In the mid - late 17th century, the borders of Russia and the Qing Empire converged. Numerous skirmishes between Russian Cossacks and Manchu cavalry often ended with the capture of Russians and their sending to Beijing (most of them were defenders of the border fortress of Albazin, hence the name "Albazins"), where they were assigned to serve in a specially created "Russian company" of the Manchu army.

Our compatriots were used to carry out military and diplomatic actions on the border and perform internal garrison service in Beijing. Some of them were engaged in translation and teaching activities. After the establishment of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Beijing in 1715, the Albazin community became an important object of influence of the Russian authorities: through the efforts of clergymen, the Orthodox faith and good attitude towards their former fatherland were maintained among Russians in Beijing.

Keywords: Albazins, Russian diaspora in Beijing, Russian-Chinese border conflict, Russian spiritual mission.

In the first half - third quarter of the XVII century. Russia pursued an active policy of developing the Far Eastern borders. By the 80s of the 17th century, the upper reaches of the Amur River had become the domain of Russia, where the main settlements were Albazin and villages located along the banks of the Amur River; seven other forts were built on the lands adjacent to the river1. In 1684, Moscow decided to create the Albazin voivodeship: Albazin received a coat of arms (an eagle with outstretched wings, with a bow in the left paw and an arrow in the right) and reinforcements in the form of a regiment of Cossacks. Alexey Tolbuzin was appointed voivode (for more information on the development of the Amur and Primorye regions by the Russians, see, for example: [Alekseev and Melikhov, 1984, pp. 57-71; Foreign policy of the state of Qing..., 1977, pp. 266-269; International relations in the Far East, 1973, pp. 26-28, 30-32; Melikhov, 1974, pp. 55-73; Shchebenkov, 1960, pp. 125-132; Zhang Xuefeng, 2007(1), pp. 83-84; Yang Yulin, 1984, pp. 42; Clubb, 1971, pp. 22-26; Gardener, 1977, pp. 25-28]). Quite quickly, the Albazinsky district became one of the most economically developed Russian Far Eastern lands2.

The strengthening of foreigners on the territories bordering China forced the new rulers of the Chinese state of the Manchus, who founded a new republic there in 1644.-

1 Nsrchinsky (founded in 1654), Kumarsky (1652), Achansky (1652), Ust Strelochny, Vsrkhozeysky, Sslsmdzhinsky, Dolonsky [Bssnrozvannykh, 1983, p.31; Foreign policy of the Qing state 1977, p. 344].

2 The Albaza district not only provided itself with bread, but also supplied the surplus to the Ncrca Voivodeship. In 1685, under the Cossack peasant arable land there were more than 1 thousand dessiatins and 50 dessiatins of spring grain on state-owned arable land [Sladkovsky, 1974, p. 79].

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Nastia Qing, pay special attention to the Amur region. After suppressing pockets of Ming resistance within the empire (adherents of the old Ming dynasty, which ruled in China in 1368-1644), they stepped up their policy of expelling Russians from the border areas. In Beijing, the Qing position was quickly formulated and brought to the attention of the Russian authorities on the border that it was unacceptable for Russians to stay in the supposedly "native Chinese-Manchurian territories", and large-scale military-strategic measures were carried out in the border areas, which made it possible for the troops stationed there to enter battle at any time upon order. Preliminary negotiations failed, and the parties began to prepare for a military clash. By the summer of 1685, the Manchu troops came close to Albazin. After a short siege, the prison was surrendered, and its defenders were allowed by the Qing command to leave for neighboring Nerchinsk.

The history of Albazin, however, did not end there: soon after the withdrawal of the Qing troops from Albazin, Tolbuzin and the Cossacks returned to the prison, rebuilding it anew. In 1686, the Emperor issued a new decree to Lifanyuan ("Chamber of Vassal Territories") and the Military Department to destroy Albazin and expel the Russians [Qing shilu zhong de heilongjiap shaoshu mingzu..., 1992, p. 103]. After a long siege under the terms of the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689, the prison was completely destroyed and, together with the Amur lands, was transferred to China.3
The Albaza conflict became an important stage in the development of Russian-Chinese relations: it led to the signing of the first Russian-Chinese treaty in 1689, and it should also be associated with the beginning of the centuries-old process of forming the Russian diaspora in Beijing. 4
Repeated clashes between Russian Cossacks and Qing troops on the border, which began in the 1650s, often ended with the capture of Russians and their subsequent dispatch to Beijing.5 Analysis of Russian and Chinese materials shows that the first Russian [Riajansky, 1937, p. 37; Widmer, 1976, p. 13] to arrive in Beijing in 1651 was Ananias (Onashko) Uruslanov, known in Chinese sources

3 The signing of the Treaty of Nerchinsk was an important event for Manchurian diplomacy, so the upcoming negotiations on the border in Beijing were prepared with special care. Senior members of the Embassy appointed by the Kangxi Emperor had many years of experience working in the Russian sector. The embassy was headed by the Empress's uncle, a pupil of the Kangxi Emperor, the Manchu Songotou, who at one time oversaw the stay of the embassy of N. G. Spafaria in Beijing [Hummel, 1943, p.663-666]. The Manchu General Sabsu was appointed as a military adviser, and in 1683 the Kangxi military governor sent him to Heilongjiap to monitor military operations in the Amur region [Qing shi gao, 1977, ch. 280, lezhuan 67, p. 10138; Clubb, 1971, p. 30]. The analytical framework of the embassy was presented by the head of Lifanyuan Arani and, presumably, the most experienced diplomat, intelligence officer and specialist in relations with Russia, fudutun (deputy garrison or head of the banner ) Small. On the eve of sending the embassy, the future head of Lifanyuan and the founder of the Russian Language School, the future head of the "Russian company" in Beijing, the court adviser (daxueshi) Manchu Mazi, was withdrawn and left in Beijing. The Jesuits were appointed interpreters of the embassy the Portuguese T. Psrsyra and Frenchman J. F. Gbillon. The Embassy was accompanied by an escort of more than 500 people.

