Islam is attacked with a pen, not a sword...

The article examines the story about the activities of the Muslim organization "Ahmadiyya" in the territory of the USSR and European states, which is practically not developed in Russian and foreign historiography. Based on unique sources, an analysis of the forms, methods and focus of this movement is given. The author examines the moment of Ahmadiyya activism in the second half of the 1920s. Of particular interest are materials describing the attempts of the Ahmadiyya organization to gain a foothold within the Uzbek SSR, as well as to establish strong ties with Muslims subordinate to the Central Spiritual Administration. As a result, a conclusion is drawn about the reasons for the limited distribution of this movement within the USSR.

Keywords: Ahmadiyya movement, "Ahmadiyya", Muslims in the USSR, Islam in Europe, UzSSR, Eastern Department of OGPU

Islamic movements, sects, associations and organizations have played a significant role in the relations between East and West both throughout history and at the present time. The question of the practical activities (forms, goals, results) of individual Muslim organizations, their impact on the nature of interaction between individual states, and on the geopolitical situation in previous historical periods is by no means idle. The current situation and tensions in relations between the Christian and Islamic world also dictate an increased interest in this topic.

The materials of the article are of scientific interest for a number of reasons. First, they help to analyze the forms and methods of work that were used by the apologists of Ahmadism in the 1920s. The results of the analysis, in turn, make it easier to understand the essential characteristics of the movement itself and provide an opportunity for a comparative analysis of its current position.

Secondly, the sources at our disposal allow us to formulate another important problem: the role of the Ahmadiyya movement in the history of relations between Islam and the state in the USSR in the 1920s. This article is one of the first attempts to study Ahmadism from this perspective. The geopolitical dimension of this problem is connected with the use of the Ahmadiyya movement by the leading world powers to solve quite visible strategic tasks. This circumstance makes it possible to study the experience of using Muslim organizations in world politics, their transformation and political activities.

The research topic becomes even more relevant, given that currently "Ahmadiyya" (Ahmadiyya) is actively developing and operating in all corners of the world.

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It enjoys the support of Western states, being in fact a transnational corporation that combines entrepreneurial activities with spiritual and missionary ones. Along with other Muslim sects, 1 Ahmadis arrived in Central Asia after the collapse of the USSR. In the early 1990s, they gained a foothold in Lithuania (Kaunas), Belarus (Grodno), and were noted for their presence in Kazan and Moscow2. Currently, they have significant support in Kazakhstan.

On the territory of the Russian Federation, this movement does not have a significant number of supporters. However, the Islamic world of Russia has already encountered representatives of this movement. According to the materials presented below, the Ahmadis tried to spread their influence in some regions of the USSR and adjacent border territories in the 1920s.

Many Muslim countries condemn this movement. The League of the Islamic World declared it a " hostile movement to Islam." Modern Sunni Russian clergy consider it a "dangerous sect", a teaching that contradicts Sharia, and a "dogmatically alien trend" (Mukhetdinov, 2006, p. 24).

The activities of the "Ahmadiyya" in the 1920s allow us to highlight the "reviews on Ahmadism" compiled by analysts of the Eastern Department of the OGPU, as well as other documents of this department.3 According to these archival materials, the movement attracted the attention of Soviet special services in the second half of the 1920s, when Ahmadiyya missionaries began to show increased activity in Western, Eastern Europe and Central Asia.

The task of the author is not to present the theological postulates of Ahmadism (for a rather detailed analysis, see [Martynenko, 2005]). Let us note only what, in the author's opinion, is important for our problems. Mirza Ghulam Ahmed, a native of the Indian village of Qadian, 4 in the 1880s declared himself Mahdi( the Messiah), a reincarnation of Muhammad, 5 a prophet and messenger (Nabi and Rasul) and predicted the approach of the Last Judgment. Subsequently, the movement split into two opposing movements: the Qadians recognize Mirza Ghulam as a "prophet", and the Lahore community recognizes Mirza Ghulam as a "prophet". -

1 The author also considers it possible to use the term "sect "as"one of the types of religious organizations, as a rule, in opposition to certain religious trends". Signs of a religious sect are: rejection of the world, voluntary and conscious entry (conversion), lack of bureaucratic organization, less formalized and more emotional worship, " along with these signs, it is characterized by the desire to improve or modify certain provisions of the doctrine or ritual practice of "historical religions" [Religious Studies, 2006, p.457]. To one degree or another, these characteristics are inherent in the Ahmadiyya movement.

