact that the hypothesis of a direct link between religious affiliation and attitudes towards Europeans turned out to be false indicates not only the non-primary importance of religion as a marker of identity in Tanzania9, but also the role of secularization (even relative and far from complete) in determining relations between fellow citizens of African and non-African origin.

Even more important, university students are people who receive an education that is European in form (system) and origin, based on the secular values of Modern European civilization. And it is precisely receiving such an education that determines the future high social status of our respondents, which they are well aware of.

The data collected earlier on Afro-Tanzanians involved in the fields of activity, the very appearance and current development of which in Africa is associated with European influence, is indicative, in particular, for doctors and teachers of schools and universities: 85.7% of doctors and 72.9% of teachers indicated their attitude to Europeans as "good" or" very good", while to the Arabs - 66.6% and 47.9%, respectively, and to the Indians-64.2% and 41.7%.

Perhaps the understanding that modern secular education was brought to Africa by Europeans also contributes to a less one-sided perception by students of the colonial past, part of the legacy of which is the very residence of Europeans and Indians in modern African states. Not only almost all Christians, but also a few highly educated Muslims noted that the development of initially European secular education is undoubtedly a boon for the country and its people. One of these Muslims, a professor, summed up: "Those who brought us Islam, brought us madrasas for memorizing the Koran. Those who brought the Bible also brought us a secular school." Even an elderly Omani Arab, who was mercilessly critical of young people for their interest in Western popular culture, answered the question: "Did the Europeans bring anything good to Africa?" without hesitation: "Education". This understanding may also be an additional factor that determines the better attitude of highly educated people to Europeans than to Indians. This is because it is better not only in the highly educated, but in all social strata of Tanzanian society10, and we see no reason to doubt that the situation in Zambia is similar.

Now we will try to identify the relationship between the relative secularness / religiosity of our respondents ' consciousness and the tolerance / xenophobia of their ethno-racial attitudes. To do this, we will compare the answers to the question: "How often do you pray?" (included in the questionnaire as an indicator of religiosity / secularism, since it meant whether the respondents pray in accordance with the tenets of their religions or not) with the answers to the question about the attitude towards Europeans and South Asians.

It can be stated that secularization (in a certain sense, meaning Europeanization, especially in Africa), coupled with an increase in the level of education, plays a contradictory role in determining the attitude of Africans to non-African minorities. For the reasons described above, while contributing to their better attitude towards Europeans, it also leads to a certain decrease in the degree of general ethno-racial tolerance in the highly educated strata of society.

Less secularized respondents were more tolerant. For example, only 0.7% of Zambian and Tanzanian students who pray in accordance with the precepts of their religions expressed a "bad" or "very bad" attitude towards Europeans, and 4.9% towards Indians, while among students who do not follow religious precepts so strictly - 3.6% and 14.4%.


Next, let's see if our respondents ' attitudes toward non-racial minorities are significantly affected by their ethnicity.

We divided the respondents into three categories: representatives of the largest peoples of each of the countries numbering more than a million people in Tanzania (Sukuma, Gogo, Haya, Nyamwezi, ha, Nyakyusa and hehe11) and more than half a million in Zambia (Bemba, Tonga, Nyanja, Lozi, Ngoni, Nsenga and Tumbuka), representatives of all the rest ethnic groups and persons of mixed ethnic origin. Don't the representatives of the largest nations treat their fellow citizens of non-African origin more arrogantly? Or maybe people from smaller ethnic groups are more jealous of migrants? However, none of these assumptions are supported by the results of the study: ethnicity does not affect the attitude of students to diasporas. For example, in Tanzania, 78.3% of the representatives of the largest ethnic groups and 78.4% of the rest of the peoples refer to Europeans as "good" or "very good"; there is no trend in other cases either.

Another factor that seems likely to influence the attitude of Africans towards non-African migrants is the place of birth. Opportunities for communication with Europeans and Indians differ significantly in large cities, where representatives of these minorities are almost entirely concentrated, and in small towns and villages, where they practically do not live. Also, for many reasons, living in large localities provides better opportunities for intellectual and cultural development, and for forming a broader view of the world.

page 44

Although at the time of the survey all our respondents were residents of the largest, metropolitan cities of their countries (in Tanzania de facto, and in Zambia and de jure), their worldview was formed where they grew up and where most of their lives had passed up to that time. In addition, it is extremely rare for people in Africa to break strong and diverse ties, including spiritual ones, with their native lands, even if they move far away from them. For example, 79.7% of our Tanzanian and 93.5% of our Zambian respondents who have relatives outside of Dar es Salaam and Lusaka communicate with them at least several times a year.