4 In addition to the Albazin Cossack community in Beijing, numerous Russian diasporas subsequently appeared in Harbin (1898-1960) and Shanghai (1920-1960). A significant number of Russian immigrants were already from Soviet Russia in the 20-30s of the XX century. settled in Xinjiang. present-day Inner Mongolia (Trshrshs and Priarguns) and other regions of China. It was these emigrant flows that formed the existing Russian national minority in modern China (the Elos of the Chu). For more information about the problems of Russian emigration and Russian diasporas in China, see, for example: [Gutin, 2011].

5 The enlistment of Russian soldiers for military service in China was not new in Chinese military history. It is known that back in the XIV century in Beijing, the Mongol khans formed a regiment from Russians, called the "Russian guard regiment that glorified loyalty". The Russian regiment was stationed north of Beijing on the territory of "130 large Chinese desyatins", reporting directly to the Military Council. Russian military service was combined with subsistence farming, for which " agricultural tools were given for cultivating the land." The total number of soldiers who were part of the Russian regiment was approximately 2.7 thousand (for more information about the service of Russian soldiers in the Mongol-Chinese army in Beijing, see: [Rus and Aces in China..., 1894, pp. 66-69; Ulyanitsky, 1912, pp. 85-86]).

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under the name Ulangeli 6, the future commander of the "Russian company" in Beijing 7. Uruslanov was in Beijing not alone, but together with a certain Pakhom Pushchin, "who left Daur last year"8 and was listed in the military service of the Qing authorities 9. Subsequently, until the first Albaza campaign (1685), Russians were repeatedly taken to Beijing as prisoners.10
The largest number of Russians appeared in Beijing after two sieges of Albazin by Qing troops. According to Russian and European researchers, after the siege of Albazin in 1685, from 25 [Ravenstein, 1974, p. 42] to 40 [Myasnikov, 1980, p. 184; Russo-Chinese relations in the XVII century, 1972, p. 676; Schumacher, 1879, p. 148; Zhang Xuefeng 2007(1), p. 85; Cheng Tien-fong, 1957, p. 20] or 45 [Artemyev, 2008; Petrov, 1956, p. 20; Petrov, 1968, p. 10; 1689 nyan de chung-e nibuchu tiaoyue, 1977, p. 201; Tong Dong, 1985, p. 61] Cossacks led by Vasily Zakharov, who were later transferred to Beijing. According to Chinese sources included in Yu Zhengxie's Guisi Leigao (Various records [collected] in the year "guisi"), "in the 22nd year of Kangxi (1683) [33 Russians were brought to the capital", in the 23rd and 24th years of Kangxi (1684-1685) - 72 Russians" [Yu Zhengxie, 2001, tsz. 9, p. 295]. This source also provides other data on the number of Russians captured and brought to Beijing 12. After the end of the military campaign in the Amur region, the number of Russian prisoners taken to the capital significantly decreased.

Most of the Cossacks brought to Beijing as prisoners were enlisted for military service in the Qing army, in the so-called "Russian company" (eloi tszolin). Sources report the following about the formation of this company:: "In the 5th year of Shunzhi (1648), Ulangeli (Ananiy (Onashko)was taken Uruslanov. - P. L.), in the 7th year of Kangxi

6 Ulangeli can be identified with Ananii Uruslanov by translating one of the sections "Batsi tongzhi" (Universal Description of the "eight banners"), where it was reported that "Ulangeli was truly called Uruslanov, and there was a Tatar newly baptized, named after Ananya" [Tsrtitsky, 2004, p.1; Widmcr, 1976, p. 13].

7 To assert that Uruslanov was the first Russian defector, the records of the Russian ambassador N. G. Spafariya allow us to note :" And one of them of all Onashka (Ananiy Uruslanov - P. L.), a Tatar by birth, lives in honor who first of all ran to China " [Russo-Chinese relations in the XVII century v., 1969, p. 417].

8 About the first two Russians who mysteriously got to Beijing and stayed there, the Nsrchinsky foreman Ignatiy Milovanov wrote as follows: "And those traitors Anashko and Iakhomka in the Chinese state got married and keep their Chinese faith and feed them from Bogdokan and they live in their own yards" [Russkokitayskie otechestviya v XVII v., 1969, p. 287: Riajansky, 1937, p. 76].

9 As pointed out by F. Both Russian defectors helped him cast guns for the Pinsk army and took an active part in preparing a military campaign against Russian possessions in the Amur region (Riajansky, 1937, p. 76).