2 The most notable element of their activity was the distribution of literature: in particular, they published a translation of the Koran from English into Russian, made by the poet of Tatar origin Ravil Bukharasv [The Holy Koran. Arabic text with Russian translation / Translated from Arabic by H. Ahmad, R. Bukharasv, R. Hamatvalssv. Moscow, 2007].

3 The first source is part of the review " The Muslim Clergy of Central Asia in 1927 (according to the report of the OGPU Plenipotentiary Representative in Central Asia) "(dated June 4, 1927). "the Ahmadis" (Ielam, 2010). The second, "Review of Ahmadism for the Second Half of 1927," is dated March 17, 1928. The sources came from the pen of specialists of the Eastern Department of the OGPU: they were approved by the assistant chief of the OGPU HE Kh. S. Pstrosian and the assistant chief of the 2nd department Salimov. These specialists were the authors of numerous developments and analytical materials belonging to this department, that is, they can be considered one of the key figures in the development of the "Muslim question" in the USSR.

4 Mirza Ghulam considered Qadian to be equal to Mecca, and Lahore to be equal to Medina. The rural settlement of Qadian (now a city) is located in Eastern Punjab. Lahore is a city also located in Punjab (then this province was part of British India). Today it is the second largest city in Pakistan.

3 The teaching has been expounded in numerous works, such as "Proofs of Ahmadism", "Testament", " Correction of one mistake "(see: http://www.ahmadiyya-islam.org/ru/bibliotcka). According to tradition, followers of Mirza Qadiani would have called themselves "Mirzaites"or " Qadianites". It is obvious that the choice of the second part of the name of their spiritual leader is due to the desire to somehow connect the ideas of Mirza with the name Ahmad - one of the names of Muhammad.

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a "reformer" of Islam. The differences between them, however, were not limited to theological subjects, which was accurately noticed by Soviet experts [Islam, 2010, p. 120].

Analyzing the theological component of the teaching, employees of the OGPU HE noted the" typical for other sects " ideas of Mirza Ahmed that: 1) Muslims distorted the original meaning of the teachings of Muhammad and the true meaning of the Koran: ("I came to the world to proclaim the hidden meaning of the Qur'an"); 2) rejection of jihad ("Remember that the era of religious wars has passed. Wars waged by the Holy Prophet (Muhammad). - Yu. G.), were wars of self-defense; before this was understandable, but now Islam is attacked with a pen, not with a sword, and therefore Muslims must meet their opponents and their attacks in the same way"); 3) acceptance of the power of Great Britain: "We must fully thank God for the advent of the English era in our Indian history". Loyalty and obedience to the British government was declared part of the faith (iman) [Islam, 2010, p. 120-123].

In the 1920s, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad's son, 6 who received a European education, Mirza Mahmud Bashiruddin, became the head of Ahmadiyya . He managed to organize the movement's activities in Qadian well, combining a number of printing houses, newspapers, and magazines. M. Bashiruddin enjoyed the support of British diplomats [Smirnov, 1928, p.112]. Therefore, it is no accident that the activation of Ahmadiyyis began in the mid-second half of the 1920s. first in India (where there were about 800 thousand followers of the doctrine), Afghanistan and European countries (in particular in Germany), and then the Soviet "eastern" republics faced it.

"Ahmadiyya" conducted missionary work (which included multi-faceted information activities), built a system of public organizations. Let's look at each of these methods applied to different regions.

