M. Molodaya gvardiya. 1984. 400 p.
In the book of a prominent Soviet international scholar, Director of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Academy of Sciences, corresponding member. A. N. Yakovlev analyzes the policy and doctrines of the United States, the realities of our nuclear age, and the existence of human civilization itself. The research focuses on a Marxist analysis of the main strategic concepts and doctrines of American imperialism's foreign policy. At the same time, in terms of the breadth of the problems covered and the depth of analysis, it goes beyond the scope of the "American" topic itself. It sets out and examines the main trends in international development from the post-war period to the present.
Having critically worked through extensive documentary and factual material, including a number of American publications, with-
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The author considers the military doctrines and plans of the United States in organic unity with the mechanism of their political and ideological support. The author analyzed a large number of materials, including speeches of American politicians, political scientists, and publicists. It reveals the origins and practical consequences of the imperial ambitions of overseas strategists who rely on achieving world domination by unleashing a global nuclear missile conflict.
The monograph examines the evolution of American social and political life over four decades. Not limited to the problems of today, A. N. Yakovlev seeks to give a forecast of the development of the situation not only in the United States, but also on the scale of world politics.
In the contradictory trends in the evolution of the modern United States, in the kaleidoscope of names, facts and events, the author highlights the main thing that is characteristic of American society, of international life. The book provides a deeper understanding of the current and long-term trends in Washington politics, its diverse forms and strategic content.
The author's arguments about modern America and Americans help in many ways to understand the features and contradictions of this diverse country. A. N. Yakovlev skillfully and reliably reveals the levers of influence on public opinion, information manipulation, the formation of stereotypes and habits in the broad masses of the population in the interests of the ruling class. The book emphasizes the fundamental importance of the fact that the bourgeoisie always tenaciously holds in its hands the mass media and propaganda, political science, putting it at the service of its policy. Investigating the mechanism of influencing the formation of public opinion, the author shows that the current political system in the United States is aimed at ensuring that the average person, who is not well informed in politics, retains the illusion that by voting for a candidate of one of the two parties, he participates in determining state policy, presidential elections, congressmen, governors or judges. Deliberately misleading the broad masses of the population, the ruling circles gain freedom of action in implementing the interests of American imperialism under the guise of the interests of the entire people, under the guise of fighting for "patriotism" and loyalty to "national interests."
Analyzing the recent American reality, the author comes to the conclusion that right-wing tendencies are growing within the country, the most reactionary forces are consolidating, and the official line is converging with the platform of America's extreme right circles.
A. N. Yakovlev deeply explores the ideas of Pan-Americanism, shows their close interweaving with nationalism, racism and chauvinism. An ambitious imperial approach to solving international problems and an ardent anti-communism merged among the American right long before Senator J. McCarthy became the symbol, "messiah", of anti-communism in America and on the international stage. But never before, the author emphasizes, have the ideas of imperial domination been so closely linked to the anti-communist, anti-Soviet orientation of the foreign policy course of the American administration (p.154). This must be kept in mind in order to understand the evolution that American foreign policy has made in such a short time under the onslaught of extreme right-wing forces.
Consideration of the general directions of development of American society allows us to identify the dominant trends in the formation of the US political course, its content and features. The author convincingly shows the direct and indirect influence of various groups of the ruling class on the political course of the state. I would like to highlight the author's conclusion about the formation of an "extreme right-wing faction of the American establishment" around the current president (p. 325).
An important advantage of the book is its focus on today, modern problems. A significant place in terms of volume and content is given to the analysis of the policies of the Reagan administration.
The book helps to get a clear picture of the continuity of US foreign policy throughout the entire post-war period, despite the change of administrations and presidents. The general, strategic line of American imperialism, the "imperial" doctrine of American supremacy, was created by the efforts of many generations of conservative and right-wing America.
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This is what all the post - war government "teams" sought to implement, since this line primarily meets the interests of monopolistic capital-the true ruler of America.
Penetrating deeply into the" inner sanctum " of American political cuisine, the author meticulously systematizes and shows the forces of US big capital that are actually the creators of Washington's foreign policy. The merger of the big bourgeoisie with the authorities became particularly noticeable when big business "flowed into the government" after the war (p. 119). The fusion of monopolistic capital and political power crowns the military-industrial complex. The author emphasizes that after the Second World War, the combination of the power of monopolies and the state acquired a pronounced militaristic coloring. It was during this period that the military line of such relations was distinguished and developed. At the same time, a well-established mechanism of interaction between monopolies that produce weapons and the state was formed, which is known as the "military-industrial complex".