However, the collected data do not allow us to say that natives of large cities are more tolerant than students who came from small settlements; there is no other trend in relation to the place of birth of respondents. For example, among Tanzanian students, 51.3% of natives of Dar es Salaam, 50% of those from other major cities, 57.2% of those from small towns, and 58.1% of those from villages are considered "good" or "very good" Indians. And information about the attitude of Zambian students to Europeans was distributed as follows: 95.4% of students who were born in Lusaka, 83.4% of those who came to study from other major cities, 91.5% of those born in small towns and 92.3% of those born in villages are "good" or "very good".


The last factor that we will consider is the economic one. It is no secret that in general, European and South Asian communities are richer than the indigenous population, which sometimes not only becomes their distinctive feature in the eyes of the latter (see above), but also causes accusations of exploitation, unfair treatment of indigenous Africans, and contempt for them. For example, in our interviews, in addition to positive ones, there are also such statements: Europeans "always separate themselves from Africans", "they exploit Zambians and enrich their countries", Indians "attach too much importance to their ethnic and racial differences from Zambian Africans", "distance themselves from black Tanzanians", "most of the rest of the world is different". some of them like to isolate themselves" from indigenous Africans and "do not cooperate with Africans in their socio-economic activities", they "do not care about their [African] workers, pay them little", and "treat their workers badly"12.

"The stories about the poor attitude of Indian employers towards African workers are true," the Indian businesswoman admits, and continues: "I won't try to say that an Indian doesn't do that - I won't. I will only ask you to remember one thing: they (the Indians) came to a place that was not theirs. Why don't Tanzanians hold on more tightly to their own place?" (i.e., why aren't Afro-Tanzanians able to develop their own businesses in their own country?).

The words of another Indian informant reflect the opposite side of the coin: "My home is Tanzania, and I have accepted it as my home in my heart. But I'm not very accepted by other people, and I have a lot of problems. Even when I'm driving, I sometimes hear someone say, " Hey, you muhindi ("Indian" in Swahili - DB), what are you doing here?" even though I didn't do anything wrong to them. They just scream: "You are Asians! You Indians!"".

It is not surprising that populist politicians are willing to play the migrant "dishonesty" card during election campaigns in both Tanzania and Zambia.13 Several of our non-Afrikap interviewees also recalled similar incidents, with some pointing out that in reality, patriotic feelings are very strong in their communities. In short, it can be assumed that poorer Africans have a worse opinion of their European and South Asian compatriots.14

But is it true? The Tanzanian sample does not provide any basis for this conclusion.

Europeans are best treated by respondents who describe the following factors:-

page 45

those who describe their financial situation as " bad " (83.8%), and those who consider it "normal" are the worst (71.4%; among those who are satisfied with their level of well - being - 80.4%).

Again, the "middle class" of students is the least well - disposed towards Indians (50.8%), while the "poor" and "rich" students have a better opinion of them, and to an almost equal extent-63.3 and 63.8%, respectively.

As for the Zambian sample, its analysis does suggest that the most needy students are relatively less tolerant. In particular, indicators of "good" and "very good" attitudes of Zambian students, depending on their financial situation ("poor", "middle class" and "wealthy") to Europeans-69.2, 95.9 and 93.8%, respectively, and to Indians -66.6, 79.7 and 89.4%. However, of our Zambian respondents, only 15 people identified themselves as "poor" (compared to 31 in Tanzania), and this, especially given the diversity of opinions among them, is not enough to draw statistically reliable conclusions.

* * *

So, we have considered a number of various factors that, as it was assumed a priori, can be involved in the formation of attitudes to the European and South Asian diasporas of students of the largest universities in Tanzania and Zambia, representing the autochthonous majority of the population of these countries.

Not all factors were significant; this applies to religion-Christian or Muslim, belonging to a large or small ethnic group, place of birth and, possibly, financial status. The role of secularization has proved to be both important and ambivalent.

Significant factors that clearly lead to an increase in the level of tolerance are a less negative assessment of the role of colonialism and less commitment to traditional values and culture. Taking into account both of these factors is important to explain the higher degree of ethnic and racial tolerance of Zambian students compared to their Tanzanian counterparts. However, we are convinced that the existence of the Swahili culture and language since pre-colonial times as a basis for national integration of autochthonous peoples is of paramount importance, with the almost complete absence of strong centralized polities in Tanzania and the lack of such favorable prerequisites until the period of colonialism in Zambia.

These are historically interrelated reasons why, in the process of forming postcolonial nations, Afro-Tanzanians may feel their unity more acutely and, consequently, exclude their non-African fellow citizens from their circle, from the category of "we", more often and more harshly than Afro-Zambians.