10 In 1653, the Ping guard detachment in Ninguts captured and sent 11 Russians to Beijing [Tsingdai zhong-e guanxi dan'an..., 1981, p. 10]. In 1658, during a skirmish of Cossacks led by Stepanov with Pinsk forces at the confluence of the Sungari and Mudanjiang rivers, 47 Russians were taken prisoner, whose further fate remained unknown [1689 nyan de zhong-e nibuchu tiaoyue, 1977, p. 97-98; Zhong-e Guanxi shi..., 1980, p. 63]. In 1668, as Yu Zhengse pointed out, the Russian Yifan (Ivan) and others were brought to Beijing (Yu Zhengse, 2001, ch. 9, p.295). In 1676, according to N. G. Spafariya, "in the Chinese state of Russian people there are people with 13, and only 2 people who were caught on the Amur" [Russo-Chinese relations in the XVII century, 1969, pp. 416-417]. In 1683, near Aihun, Grigory Mylnik's detachment of about 70 people was surrounded. Mylnik, along with the senior Cossacks and some of the Russians who had surrendered, were "taken to Peking, where they lived without any torment" (Bartsv, 1899, p. 319; Clubb, 1971, p. 30). According to Chinese documents, as a result of this skirmish, 26 people were captured and taken to Beijing [Russo-Chinese relations in the XVII century, 1972, p. 665; Qing shilu. Shengceu ren huangdi shilu, 1985. tsz. 112, p. 135].

11 According to available data, Russians were captured when they were rafting on the Amur River [Tsingdai zhong-e guanxi dan'an..., 1981, p. 50; Qing shilu. Shengzu ren huangdi shilu, 1985, tsz. 112, p. 147].

12 Referring to the treatise "Pingding locha fangliue" (Strategic Plan for Pacifying the Russians), Yu Zhengxie pointed out that "in the 7th month of the 22nd year of Kangxi (1683), Mala and others captured five people from locha (Russians. - P. L.)". According to the" Description of Zhehe " (Zhehe zhi-i), Yu Zhengse stated that "in the 3rd month of the 24th year of Kangxi (1685), a man from loch Gafalil (Gavril) and others were captured; in the 5th month after the capture of Yakes (Albazin. - P. L.), Bashili wanted to surrender [in captivity] (Vasily. - P. L.) and other 40 people" [Yu Zhengse, 2001, tsz. 9, p. 296].

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(1668) - Yifan (Ivan. - P. L.) and others. [The Russians] were made into a separate half-company (ban tszolin), 13 and Ulangeli was appointed a company commander. Later, 70 Russians were brought to the capital twice more. They formed a full company (jolin)" Shingding ba qi tongzhi, 2002, tsz. 3, qi feng zhi 3, p. 45; Yu Zhengxie, 2001, tsz. 9, p. 295-296]. According to the "Qing Shilu" (Chronicles of the Qing Dynasty), the "Russian company" was formed in 1683. Then Kangxi's decree followed, saying: "The number of conquered locha people (Chinese transcription of the Sanskrit rakshasa (raksasah, demons eating human flesh), the accepted name of the Russians in China at that time - P. L.) is significant, it is necessary to form a whole jolin out of them" [1689 nyan de zhong-e nibuchu tiaoyue, 1977, p.187; Qing shilu. Shengzu ren huangdi shilu, 1985, tsz. 112, p. 153]. Subsequently, the replenishment of the Qing army at the expense of Russian prisoners or defectors continued. Due to the lack of places in the" Russian company", delivered at the end of 1685 to Beijing, the defenders of Albazin were assigned to other companies of the three highest "banners" ("yellow banner with a border", "yellow banner without a border" and "white banner without a border") [1689 nyan de zhong-e nibuchu tiaoyue, 1977, p. 187; Qingdai zhong-e guanxi dan'an..., 1981, p. 56] 14.

The "Russian company" was originally meant to be attributed to the Chinese "white banner without a border", but according to the report of the Ministry of Finance addressed to the emperor, it was identified as the seventeenth company in the fourth regiment of the Manchurian "yellow banner with a border" [Ba qi tongzhi chuji, 1736-1795, pp. 30ob. -31; Qinding Ba qi tongzhi, 2002, tsz. 3, qi feng zhi 3, p. 44; Yu Zhengse, 2001, tsz. 9, p. 296], which "was revered completely on a par with the Mandjurs" (Sofroniy Gribovsky, early XIX century) [Materials for History..., 1905, p. 8]. So the Russians became an important part of the Qing culture. "eight-banner" army 15.

In Beijing, Russians were resettled in buildings under the jurisdiction of the yellow banner with a border in the Dongzhimen district (currently the territory of the Russian Embassy in China) [Qingding ba qi tongzhi, 2002, zh. 30, qi feng zhi 30, p. 500, 504; Wu Yang, 1987, p. 83]. The new arrivals were assigned to the Ministry of Finance, from which they received a monthly salary of grain and money.16
Little is known about the composition of the" Russian company " in the early years of its existence. Its first commander, as mentioned above, was Ananiy Uruslanov. There are reasons

13 According to the " Ba qi tongzhi "(Universal Description of the" eight banners"), the half-company was formed in 1668 [Qindingba qi tongzhi, 2002, ch. 3, qi feng zhi 3, p. 45].

14 In Russian historiography, it is traditionally believed that the defenders of Albazin brought to Beijing in 1685 were assigned to the "Russian company", which was led by Ananiy Uruslanov [Adoratsky, 1887(1), pp. 40-41; Ulyanitsky, 1912, pp. 84-86].

15 The Manchu Army consisted of eight "Manchu" troops (Manchukuo Batsi), "Mongolian "(mengu batsi) and "Chinese banners" (Hanjun batsi) (a total of 24 separate "banners"), which differed in color (the first four - "yellow", "white", "red", "blue" and created later - "yellow with a border", "white with a border"). red with a border", "red with a border" and "blue with a border"), and "Chinese green banner" (liuyin). Every 300 men formed one company (jiolin), which was the basic military unit, five companies formed one regiment (canling), five regiments-one banner (qi). Each banner included Manchu, Mongol, and Chinese troops. In 1650, among the" eight banners", the highest" banners "(jun qi) were distinguished, which included the "yellow banner with a border", "full yellow banner" and "full white banner" and which were directly subordinate to the emperor, and the lowest "banners" (sn qi), which included the "full yellow banner". red banner", "red banner with border", "full blue banner", "blue banner with border" and "white banner with border". Employees of the higher "banners" were included in the personal guard of the emperor and provided protection of the imperial palace and the capital, soldiers and officers of the lower "banners" served in Beijing and other regions of the country (for more information about the" eight-banner " military system in Qing China, see: [He Yu, 1987, p. 15; Zhi Yunting, 2002]).

