Introduction

In the historical literature, there is a strong opinion that in every ulus-principality of the Yenisei Kirghiz in the XVII century there were fortress towns that served "as a refuge during wars. This, apparently, was their main purpose" [Abdykalykov, 1968, p. 8]. S. V. Bakhrushin, for example, argued that "nomads who did not have a permanent place of residence, the Kyrgyz, in case of danger, had fortified shelters where, when traveling against enemies, they sheltered their wives, children and flocks. This was a prison not far from the mouth of the Abakan (here and further my italics. - V. D.), where in times of military danger "for the fortress and fear of Kirghiz people and other different families sent their wives and children, horses and cattle, and all sorts of bellies." They even had their own "stone town " on Yuse" [1955, p. 4]. 183]. He is echoed by A. Abdykalykov: "... the presence of Kyrgyz" towns " Russian service people have reported more than once. One of the reports said: "We took three towns from them" " [1968, p. 8]. In the work of L. R. Kyzlasov and K. G. Kopkoev, the list of Kyrgyz "towns" was expanded: "In the Khakass country at that time there were certain supporting residences of princes - stone fortresses - "towns" and even wooden prisons, where the population went in case of military danger. Sources mention not only the "White Stone City" - the residence and capital of the "Big Kyrgyz" of the XVII century at the confluence of the White and Black Iyusov, but also the "stone town" on the White Iyusov, "stone town below the Sydy River", a town on the Yenik River in the Kizil land, "Kyrgyz prison" near the Krasnoyarsk prison. In the campaign of 1616, Tomsk service men stormed three fortress towns ("the Kirghiz people, and the Kyzyl and Bugasar three towns were whipped"). The fortress was also located on Tagyr Island, located on the Yenisei River near the mouth of Abakan (now Tatar Island). As stated in one document, in this fortress during the time of military danger "for the fortress and fear of Kirghiz people and other different families sent their wives and children, and horses, and cattle, and all sorts of bellies." There was also a border fortress "Lozanovy besieges" at the exit of the Yenisei from the Sayan Mountains " [1993, p. 156].

What do the documents really say about them and what did all these "fortress towns"really represent? First of all, we will consider the reports of documents about the "stone town" on the Bely Ius River.

Was there a "stone town" on Bely Yuse?

By the mid-1630s, Russian military personnel were well versed in the administrative and political situation in the Kyrgyz land. The latter was a kind of federation of Kirghiz uluses-principalities: Altysar, Isar, Altyr, and Tuba [Bakhrushin, 1955, p. 176-180; Potapov, 1957, p. 11-69; Abdykalykov, 1968, p. 6-10; Butanaev and Abdykalykov, 1995, p. 9-28; Kyzlasov and Kopkoyev, 1995, p. 176-180]. 1993, p. 156]. The Kyrgyz of the Altysar ulus were sometimes referred to in documents as "big Kirghizs", and the Altyr ulus - "upper Kirghizs" [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1996, N 25, p. 72]. A political center

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1. Map of the Chulym basin and the Kyrgyz Land (based on [Remezov, 1882]).

big Kirghiz was the area of Bely Iyus. One of the documents says: ".. They came to the big Kyrgyz ulus in Altysary on the Belaya Miyus River" [Ibid., 1974, N 7, p. 48]. Here, in the steppe part of the interfluve of the White and Black Iyusov rivers, their "stone town" was located, near which in 1627 the embassy of the Tobolsk son of the boyar D. Cherkasov negotiated with the Kyrgyz princes [Butanaev and Abdykalykov, 1995, N 16, p. 72]. This is the first mention of "gorodok" in Russian documents. Earlier documents, in particular, the lists of articles and interrogatory speeches of V. Tyumentz, I. Petrov and I. Petlin - the first Russian ambassadors who went to Altyn Khan and China through the Kyrgyz land-are silent about him. Several times "gorodok" is mentioned in documents of the 1630s-1650s, but none of them indicates its location, except for the stencil "on the White Miyusu", is not given [Ibid., N 20, p. 90; N 24, p. 102; Russian-Mongolian relations..., 1974, N 29, p. 134; 1996, N 22, p. 56].