Despite the fact that the sect was born in India, in the 1920s. Ahmadis penetrate into Europe. Thus, employees of the Eastern Department of the OGPU recorded the moment of the release of the organization "Jamiyat-Asharihul-Islamiya" ("Asharihul-Islamiya") 7. Asharihul-Islamia, based in Berlin, was created by the efforts of the Afghans in the early 1920s with the aim of creating a positive image of a renewed Afghanistan, and had branches in Poland, Finland, Latvia and other Baltic countries, as well as in Afghanistan, Arabia, India, and Java. By 1928, Asharihul-Islamiya had come under Ahmadiyya control, retaining its original aims and objectives.

What did the Ahmadis achieve by subjugating this organization? Well-informed employees of the OGPU VO believed that the aim of the Ahmadiyya's activities was to establish patronage over European mahallas (Muslim parishes) and Muslim emigrant circles. The ultimate goal was to establish and spread their ideology. It is for this reason that the leadership of the Asharihul-Islamiya organization was forced out of the Afghans.

The first attempts of Ahmadis to gain a foothold in the Muslim diaspora and traditional mahallas in Germany were recorded in the early 1920s. According to I. Gilyazov, the Ahmadis came into conflict with the Berlin society " Al-Jama'at-ul Islami "("Islamic Association of Berlin")8. In 1923, the Ahmadis started building a mosque in Berlin, but soon stopped it due to lack of funds [Gilyazov, 2001: 76, 142, 147].

6 The founder of the sect died in 1908 of cholera.

7 Report on the activities of the Asharihul-Islamiya Society. 1928 [Central Agency of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation. F. 2. Op. 6. D. 493. L. 38-41].

8 It was established in 1922 under the leadership of Turkish Professor Abdul-Jabbar Hsiri and supported by Turkish-Tatar immigrants from Russia.

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Materials from 1927-1928. evidence suggests that during this period, the Ahmadiyya sect gained funds, and it again began to show activity in various directions. Thus, on October 13, 1927, only Ahmadiyya Indians and a few Afghans took part in a meeting called by Asharihul-Islamiya in a Berlin mosque. Probably, the Berlin mosque at this time could be under the control of this sect, and the Muslim community tried to indicate its attitude to what is happening.

Representatives of the Turkic-Tatar emigration, who were in the German capital, expressed concern about the active activity of the Ahmadis: "There is a group of Muslims in Berlin who are engaged in spreading the ideas of Islam and building a mosque in Berlin, but they are special missionaries working with English money in order to split Muslims into two camps, they have their own sect under the name "Ahmadi", considering such a person the last prophet " [CA FSB RF. f. 2. Op. 1. d. 689. l. 159; d. 661. l. 30 vol.].

Abu Said, an Ahmadiyya resident, visited Poland and Finland as a representative of Asharihul-Islamiya to establish contacts with local Muslim diasporas. In Poland, mainly Tatar emigrants who had fled Soviet Russia were united around Asharihul-Islamiya. Dr. Jakub 9, an Ahmadiyya resident who is associated with Sadretdin Mawlawi, another preacher of the sect's ideas, was appointed as the representative of Asharihul-Islamiya in Poland.

Polish-Soviet relations in the 1920s10 were extremely tense and characterized by the preparation of both sides for war. In this regard, the interest in the activities of this organization in Poland becomes clear." In May 1928, at a meeting between the Afghan King Amanullah Khan and the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs G. Chicherin, a Soviet diplomat expressed the opinion that Great Britain was trying to push the USSR and Poland together [Korgun, 2006, p. 142]. The role of another provocateur could be played by Asharihul-Islamiya or a similar organization.

According to the conclusion of Soviet internal intelligence analysts, the leadership of the sect, having gained control over the Asharikhul-Islamiya society, using its channels, relied on uniting around itself individuals who were unfriendly towards the USSR [CA FSB RF. F. 2. Op. 6. D. 493. L. 41]. It was noted that while the society was led by followers of traditional Islam, it did not develop such sharply anti-Soviet activities as it began to be observed after the predominance of Ahmadis in it: "After the leadership passed into the hands of Ahmadis, the latter put all their efforts to revive Asharihul-Islamiya as another one in the struggle against the Soviet Power and dramatically change it activity in the direction desired by the British" [Ibid.].