16 Soldiers of the" Russian company " were awarded the following salary: a junior officer 5 liang of silver per month and 28 bags of food per year, for a wedding - 10 liang, for a funeral - 20 liang; an ensign - 4 liang, 22 bags of food, for a wedding - 10 liang, for a funeral - 20 liang; private soldiers - 10 liang, for a wedding-10 liang, for a funeral-20 liang. 3 liang, 22 bags of food, 6 liang for the wedding, 12 liang for the funeral. On New Year's Eve, according to the lunar calendar, everyone was entitled to a monthly salary as a bonus [Kamensky, 1906, p. 2]. In accordance with the size of salaries for banner soldiers and officers, children of banner servicemen aged 10 to 15 years received half of the monetary and food salaries provided to adults [Zhang Xuefeng, 2007(2), p.57].

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It is believed that Uruslanov was taken to China as a prisoner. This can be said based on the records made by the Korean General Shin Nyu, who took part in the campaign against the Cossacks. The military commander noted that "according to the translator, an enemy was captured once in the past, and the authorities in Beijing treated him very kindly, giving him a high position and a generous reward" (quoted from the work of T. M. Simbirtseva [Simbirtseva, 2003, p.338]).

Korean researcher Park Tae-geun, who published Shin Nyu's diary, provided this text fragment with the following note: "The report of a Russian among eight officers from Beijing coincides with the report of Korean translator Lee Boon. According to the latter, he was a native of Russia. As a prisoner, he took part in combat operations as an officer in the Qing army, apparently as an interpreter. Judging by Chinese documents, this prisoner was O-ran-gek-ri, who surrendered to the Chinese in 1648" (Simbirtseva, 2003, p. 342). In other documents, however, one can also find directly opposite statements that Uruslanov was not a prisoner, but went over to the side of the Manchus at his own request, although he was sent to Beijing as a prisoner (for more information about Uruslanov's life, see: [Myasnikov, 1980, p. 79; Riajansky, 1937, p. 73, 76]).

Uruslanov was first listed as an officer of the sixth rank, later he was promoted to the fourth rank of the first degree of the " yellow banner with a border "[Yang Yulin, 1984, p. 43]17. His deputy Ivan had the sixth rank of the first degree, and several other Russians had the seventh rank [Yang Yulin, 1984, p. 43] 18. The idea of a new rank was approved by the emperor himself; thus, Ulangeli's deputy for the Yifan company (apparently Ivan Artemyev) [Widmer, 1976, p. 21], " captured in the 7th year of Kangxi (1668), "at the request of General Sabsu, on the day of Guiwei, 11 months of the 22nd year of Kangxi (1683), according to a report addressed to the emperor, he was assigned to the post of xiaoqixiao (junior officer. - P. L.)", which corresponded to the sixth rank of the first degree [Yu Zhengxie, 2001, ch. 9, p. 296].

After Ulangeli's death in 1683, the command of the "Russian company" was transferred to his son named Lodohun (Lodohon). Neither Chinese nor Russian sources contain any detailed information about Luodohun: his rank, time of death, and other information about his life are unknown. It is only known that this was the last company commander who had Russian roots. In the future, throughout the eighteenth century, the company was commanded by various Manchu and Chinese officials19, most of whom belonged to the Fucha clan (their main representative, of course, was Maqi), the last of whom was Fengshengzilun, Maqi's great-nephew and grandson of the Qianlong Emperor, who commanded the company until his death in 1807 [Widmer, 1976, p. 21].

17 After being delivered to Beijing, Uruslanov was assigned to the Gudei company as an assistant company commander, and since 1685 he was enlisted in hereditary company commanders [Artemyev, 2008].

18 According to Shilu, the seventh ranks were given to the Russians Agafon (possibly Agafonko Zyryan), Stepan (possibly Stenka Verkhotur), Grigory (Mylnikov), Afanasy and Maxim (Maxim Leontiev). [Qing Shilu. Shengzu ren huangdi shilu, 1985, tsz. 113, p. 165; Widmer, 1976, p. 21].

19 According to Chinese sources, after Luodohun's death, the company's management was entrusted to a well-known "specialist in Russian affairs" in the Ping administration of Mazi (during a small period when Mazi was suspended on suspicion of conspiracy, Prince Alina was in charge of the company), after Mazi's death, the company was subordinated to a certain minister-shang Deming, after his death, the administration of Xiu was entrusted to the court adviser Itai. After Itai, Hadaha became the new company manager. When he left for promotion, it was handed over to shilan (Deputy head-minister of the central department) Shushan. After Shushan's promotion, Fudutong Fuliang (Maqi's son) took over as the company's business manager, who was later replaced by fudutong Fujing (Maqi's grandson). Soon the new head of the "Russian company" was appointed dutun (head of the garrison or "banner") Guangcheng (son of Maqi's younger brother Li Rongbao), after whose death, his place was again taken by Dutong Fuliang. After Fulian's promotion, the company was taken over by Prince Fulong'an (grandson of Maqi's younger brother Li Rongbao), who was replaced by Prince Kuilin (grandson of Maqi's younger brother Li Rongbao). Kuilin was replaced by Fengshengzilun [Liu Xiaoming, 2007, p. 370; Qingding ba qi tongzhi, 2002, tsz. 3, qi feng zhi, p. 45].