Revealing the role of the largest military-industrial concerns, which receive a significant part of government orders, the author comes to the conclusion that they, participating in the organization of military production, exercise group monopolistic domination (p.125). Another part of the military-industrial complex is the highest military - bureaucratic levels of the state apparatus, and above all the Pentagon, which is incomparable in terms of the scale of its activities and financial capabilities to any other American government body. It is quite natural that the partnership of two groups that have formed a close alliance is clearly reactionary, since the interaction of the upper echelons of power and the military industry takes place in the name of developing and accelerating militaristic processes. In this connection, A. N. Yakovlev emphasizes that the alliance of military power and military industry, which is embodied in the military-industrial complex, is "the most sinister product and the ugliest form of development of modern state-monopoly capital" (p. 125).
Of great interest to international researchers is an in-depth class analysis of the exceptionally extensive flow of American political science literature. The book repeatedly emphasizes that political science is given a significant place in the propaganda support of the strategy of American imperialism. By themselves, the doctrines of war can attract a limited number of people, in addition, of course, to their customers. That is why the thesis of "national interests"is the basis of military propaganda, which is an integral part of military psychosis. It is extremely important to conclude that the concepts of international relations, which are plentifully supplied by the official political science of the United States to the American and world markets, grow on real social grounds, serve real political goals, and are designed for a real conformed personality (p.193). The author notes that the horizon of American thinking was narrowed by the ideology and atmosphere of the Cold War to a primitive set of stereotypes, such as" national interests"," communist threat"," messianic predestination of fate", etc. (p. 193). It is in such an environment that the misanthropic doctrines of war, "thermonuclear murder", "universal death", etc. easily find fertile ground.
The actions and actions of the current US administration clearly demonstrate that American imperialism does not want to part with the bankrupt policy of war. Escalating the already tense international situation to the limit, the ruling circles of Washington with maniacal persistence are getting involved in military adventures in one region of the world, then in another, trying to blackmail peoples with the threat of war and force peace-loving forces, including in the United States itself, to capitulate. But on the path of the warmongers - a powerful barrier, the opposition of the USSR, all the progressive democratic forces of the planet.
Realizing that the threat of war is still a reality, the CPSU and the Soviet Government, in their untiring concern for the consolidation of universal peace and international security, are constantly strengthening and will continue to strengthen the defense power of our state. The Soviet Union, together with its allies and all peace - loving forces, is ready to do everything possible to fulfill its historic mission-to strengthen peace on earth. "In relations with capitalist states-
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The Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU on March 11, 1985 noted: "We will firmly follow Lenin's course of peace and peaceful coexistence. The Soviet Union will always respond to good will with good will, and to trust with confidence. But everyone should know that we will never compromise the interests of our Homeland and its allies. " 1
Looking back at the policy of the ruling forces of the United States, A. N. Yakovlev notes that even in the past, they had difficulty getting used to reality and were often inclined to a mythical perception of the situation instead of their actual assessment (p.398). However, the harsh realities of the nuclear age require responsibility, wisdom, and an adequate perception of the complexities of our world.
A. N. Yakovlev's monograph convincingly exposes the irresponsibility of the nuclear policy of the US ruling circles after World War II. The reader is presented with a series of political figures - presidents, secretaries of state, ideologues who developed the political and ideological platforms of post-war administrations.
Remaining the main stronghold of imperialism, the United States assumes the functions of the guarantor of capitalist foundations and orders, ideas and values. The current leadership in Washington is increasingly trying to impose a confrontational tone on the escalating confrontation between socialism and capitalism. And this, as noted in the book, is by no means accidental, but quite natural. This policy is based on traditional anti-communism and long-term anti-Sovietism (p. 336).
A. N. Yakovlev's book also helps to really assess the peace-loving phraseology that the US administration uses from time to time and which, in fact, is not supported by cases, especially in the field of arms limitation and reducing military danger, and establishing constructive relations with the USSR. The monograph will be received with interest not only by Soviet historians and international experts, but also by the broadest circles of readers, all those who are interested in international issues.
1 Materials of the Extraordinary Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, March 11, 1985, Moscow, 1985, p. 11.
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