Judging by the above-mentioned archival materials, the object of close attention of the great powers was not only the Muslim communities of European countries. Their sphere of interest included the Soviet republics of Central Asia. The Ahmadiyyis were very active.

9 Probably, we are talking about the Polish-born Mufti Jakubszymkswichs (in particular, R. Gainstdinov mentions him in his research in connection with the story about Gayaz Ishaki's attempts to spread his influence on the community of Polish Tatars [Gainstdinov, 1997, p.92]).

10 The tension in Polish-Soviet relations was dictated by a number of circumstances: 1) the negative legacy of the Soviet-Polish war, when, as a result of the Riga Treaty of 1921, Poland annexed Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, and Russia pledged to pay a significant indemnity; 2) in 1926, Poland rejected the USSR's offer to conclude a non-aggression treaty; 3) the rise to power of the enemy of the Soviets, J. Pilsudski. Provocations against the diplomatic and consular missions of the USSR in Poland also contributed to the aggravation of relations between the two countries: the assassination of the plenipotentiary envoy P. L. Voikov in 1927, and the attempt on the trade representative A. S. Lizarev in 1928 (Ivanov, 2002).

11 According to R. B. Gainstdinov's estimates, in the 1920s and 1930s, the Polish Muslim community (mostly Tatars who left the Crimea and the Volga-Ural region) numbered about five thousand people [Gainstdinov, 1997, p.92].

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active on the territory of the Uzbek SSR. In 1927, 4-5 preachers recruited from local residents were identified in Bukhara.12 One of the neophytes was taken to Qadian, where he became "a staunch Ahmadi" ([cit. by: Islam, 2010, p. 121]). At the same time, the activities of the Ahmadiyya missionary Zuhur Hussein were recorded in this republic. In 1927, he was expelled from the USSR "for illegally crossing the border and spying for the British" [ibid.].

The failures of the Ahmadis were due to the fact that the preaching of their teachings faced serious resistance from the Sunni clergy [ibid.]. As a result of the efforts of the special services, a group of Ahmadis was liquidated, and the neophytes were sent out of Bukhara [CA FSB RF. F. 2. Op. 6. D. 493. L. 40].

According to the OGPU VO, the threat to "internal" Islam and the Muslim communities of "internal Russia" consisted primarily in the danger of further spreading the sect's ideas and influence from Central Asia to the Muslim-populated regions of the Urals and Volga region. This was quite likely, since there was a historically established tradition of religious, cultural and educational ties between Bukhara and the Volga-Ural region. For the Muslims of this region, Bukhara has been the main educational center for many centuries. Despite the partial reorientation of the Volga Turks in favor of other educational centers (Egypt, Turkey), to this day the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region continue to feel their spiritual kinship and ideological closeness with their Central Asian co-religionists. 13
In addition, the attempts of some local Central Asian elites in the 1920s to keep the development of society in a religious direction, even a fairly reformed one (in the military-political sense, this was expressed in the Basmachist movement), aroused sympathy among some of the convinced believers of the Volga region (see, for example, [Validi, 1997]).

Another threat, according to analysts at the OGPU, was that the Ahmadis sought to establish contacts with the national religious leaders of the USSR and the Central Spiritual Administration (CDU) in Ufa. Moreover, the Ahmadis acted both officially, through organizations and their leaders, and informally, through establishing private connections. For example, in 1927, the Berlin Ahmadiyya organization planned to officially send its missionaries to the Soviet Union. They sent a letter to the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, which raised the question of the possibility of obtaining a visa for individual "Ahmadiyya" figures in accordance with the procedure established by the NKVD [CA FSB RF. F. 2. On. 6. D. 493. L. 42].