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The functional tasks of the "Russian company" were determined by the needs of the time and the policy of the Qing authorities. During the active stage of the border conflict, our compatriots were very often used to organize and conduct various military and diplomatic events at the border. In April 1683, the Manchu military commander Bahai, following a report addressed to the emperor, sent a Russian prisoner named Ivan to Albazin in order to "conduct reconnaissance of the enemy's fortifications, on the basis of which military tactics could later be adjusted" [Zhang Xuefeng, 2007(2), p. 57; Mancall, 1971, p. 133]20. Acting in the interests of the Manchus, the Russians engaged in propaganda work, convincing their compatriots to surrender. 21 High professionalism allowed some soldiers of the "Russian company" to take part in larger-scale military operations on the side of the Manchus. According to sources, the founder of the first Russian church in Beijing, Fr. Maxim, was particularly successful in this, "in order not to be noticeable among the Manchu army, he cut off his head in the Manchu way" [Petrov, 1968, p.14].22
After the localization of the border conflict with Russia and the removal of tension on the border, the "Russian company" was retrained and began serving as a garrison in Beijing [Pang, 1999, p.137]. It is possible that giving the " Russian Zuolin "an" internal " status was also associated with a certain distrust of Russians on the part of the Qing authorities: "Despite the fact that they (Russian soldiers. - P. L.) were ranked among the highest three" banners "(shang qi), "noted the Chinese researcher Wu Yang," there was no trust in them, and they did not take part in real combat operations " [Wu Yang, 1987, p. 84]. The transformation of the "Russian company", however, did not affect its status and was not a consequence of the decline in the professional level of soldiers: the Moscow authorities highly valued the military training of Russians, often entrusting them with the training of their military personnel, who were rapidly losing their military skill 23: "And now they (the soldiers of the "Russian company". - P. L. Bogdykhan teaches Chinese people to shoot and squeak from horseback and on foot" [Russo-Chinese relations in the 17th century, 1969, p. 417]24.

Some Russians combined military service in Beijing with translation and teaching activities. "And he is now also taken as an interpreter in the Embassy order (Lifanyuan - P. L.)," says the documents about one Russian prisoner in Beijing, "because he can read Russian, and he studied Chinese, and he translates every Russian letter" [Russo-Chinese relations in the XVII century, 1969, p. 417]. In 1708, a Russian Language School was opened in Beijing at the Palace Chancellery and Lifanyuan, the first teachers of which were Ivan and Stepan (Kuzmin), who served in the "Russian company", and Yakov Savin, who later joined them [Adoratsky,

20 Kangxi awarded Ivan the sixth rank for his successful execution of the order, and after the end of the Albaza siege in 1685, awarded two more Russian prisoners - Lgafon and Sidor, who performed on the Manchurian side [Zhang Xuefeng, 2007(2), p. 57].

21 It is known that Afanasy and Philip, captured in 1683, were urgently transferred to the location of General Sabsu in order to attract "other Russians to our side" [Russo-Chinese relations in the XVII century, 1972, p. 668]. In addition, in 1684, on the orders of a military commander named Lobosu, the Russian Ivan was sent to the border, from where he delivered a group of 21 Russian prisoners led by a certain Mikhail [Yu Zhengss, 2001, zz. 9, p. 296]. After being delivered to the capital, "Mikhail and the others were registered with the Ministry of Finance," from where they began to receive salaries [Qing Shilu. Shengzu ren huangdi shilu, 1985, tsz. 114, p. 182].

22 Maxim's compatriots also participated in campaigns against the Western Mongols (Dzungars) [Serebrennikov, 1932, p.10].

23 K. P. Kovalevsky described the military training of soldiers of the military units that ensured order in the city in the middle of the XIX century as follows:: "I saw that man after man approached a compartment of guns leaning against the wall of a small house, took one gun, fired it, and went on his way, this was called teaching" (Kovalevsky, 1853, p.142).

24 In addition to training soldiers, Russians, together with the Jesuits, were involved in the manufacture of grenades, which the emperor himself "highly praised" [Myasnikov, 1980, p.205].

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1887(1), p. 126; Skachkov, 1977, p. 40; Zhang Yuquan, 1944, p. 52; Widmer, 1976, p. 108]. The work of Russians in Beijing as translators and teachers was, however, very short-lived [Zhang Yuquan, 1944, pp. 52-53]. Very soon, the descendants of our compatriots assimilated in China, forgot the Russian language and distanced themselves from Russian culture and Orthodoxy.

In the late period of Qing history, due to the general crisis of the Qing Empire, in particular, which affected the "eight-banner" system, the Albazins (as they later began to call the military personnel of the "Russian company" and their family members) gradually began to master civilian occupations. They provided assistance to Russian merchants during their stay in Beijing, "guided them in getting acquainted with Chinese merchants and in the mutual exchange of goods" [Adoratsky, 1887(2), p.46]. However, for the sake of justice, it must be said that sometimes the Albazins, communicating with Russians who arrived in Beijing, did not act in the interests of the latter: "The Chinese put spies under the Russians <...>. One of these spies, a descendant of the Russians, revealed this to the priest Laurentius. Another Albazin, Evfimiy Gusev, demanded 5% of the exchange rate for his mediation in the sale of goods" [Adoratsky, 1887(2), p. 128]. Some Albazin residents were street vendors, shopkeepers and small eateries, while others were engaged in soap making and weaving [Wu Yang, 1987, p. 84].