Differences in socio-cultural foundations, reinforced by the difference in historical memory of the pre-colonial and colonial past, serve as the basis for some degree of discrepancy (at the statistical level) in students ' views on non-African minorities generated by colonialism, despite the fact that the situation of these minorities in modern Tanzanian and Zambian societies is almost the same, remaining very peculiar and, in a certain sense, ambivalent.

Marten L., Kula N.C. 1 Zambia: "One Zambia, One Nation, Many Languages" // Language and National Identity in Africa. Oxf., 2008. P. 291 - 313.

2 The problem of Zanzibar, the successor to the slave-trading Sultanate of Zanzibar, created and ruled by the Omani Arabs, and now, along with Tanganyika, an integral part of the United Republic of Tanzania, is completely different in its essence, although, of course, the situation in the island part of the state has a strong direct impact on the process of nation-building in the country as a whole (see, in particular,: Peter C. M., Othman H. Zanzibar and the Union Question. Zanzibar, 2006; Mwakikagile G. The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Product of the Cold War? Pretoria, 2008; Demintseva E. B. Mezhetnicheskie otnosheniya na Zanzibare [Interethnic relations in Zanzibar]. Proceedings of the Russian Integrated Expedition in the United Republic of Tanzania (2005 season). (Editor - in-chief A. V. Korotaev) Moscow, 2008, pp. 45-56.

3 72 is the official number of local "tribes" that form the racial majority of the population of Zambia.

Fortes M. 4 Some Reflections on Ancestor Worship in Africa / / African Systems of Thought. L., 1966. P. 122-142; Traditional and syncretic religions of Africa. M., 1986. pp. 104-116; Bondarenko D. M. The cult of ancestors as a central element of traditional religious and mythological systems of Tropical Africa / / Africa: societies, cultures, and languages (problems of theory and methodology). (Editor - in-chief I. V. Sledzevsky, D. M. Bondarenko) Moscow, 1996, pp. 81-95; Perspectives on Africa: A Reader in Culture, History, and Representation. Maiden - Oxford, 2010. P. 283 - 322.

5 For the reasons and consequences of this, see: Bondarenko D. M. Islamo-Christian relations, education and politics in modern Tanzania / / Asia and Africa Today. 2004, No. 9. pp. 27-35.

Bondarenko D. M. 6 Education and tolerance in modern Tanzania: ethno-racial and confessional aspects // Race and interethnic relations in modern Tanzania. His own. Education and tolerance in Tanzania (based on the materials of the Russian Anthropological Expedition of 2003 and 2005) / / Julius Kambarage Nyerere-the first President of free Tanzania. (Editor-in-chief Vinokurov Yu. N.) Moscow, 2010, pp. 56-62.

Bondarenko D.M. 7 Interreligious Tolerance in Contemporary Tanzania: The Gender Aspect of Christian-Muslim Mutual Attitudes. Evolution of relationships. (Editor-in-chief N. A. Ksenofontova, A. A. Kazankov) Moscow, 2007, pp. 254-257.

Bondarenko D.M. 8 The "Fruit of Enlightenment": Education, Politics, and Muslim-Christian Relations in Contemporary Tanzania // Islam and Muslim-Christian Relations. 2004. Vol. 15, N 4. P. 443 - 468.

9 Ibid. P. 459; Bondarenko D. M. Islamo-khristianskie otnosheniya v svete problemy obrazovaniya [Islam-Christian relations in the light of the problem of education]. Proceedings of the participants of the Russian Expedition (Editor-in-chief Savateev A.D.), Moscow, 2005, pp. 69-70.

Bondarenko D. M. 10 Obrazovanie i toler'antnost ' v sovremennoy Tanzanii; Khalturina D. A., Korotaev A.V. Indotanzaniytsy [Education and tolerance in modern Tanzania; Khalturina D. A., Korotaev A.V. Indotanzaniytsy]. Mezhrasovye i mezhetnicheskie otnosheniya v sovremennoy Tanzanii ... pp. 28-43.

Makonde 11 are more numerous than hehe, but they were not among our respondents.

Heilman В. 12 Who are the Indigenous Tanzanians? Competing Conceptions of Tanzanian Citizenship in the Business Community // Africa Today. 1998. vol. 45, N 3 - 4. P. 369-387; Khalturina D. A., Korotaev A.V. Indotanzaniytsy / / Mezhrasovye i mezhetnicheskie otnosheniya v sovremennoy Tanzanii...

Patel N. 13 A Quest for Identity: The Asian Minority in Africa. Frihourg, 2007. P. 16.

14 Let us explain that we were interested not in the "objective" but in the "subjective" financial condition of the respondents, i.e., not in the size of their income, but in how they perceive it: whether they assess their financial situation as "very good"," good"," normal "or"bad".


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