On December 8, 1927, representatives of the Akhmadiyya branch in Lahore sent a letter to Rizaetdin Fakhretdinov, Mufti of the Ufa Central District. It's filled with Lahore Ahmadis."..by disavowing the Kadians, they tried to convince the Central Administration that the Lagor organization does not pursue any political goals, that it has no connection with the Kadian organization...". Employees of the OGPU VO saw the importance of the document in the fact that "the Ahmadis themselves are already talking about the political essence of Ahmadism" [ibid.].

12 According to analysts of the OGPU HE, such phenomena had their roots in the economic and social plane. The fact that in the 1920s Bukhara society was in search of ways of further ideological development played a role. The authority of the traditional Sunni clergy was discredited and declined, especially among the intelligentsia [Islam, 2010, p. 123; Russia-Central Asia, 2011].

13 It is also important that during the famine of the early 1920s, the repressions of the 1930s, and military hardships, a large number of Tatars from the villages of the TASSR and other nearby regions migrated to Uzbekistan for permanent residence. One of the most important consolidating factors was the almost complete absence of a language barrier.

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Thus, the Ahmadis tried to influence the minds of the Turks of the Volga-Ural region and Central Russia with the help of reputable public and religious figures. The documents of the OGPU HEO refer to the meeting of the missionary of the Abu Said sect with one of the most prominent and authoritative national religious leaders of the Russian Muslim world, Musa Bigiev14. The meeting probably took place in Kashgar or India. At that time, Bigiev was already permanently residing abroad [ibid., p. 43].

Emigrant Tatar diasporas in European countries were a powerful channel for spreading anti-Soviet ideas. The relations between the Volga Tatars and their co-tribesmen and co-religionists in Germany, France, Finland, the Baltic States, Manchuria, China, and Japan were very strong in the 1920s. The penetration of such ideas into Russia was facilitated by the departure of Tatar students to study in European countries, the illegal delivery of anti-Soviet publications to the Volga region, and the movement of some of the most active representatives of the Tatar elite within the Soviet Union (including their stay in Bukhara). Theoretically, this activity could form the basis for spreading the Ahmadiyya teachings among Russian Muslims and lead to the establishment of strong ties between emigrant circles and British diplomats [CA FSB of the Russian Federation. F. 2. Op. 1. d. 662].

In my opinion, the Eastern Division has closely studied the geopolitical factor in the activities of Ahmadiyya . Its activities could lead to the transformation of some of the leaders of the Turkic and Muslim diasporas in Europe and Central Asia into "agents of foreign influence". The British supported the Islamic component of the national liberation movement of the Indian people and took under their patronage, in addition to the Muslim League, 15 the Ismaili Society16 and the Ahmadiyya movement. The anti-Soviet activity of the Ahmadis, according to the leadership of the OGPU, was to support the efforts of the British authorities to unite Muslims under the flag of the caliphate movement in order to establish political dominance in various regions of the East.

The role and place of Ahmadiyya was significantly influenced by the clash of geopolitical interests of Great Britain and the USSR in Afghanistan, India, the territory of the future Saudi Arabia, as well as in European countries: Poland and Germany.

The pro-British orientation of "Ahmadiyya" was expressed in information support for British foreign policy initiatives. Mirza Bashiruddin supported an information campaign against Soviet-friendly Afghanistan in connection with the"failures of the British in Afghanistan." In 1924-1925, a conflict broke out in Afghanistan between four Ahmadiyya preachers and local ulama, who issued a fatwa denouncing the organization. As a result, the preachers were killed ,which " forever turned the Ahmadis against the Afghans "(cit. by: [Islam, 2010, p. 121]).

14 Bigiyev (Bigi) Musa Jarullah (1875-1949)-a well-known representative of the Tatar national elite of the first third of the XX century.He studied at the Rostov Real School, received religious education at the Apanaev madrasah in Kazan, Bukhara, Cairo Al-Azhar University, as well as in Hijaz, Beirut, Syria and India. He studied at the Faculty of Law of Saint Petersburg State University. Active participant of all Russian Muslim congresses. He was engaged in journalistic and teaching activities. After October 1917, he lived permanently in Petrograd. In 1926 (1930?) he left Soviet Russia. From 1930 to 1949, he lived in Afghanistan, India, Egypt, Iran, Finland, Germany, and Japan. He died in 1949 in Cairo (Heritage, 2000).