The number of "znamennykh" in Beijing was significant, which is why the management of the company was traced to the desire of the Qing authorities not to increase its number 25. Although, however, the issues of enrollment in the company could be solved positively with the help of simple bribes. "Whoever of the Russian company dies, his son is not suddenly accepted into the hundred as a soldier; but it must be sought and expended in order to be placed in his father's place < ... > boshkou (Manchursk. yaz.; military rank, roughly corresponding to the rank of a constable. - P. L.) you need to ask and give, so that they want to determine the fallen place" (Sofrony Gribovsky, early XIX century) [Materials for history..., 1905, p. 11]. Those who served in the company were, like all "znamennye", limited in the right to dispose of the real estate provided to them and, despite the fact that they "were assigned houses, servants, and after three years, when they needed dresses", they did not become full owners of these "houses and dresses". It was strictly forbidden to withdraw property outside the company, so "when a wife remains a widow from her husband and wants to marry another husband who does not belong to the company, then the remaining yards and arable land for the deceased are bought from the widow by residents of the Russian hundred, so that no one outside, except for the hundreds, owns them" (Sofrony Gribovsky, beginning XIX century) [Materials for history..., 1905, p. 41].

Since its appearance in Beijing in 1715. The first Russian ecclesiastical Mission "Russkaya rota" and the Albaza community became an important object of influence of the Russian authorities. In order to maintain relations with the descendants of Russians in Peking, the mission members in 1819 were instructed to " keep several Albazin boys at the mission and teach them on all Russian dependents <...>. Hieromonks and deacons should teach them Russian literacy and the Law of God, and you (the head of the mission-P. L.) will try to do this.

25 Despite the end of the military campaign in the Amur region, during which Russian prisoners were regularly delivered to Beijing, the sending of our compatriots to the Chinese capital from the border did not stop at a later period. According to Chinese sources, only in the period from 1690 to 1717, 70 cases of illegal crossing of the Russian-Chinese border were recorded, of which 24 cases were related to the transfer of Russians from Russia to China [Sun Zhe, Wang Jiang, 2006, p.99]. According to some Russian documents, only in the period from 1758 to 1771, 61 Russian defectors and prisoners from Russia were brought to Beijing. At the same time, in most cases, Russians deliberately crossed the border in search of a better life, and with the consent and promptness of the Qing authorities at the border and in the capital, they were sometimes ready to ensure the arrival of even more of their compatriots. Thus, the fugitives of the Nsrchinsky factory caught in 1779, Pyotr Smolin, with his comrades Semyon and Sidor, spoke about the readiness of " utti to your Majesty with their wives and families. And all people will be dressed up by 50 or 100 people or more" [Adoratsky, 1887(2), p. 273].

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education of their morals" [Vagin, 1872, p. 633] 26. Thus, through the efforts of the Russian authorities, a "school for Albazin children" was opened on the territory of the Northern Russian Metochion in the summer of 1822, where students were taught "the Chinese language and the basic foundations of Christianity", as well as the church language, sacred history, catechism and church singing [AVPRI, f. 161-St. Petersburg Main Archive, I-5, op. 4, (1842), d. 1, p. 13, l. 3, 4]. For the needs of the educational institution, two rooms were allocated, in one of which classes were held, and the other was used "for the bedroom" [AVPRI, f. 161 - St. Petersburg Main Archive, I-5, op. 4, (1842), d. 1, p. 13, l. 4ob.]. In 1822, "seven students were admitted to the school for the first time" [AVPRI, f. 161-St. Petersburg Main Archive, I-5, on. 4, (1842), d. 1, p. 13, l. 4ob.], in the future the number of students changed, since "others, giving [children] away, seem to try, but still take them back, others turn off (deduct. - P. L.), and others-die" [Kamensky, 1906, p. 14], in 1824, 14 children attended the school [AVPRI, f. 161-St. Petersburg Main Archive, 1-5, op. 4, (1842), d. 1, p. 13, l. 6].

The Russian authorities, when opening the school, provided great assistance to the families of Albazins, since "they, having formed <...>, can preferably be used as teachers in the Albazin school; they will be able to guide missionaries in the study of Chinese and Manchu languages" [Kamensky, 1906, p.14]. In other words, the newly opened educational institution could not only provide Albazin children and adolescents with the basics of the Orthodox faith, but also train qualified translators for state institutions of the Qing Empire.

The content of the school had important long-term political and strategic goals: "By these means, adherents to the Russians can be multiplied, and through them useful acquaintances will be opened with the right people. It is possible, when necessary, to send under different types to external possessions, even in the retinues of state embassies, for example, under the guise of a servant, clerk, etc. "[Kamensky, 1906, p. 15]. In fact, there was an attempt by the Russian authorities to train people in the mission, from which it would later be possible to form its own agents capable of working in the interests of the Russian side.

Albazin residents initially highly appreciated the efforts of the Russian authorities: "Today, fortunately for us<...>, clergy <...> and others, a doctor and students have arrived here," Albazin residents wrote in particular in their gratitude to the members of the Eleventh arch Mission. Veniamin (Morachevich), adding that-they (members of the mission. - P. L.), having turned their loving compassion on us, the paki raised us, who had fallen away from the holy faith, and educated us in every possible way, <...> making good people" [Mozharovsky, 1866, p. 415].