It should be noted that in L. R. Kyzlasov's 1992 book "kamenny gorodok" turned into "the central White Stone city on the Bely Ius River" [p. 61]. However, a year later, in another work, an extensive excerpt from which is given above, the researcher writes about the "stone town" on the Bely Ius River in full compliance with Russian documents of the XVII century. At the same time, the "central White Stone City", which he proclaimed the capital of Khakassia in the XVII century. and about which there is no information in the documents, L. R. Kyzlasov localizes already at the confluence of the White and Black Jus [Kyzlasov and Kopkoev, 1993, p. 156]. In turn, D. Y. Rezun claims that "the stone Kirghiz town was located behind the White Pole". On the modern map of Khakassia, it is "shown... on the right side of the river. The Shira River, which flows into Lake Biel, not far from the modern Shira railway station" [1984, p.46]. Documents, however, do not confirm this [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1996, N 22, p. 56].

Determining the location of the "town" is really difficult. Information about this is extremely scarce in the article lists of Tomsk service people who went as ambassadors to the rulers of Northwestern Mongolia. Only one of them, the official list of the son of the boyar S. Grechenin, describes in detail the route of the embassy to Altyn Khan Lubsan. It reads in part:: "On October 1, on the 2nd day, we arrived in the Kyrgyz land at the tract on Bozhye Lake in ulus x to the Kyrgyz prince Shyanda Senchikenev. And on the 3rd day of the same month, the prince of Shyandy gave carts and escorts to his father, the prince of Senchiken... And on the same day we came to Father Evo Prince Senchiken at the tract on the Becish River. And October in 4 day Prince Senchiken gave carts and guides, and came to the ulus x Kirghiz Prince Sobuka and here in the ulus for carts were 3 days... And October in 7 day from knyazets Sobuki from the ulus went across the river for the Black Ius and arrived at the river on the White Ius in the Kirghiz w uluses to knyaztsam to Irgel yes to Emandara Izercheevym detem. And on October 8, on the 8th day, the leaders of those uluses went up the Bely Ius by carts and came to the ulus to Prince Izerchei. And on October 9, on the 9th day of the departure of that ulus from Knyazets Izerchey, we arrived on evo carts in the Kirghiz villages to knyazets to the Kochebaev Herd, yes to Senzha Karin, yes to Soba Taitykaev on the Ou River tract near Belovo Iusa opposite Kamennovo Gorodok " [Ibid.].

Unfortunately, the Ou River is not found on modern maps of Khakassia in the interfluve of the White and Black Iyusov rivers.

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Fig. 2. Map of Altysarsky ulus.

However, the context of the document allows us to identify it with one of the modern hydronyms and roughly determine the location of the "town". Several rivers are known in the interfluve of the White and Black Iyusov Rivers. We should be interested in the rivers whose channels are located in the immediate vicinity of Bely Iyus. There are three such rivers - Chernaya, Cheryomushka and Kizilka. The dogwood flows in the vast, heavily swampy floodplain of the White Yuse. The Black River flows out of the lake of the same name, skirting Mount Khizilkhas and flows parallel to the White Iuse. Its lower reaches are lost in the swampy floodplain of Bely Iyus. Cheryomushka flows between the Black and White Poles, the upper reaches of which are very dry in summer. It is possible that Cheryomushka once flowed from Lake Cherny or, more likely, it is a branch of the Chernaya River. On this basis, Chernaya can be identified with the river Ou. This does not contradict the calculation of the distance between the ulus, which are indicated in the article list of S. Grechenin. From oz. The embassy of S. Grechenin traveled from Bozhy (now Bolshoe) to the Ou River for four days. Given that the horse's daily journey is about 25-30 km, we get about 100 - 120 km. T. Kochebaev's place of nomadism, p. Karina and S. Taitykaeva in this case should have been located in the area of the modern Chest Mountain. The only river that is on the way (if you go up the White Jus), - Black. At about this point, on the" Drawing of the land of the Tomsk city", SU. Remezov made an inscription: "Kamennaya Gorodok". Next to it, a dotted line shows the " road to Kirghiz from Tomsk "(Figs. 1, 2) [Remezov, 1882, p. 11].