15 The Muslim League, which set itself the task of converting as many Indian residents as possible to Islam during this period, also received assistance from the British Crown [Istoriya Vostoka, 2006, p.334].

16 The head of this society, Ara Khan III (1877-1957), headed the representatives of India in the League of Nations, was the chairman of the session of the League of Nations in 1937.

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Ahmadiyya also participated in the information campaign against the USSR. The famous Ahmadiyya missionary Zuhur Hussein (who was exiled from the country) published books in the second half of the 1920s, in which he described his stay in the USSR in the darkest tones. The British press published articles about the repressions of the Soviet government against Ahmadis (publication in the Times newspaper from 2.VI 1927). At the same time, it is very characteristic that the period of distribution of these publications in time almost coincided with the period of the "grenade campaign" 17 [CA FSB of the Russian Federation. F. 2. Op. 6. D. 493. L. 42].

Given the serious threat to state interests, the security services sought to stop the activities of " Ahmadiyya "both inside the country and in the emigrant environment. For this purpose, a response information campaign was organized (for example, a letter of thanks from Lahore Ahmadiyyas sent by Muhammad Amin Khan to the OGPU of Central Asia was published) and any attempts of the "Ahmadiyya" to establish contact with Muslim organizations and leaders of the USSR were suppressed. VO OGPU continued to collect information about the Ahmadiyya ,paying special attention to the differences that existed between the Cadians and Lahoreans.

So, in the period under study, "Ahmadiyya" was a religious and political movement that functioned under Islamic slogans. The multi-dimensionality and ambiguity of the movement itself, its close connection with the political interests of world powers and Eastern countries, give reason to consider its activities one of the many examples of the use of the "Islamic" factor in the geopolitical struggle.

The partisanship of the movement's leaders, who have declared their support for the British authorities in the theological part of the teaching, becomes obvious. The lack of mass support for Ahmadis within the Soviet Union and in the circles of immigrants from Soviet Russia is also quite understandable. The lack of a set of socio-economic, socio-political grounds for such ideas to take root among Russian Muslims, as well as close attention to the Ahmadiyya movement and the effectiveness of the country's special services played a role. Therefore, the disappearance of Ahmadis from the spiritual life of the Central Asian republics, as well as the lack of mass support in the internal regions of Russia, can hardly be considered "strange irony"18.

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Soviet-German military and military-technical cooperation (1920-1933). Author's abstract of the diss. cand. Ist. nauk, Moscow, 2008.

Valili Akhmst-Zagi Togan. Memories. The struggle of Muslims of Turkestan and other Eastern Turks for national existence and culture. № 12, 1997.

17 "Grenade campaign" an anti-Soviet information campaign in the Western European press, caused by the so-called grenade scandal (1926). The essence of the scandal is the disclosure of close ties between Germany and the USSR in the field of military cooperation: in 1926, the yacht Anna sank off the coast of Finland, carrying about 50 tons of Soviet ammunition, en route to German port of Stetin. The incident resulted in revealing articles in the British press, which were then reprinted in German newspapers. According to A. Baykov, " the English newspaper Manchester Guardian, followed by the German Forvsrts, seized on this compromising material and made revealing articles... By December 7, the article about " Russian grenades "was already published by all German newspapers, including the Nazi"Fslkischer bsobachtsr". G. V. Chicherin, who was in Germany at that time, described all this hysteria briefly and succinctly: "made in England" "[Baikov, 2008, p. 19]. In the context of my research, this story can be qualified as one of the pages of the geopolitical struggle between the Soviet Union and Great Britain.

18 B. Babadzhanov, one of the authors of a serious study on the history of Islam in Central Asia, writes about this, in particular: "By a strange irony, the Ahmadis at the beginning of the third decade of the XX century failed to spread their influence on a significant scale, and then completely disappeared from the historical arena" [Russia-Central Asia, 2011, p. 150].

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