However, it was not possible to ensure the normal operation of the school. In their notes, members of the Ecclesiastical Mission often spoke about the difficulties they had in communicating with Albazins, especially with children and teenagers who attended this educational institution. "A school was opened," Archimandrite Gury pointed out, "the students were taught Russian<...>; but since the Russians demanded diligence, the school remained empty <...> they wanted to teach them at least Chinese; the same story: the mission received nothing but trouble, and the government - losses" [Karpov, 1884, p. 658]. There were moments when the mission leaders managed to reach an understanding with the Albazin community for a while, but again at some point their hopes were dashed. "At the age of two, the boys got used to reading and singing in church, I managed to explain it to them and they understood and understood the score," the arch continues his story. Gury, - but somehow it was necessary to punish them <...> and I deprived them of the usual festive reward, and they tried to reward themselves and <...> robbed the church.

26 This was intended for the reason that "the native Albazin people have long forgotten not only the Christian faith, but also the Russian language" (Adoratsky, 1887 (2), p. 328).

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Since then <...> the school has been closed and seems to be closed for a long time, if not forever" [Karpov, 1884, p. 658]27.

Often, members of missions also had conflicts with their children's parents. Some of them considered that the very decision to send their children to a missionary school was entitled to "gratitude", which they did not receive, and "at every turn expressed unbearable, unspeakable, and most ignorant annoyances" (Kamensky, 1906, p.14).

The situation was quite tense among the Albazin people themselves, whose moral and spiritual qualities were very poorly assessed by Russian clergy. The difficulties experienced by the Albaza community are traditionally associated with a departure from Christian values: "The Russians were not very staunch adherents of the Orthodox faith-apparently, the influence of the huge Chinese human sea was strong, which, despite all the efforts of Fr. Maxima, the Albazins gradually began to "settle down"" [Petrov, 1956, p. 14-15].

The rapid process of assimilation of the Cossacks in the Chinese environment was also noticed by Russian clergymen who were in Beijing at that time. "Chinese food, clothing, housing, service, connections, acquaintances-all this revealed a different world to Albazin people, infused them with an alien spirit, and gradually replaced their native heritage in posterity," pointed out the priest and historian Hieromonk Nikolai Adoratsky [Adoratsky, 1887(2), p.29]. Adoratsky saw the main reason why the Albazins turned into "Christian apostates"in the influence of their Chinese wives ("they were given wives from the robber order, and some were married to the best"). It was these "pagan wives, although baptized, who introduced superstitions and Chinese idols into their husbands' homes, before which they worshipped. And in their immediate descendants there was an open indifference to the faith of their fathers "[Adoratsky, 1887(2), p. 29]28. The above, however,

27 The Russian authorities in Beijing achieved great success in organizing the teaching of the Russian language and theology for local residents somewhat later. In October 1859, through the efforts of members of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, an Orthodox school for girls was opened in the Chinese capital. The opening of this educational institution, according to the organizers, was supposed to serve as "the best and most reliable means both for rapprochement with the Chinese and for spreading the Orthodox faith among pagans" [AVPRI, f. 143 - Chinese Table, op. 491, (1861), d.153, l. 45]. Female students attended the school daily and stayed there during the day; they were taught "sacred history, Old and New Testaments, catechism, and Chinese grammar-these are pre-lunch classes. After lunch, they are occupied with needlework" [AVPRI, f. 143-Chinese table, op. 491, (1862), d. 153, l. 18]. The number of accepted female students was apparently not limited: for example, in 1862, 18 girls attended the school, 13 of whom were accepted there during the first enrollment in 1859; the age of students ranged from 8 to 17 years [AVPRI, f. 143-Chinese table, op. 491, (1862), d. 153, l. 21]. Students were paid a scholarship, provided with accommodation and food, and in order to interest their parents who decided to send their children to a foreign educational institution, the spiritual mission paid them "2 rubles of silver per month for the table" [AVPRI, f. 143 Chinese table, op. 491, (1862), d. 153, l. 18]. In the early years of its existence, the school was funded by the Russian ecclesiastical Mission, in August 1861, according to the report of Count N. P. Ignatiev, who visited China, Emperor Alexander II and Empress Maria Alexandrovna personally allocated 2 thousand rubles in silver for the maintenance of the educational institution. With these funds, the school was maintained until October 1864, after which another 500 rubles were allocated from the Russian treasury for the needs of the educational institution. In the future, the school was funded by the Synod (the amount allocated was 2 thousand rubles in silver per year)[AVPRI, F. 143-Chinese table, op. 491, (1865), d. 153, l.43ob.In contrast to the school for boys-albazintsv, the school for girls from the very beginning showed considerable success: "Until now, all of us who study with girls," pointed out the wife of the Russian Resident Minister in Beijing, A. A. Eallusk, "cannot but praise them for their willingness to learn, diligence, attentiveness and good behavior" [AVPRI, f. 143 Chinese Table, op. 491, (1862), d. 153, l. 18ob.]. A very well-thought-out policy to popularize the Orthodox school in Beijing and a simple kind attitude towards the pupils contributed to an increase in interest in the educational institution on the part of local residents, who "at first looked with bewilderment and distrust at this innovation are now beginning to realize its benefits and eagerly ask for their daughters to be placed in the school" [AVPRI, f. 143-Chinese table, op. 491, (1862), d. 153, l. 19].

28 According to Chinese researchers, the influence of the Manchu-Chinese culture on the Albaza community was manifested in the following. First, in wearing hairstyles in accordance with the requirements of the Manchu tradition, when the hair on the head from four sides was cut, and only the hair on the back was left.