As for the defensive function of this "Kamennovo gorodok", there is not even a hint about it in any document. Moreover, descriptions of the campaigns of Russian warriors against the "Kirghiz traitors" or reports of the arrival of Mongol detachments of Altyn Khan indicate the opposite. According to the descriptions of their campaigns, the Kirghiz people hid their wives and children in the mountains, while they themselves went south to Uibat and Abakan, and according to the information about the invasion, on the contrary, they migrated with their families to the north, closer to Tomsk [Butanaev and Abdykalykov, 1995, N 14, pp. 52-53; N 56, p. 193; Russian-Mongolian relations..., 1959, N 124, p. 280; Additions..., 1867, N 80 / XVI, p. 392].

The documents never contain a description of the"town". All the characteristics of the "Kirghiz town" are reduced to the words:" at that time the Kirghiz people roamed on the White Miyusus near Kamennov gorodok " [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1974, N 29, p.134]. And this is not accidental. In the article lists of Russian ambassadors, the appearance of stone cities among the Dzungars is noted, and their rather detailed description is also given. The Tobolsk Cossack G. Ilyin, who went to Batur-khuntaiji on business, reported after his return: "And the con de taisha is now wandering around its cities in Kubak (Kobuk-Saur tract. - V. D.). And at the con de taixa 3 cities of kirpish: one white, and the fourth de city starts a new one. And from the city of de to the city ride on the bottom. And in those de evo gorodeh live evo, kontayshiny, laby and arable evo people. And he, kontaisha, wanders around those cities of his" [Ibid., N 64, p. 239; Zlatkin, 1964, p. 179-180]. According to Russian archival documents, the first inhabitants of these areas were

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These were lamas. From this it follows that the founder of the Dzungarian state, Batur-khuntaiji, built primarily monasteries, which became centers of settlement. Near the monastery was located the headquarters of the khan or prince with all the services, and in the vicinity of the monastery, grain farming was introduced, which was carried out by prisoners from agricultural oases of Central Asia [Zlatkin, 1964, p. 181]. On the" Drawing of the land of the Krasnoyarsk city "in the upper reaches of the Yenisei River, next to the inscription" Lake Dolon Nor", S. U. Remezov shows three icons with the inscription: "The city is stony old, two walls are intact, and two have fallen apart. But I don't know the hard labor of that city" [1882, p.14]. Apparently, it was these ruins that V. Tyumenets and I. Petrov reported about in February 1617 in the Tobolsk prikaznaya Izba, giving evidence about their trip to Altyn Khan: "And from the Kirghiz we went to the Golden King Kunganchey mesets by horse, and the stone mountains were 10 den, from the Kirghiz there were polats, and now de that the place is empty. And we asked the Golden King of old People about those mansions and polats. And they told us about those mansions and polats: the Chinese people and the Golden Tsar's people lived there" [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1959, N 20, p. 58]. In the painting of the Chinese state and the Mongol lands, prepared by the Tomsk Cossack I. Petlin in 1619, it was noted :" And the cities in the Mughal land are made into 4 corners, at the corners of the tower; and at the bottom of the city a gray stone is laid, and bricks are laid to the top; and at the gates of the city arches are the same as Russian cities; and at the gate on the tower is the bell of the copper messenger, 20 poods; and the tower is covered with brick samples" [Ibid., 1959, N 34, p. 81].

From these brief but rather succinct reports, it is clear that the Cossacks were always interested in the external attributes of a "foreign" culture, especially such important ones as cities that were the centers of economic and administrative life, and clearly distinguished between residential and non-residential cities. The documents do not contain any information about the "stone town" of the Kyrgyz people.