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This did not mean that the entire Albazin community was indifferent to Christian culture and its historical roots - some Albazins were willing to make contact with Russian clergymen and the Ecclesiastical Mission. "Through all the years," Demyan O. used to say about an Albazin named Demyan. Peter (Kamensky) - never missed a single service and always, only at the bell, he and his son are in church" [Kamensky, 1906, p. 14]. However, such an attitude towards Russian missionaries and the Orthodox Church "surprised some of the neighbors, and attracted contempt from others" (Kamensky, 1906, p. 14).

The stability of the situation in the community was also affected by the " unlimited freedom granted to Albazins for three years from the Kangxi Khan (Kangxi Emperor - P. L.)", during which they reached "the highest degree of debauchery, which was already beginning to cut and kill the Chinese" (Sofroniy Gribovsky, early XIX century). [Materials for history..., 1905, p. 9]. This "freedom" finally undermined the internal structure of the community and the morale of its members, since "three years passed, they stopped giving them clothes from the treasury, began to restrict their actions <...> Seeing such a change, the animal breeders (Albazins. - P. L.) through drunkenness and extravagance became naked, and to take if there is no place, then some of them died of hunger, and others from drunkenness and beatings " (Sofroniy Gribovsky, early XIX century) [Materials for history..., 1905, p. 9].

Despite the difficulties experienced by the Albazin community, it continued to exist in later periods. 29 The revolutionary events in China in 1911-1912, as a result of which the Qing "banner" system was abolished, made adjustments in the life of Albazins, forcing them to change their usual way of life. As a result, "some of them became policemen [30], Chinese army officers [31], employees of the Russian-Asian Bank" [Serebrennikov, 1932, p. 12] or "worked in a printing house attached to the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission"32 [Pang, 1999, p. 138].

In general, Russkaya Rota and the Albazin community had a significant impact on the development of Russian-Chinese relations. "Albazins," the Chinese researcher Yang Yulin rightly noted , "were related to all the significant events that took place in Sino-Russian relations in the early period, and their special status and unique fate influenced the development of bilateral contacts" [Yang Yulin, 1984, p.46]. Their appearance in Beijing paved the way for the establishment of the-

the top of his head, which eventually grew into a braid (this was the hairstyle that Fr. Maxim, when he went on a campaign against the Mongols). Secondly, in wearing Chinese clothing and shoes. Third, in changing surnames in accordance with Chinese tradition: it was believed that the owners of the Romanov surname changed it to the typical Chinese surname Lo, Khabarov-to He, Yakovlev - to Tao, Dubinin - to Du, and Kholostov - to Jia [Liu Xiaoming, 2007, pp. 370-371; Zhang Xuefeng, 2007(2), p. 57].

29 In the 1870s, the Russkaya rota included 50 descendants of Albazins, of whom "fifteen were taught Slavic literacy by mission members and sang and read during church services" (Adoratsky, 1887 (2), p.217). In the 1930s, there were 94 Orthodox men "of all sexes and ages on the list," of which only 28 were company officers, 4 "ensign belts and 24 privates" (Kamensky, 1906, p.2). By the 1860s, "our Christian law in the Chinese male and female and with their children from 30 people" was [Supplement to acts..., 1867, p. 293]. According to missionary references from 1886, there were 459 baptists in Beijing, of whom 149 were descendants of Albazins, and 310 were Chinese converts to Orthodoxy [Liu Xiaoming, 2007, p. 374]. Serious trials befell the Albazin community during the actions of the Yihetuan in the 1900s, as a result of which more than 200 Orthodox Albazins and baptized Chinese were killed by the rebels in Beijing [Serebrennikov, 1932, p. 11]. In the 1950s and 1960s, there were more than a hundred Albazin descendants in Beijing, Tianjin, Harbin, Hailars, and other cities [Liu Xiaoming, 2007, p.377].

30 For example, Nikolai Lo (or Nikolai Romanov), who "is said to have been a decent and honest policeman" (Serebrennikov, 1932, p.12).

31 For example, a descendant of the Albazin Chuan Papi (Serebrennikov, 1932, p. 12).

32 As the Russians then in Beijing point out, in the 1920s the mission's printing house was run by baptized descendants of Russians: Archdeacon Vasily De (son of Alexander Ai), Deacon Fyodor De, Vladimir Dz (son of Kuzma Lin), Nikita De, Savva De, Ignatius Shuang, Fyodor Tszyu. Ivan Jun, a descendant of the Albazins, was in charge of the mission library (Serebrennikov, 1932, p. 12).

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The Russian Ecclesiastical Mission was established in the capital of the empire, which made it possible to bring Russian-Chinese relations to a qualitatively new level.

The contribution of the Russian community in Beijing to the development of bilateral humanitarian ties is also important. Our compatriots, who taught Russian at the Russian Language School, introduced Chinese citizens to their native language and culture, laying the foundations of Chinese Russian studies. Their work as court interpreters significantly strengthened the foundations of Qing foreign policy in the Russian direction, and made the work of Chinese diplomats less burdensome.

* * *

Currently, the number of descendants of Albazins in China is approximately 250 people. Most of them live in Beijing, Tianjin, and Inner Mongolia, while fewer live in Heilongjiang Province and Shanghai (Pozdnyaev, 2000, p. 448). So far, they recognize themselves as a special ethnic group, but the tendency to mix with the Chinese population is strong. There are no public associations or representative offices in Chinese political bodies. They live in many ways separately from their Russian compatriots. After the persecution during the" cultural revolution " in China, most Albazins changed their nationality from Russian to Chinese or Manchu. Today, only representatives of the older generation speak Russian to a small extent, but they still retain the Orthodox faith and have warm feelings for their historical homeland, and visit Russia, including for religious purposes [Lapin, 2012, p. 1].

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