G. F. Miller, who paid much attention to the description of Siberian antiquities and always visited such towns at every opportunity [1999, p. 239, 241], does not even mention the existence of a "stone town" in his "Description" of Tomsk Uyezd or in his "Journey from Krasnoyarsk through the Steppes of the Ius River to the Abakan River" [Elert, 1988, pp. 59-101; Sibir..., 1996, pp. 144-171]. There is not a word about it in the "History of Siberia" [Miller, 1999, p. 172 - 176, 307, 309, 316 - 318; 2000, with. 48, 52, 55 - 62, 67 - 74]. But only 36 years have passed since the Oirats took the Kirghiz people to Dzungaria in 1703. The" stone town " of the Kyrgyz, if there was one, could not have disappeared without a trace in such a short time.

These facts completely contradict the generally accepted understanding of the functional purpose of the "stone town" on the White Pole, and also call into question its very existence. In this connection, the question arises, what then did the service people take for the "stone town" of the Kirghiz people?

The Khakass-Minusinsk basin is a unique natural and archaeological region. Especially numerous are the monuments of the Early Iron Age, represented by burial complexes (groups of mounds) of the so-called Tatar culture. It is characteristic that they are built of large stone slabs placed vertically.

The Cossacks who first saw these stone-lined complexes of the Early Iron Age, with numerous stone stelae, probably took them for the remains of a"stone town". Otherwise, it is not clear what kind of "stone town" we are talking about. The Kirghiz were nomadic steppe dwellers. According to an employee G. Mikhailov, who went as an interpreter with V. Tyumentsem and I. Petrov to visit Altyn Khan, "The Kirghiz people are nomadic, they live in the yzbakhs in half-wool" [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1959, N 21, p. 58].

It is also possible that the ritual and memorial complex of the Kyrgyz themselves, which L. P. Potapov called "the ancient center of possession" (Potapov, 1957, p.16), could have been mistaken for the "stone town". In this connection, attention is drawn to one passage from the famous legend of the end of the XV century ." About the unknown people in the Eastern country", where it is said about a certain "city without a posad" and without inhabitants. As shown by A.D. Anuchin, the author of the legend took for" hail " bizarrely weathered rocks. His mistake " is explained, first of all, by the level of social development achieved by the time when the city became an integral factor of civilization. When a Russian first came to the vast expanses of Siberia, it was a wonder that there were no big, busy cities, and he often classified what he saw along the way based on the prevailing ideas. Thus, in the reply of the Kuznetsk voivode of 1680/81, it is reported that "the top of the Yenisei River above the mouth of the Abakan River is Tagyr-an island 5 versts long, and at one end of that island there is a stone like a city wall" "[Rezun, 1982, p. 16].

It should be noted that already in the second half of the century, news about the "stone town on Bely Miyusy" disappeared from the documents. The last mention of it is found in the article list of S. Grechenin for 1659. [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1996, N 22, p. 56]. This is not contradicted by the inscription "gorodok kamennoy" on the "Drawing of the land of the Tomsk City" by S. U. Remezov [Andreev, 1960, p. 107; Goldenberg, 1965, p. 37-47].

If the existence of the "stone town on Bely Miyusy" turned out to be a big question, then

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about the presence of such "towns" in other Kyrgyz ulus-principalities, the documents are generally silent. So, in the article lists of Russian ambassadors who went to the Altyn Khans through the Altyrsky ulus, there is no information about the existence of a "town" here [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1974, N 7, p. 32, 48; N 28, p. 104-105; N 29, p. 134]. At the same time, according to the documents, the town of Knyaztsa Talaya was located in the Altyrsky ulus. This prince was the head of the Sagay people, a small tribal Turkic-speaking group of hunters who were the Kyshtyms of the Altyr princes. The town of Talaya was located on the Ulel River (probably the present-day Ulen, a right tributary of the Bely Ius) in a mountainous and wooded area in the east of the Kuznetsk Alatau [Ibid., 1959, N 104, p. 228; N 105, p. 230].

Historical geography of "Kyrgyz towns"

Next in the list of" Kyrgyz towns "researchers call" stone town below the Syda River " and "town on the Yenik River in the Kizil land". Let's turn to the document referred to by L. R. Kyzlasov, including these towns in the Kyrgyz list. This refers to the reply of the Krasnoyarsk voivode M. F. Scriabin about the negotiations of the son of the boyar S. Kolovsky with the ambassador of Altyn Khan Mergen Degoyu. In order not to appear unfounded and not to be accused of bias, I will give an extensive excerpt from this document: "In the current... in the 161 (1652) year of October, on 21 days, the Kirghiz lands were sent to the Krasnoyarsk prison by the Kirghiz prince Izhen Mergen of ulus Tatars two people who came to the Krasnoyarsk uyezd to the sovereign Tubinsky land of Altyn-tsar, the nephew Mergen-taisha with military people with seven hundred people, running away from Altyn-tsar, and became on the sovereign Tubinsky land on the Yerbinsky estuary between the sovereign yasashny people from the Krasnoyarsk prison in 5 bottoms. And de he, Mergen-taisha, started robbing and ruining the sovereign yasashny people, and he caught many yasashny people very much, and drove some of them apart. And I, gentlemen, according to those messages, sent Altyn-tsar to my nephew Mergen-taisha to talk about the sovereign's case of the Krasnoyarsk servants Stepan Kolovsky and the interpreter Ivashka Arkhipov and Evseveyk Kovrigin. And November... on the 26th day, Krasnoyarsk service people Stepan Kolovskaya and tovaryschi wrote to me from the Kirghiz lands... On the 22nd day of November, he, Stepan, came from tovaryschi to the edge of the Kirghiz lands and came to the mouth of the Tumna River with the Kirghiz people. And those Kirghiz people told them that Altyn-tsar and his son Lochan came to the Kirghiz and Tuba lands of the Mughal lands, and with them 4 thousand military men came. And then they came to him, Altyn-tsar, to help taisha evo, and with him a thousand people. And there was de he, Altyn-tsar, with all the military men on the Yerba estuary from the Krasnoyarsk prison in 5 bottoms, and de his nephew Mergen-taisha with all the people of Altyn-tsar besieged tightly in a stone town below the Syda River, and the Kirghiz and Tubinsky all the lutch princes caught de Altyn-tsar 70 people came to visit. And the Evo de Altynov people of the Kirghiz and Tubintsy and all the sovereign foreigners drive away horses and cattle, and rob their bellies in the warehouses, and dig them out of the ground. Both the Kirghiz, Tuba, Oltyrtsy, and Kerentsy from Altyn-tsar came running with all their uluses under the Krasnoyarsk prison to the Kizil land on the Yenik River and clung to the town from the Krasnoyarsk prison in two bottoms" [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1974, N 129, pp. 380-381].

After Altyn Khan reconciled with his nephew, he "ordered to all the sovereign's people, khazis and Tubins... that... he puts his son Lojan in his place, because he, Altyn-tsar, is outdated. ...And the Kirghiz, and the Tuba, and all the foreign princes advised among themselves, and they want to listen to Altyn the tsar's son Lojan in everything, just as they listened to Altyn the tsar and want to give him yasak as before. And now de Kirghizs and all the sovereign's foreigners left the Krasnoyarsk prison from ostrozhku, in which they were killed, went out and roamed up the Seresh River to the White Lake, and Mergen de Taisha went to his land beyond the Sayan Stone " [Ibid., p. 383].

Of course, the Russian language of business writing of the XVII century differs from the modern Russian business and even spoken language, but not so much that it is not clear that the town "below the Sydy River" has nothing to do with the Kyrgyz. The phrase taken out of the context of the document absolutely incorrectly reflects its essence, misleads the reader who is not familiar with these documents, and gives rise to a completely distorted idea of the subject of research. Nevertheless, some historical and geographical explanations are required here, which the above-mentioned researchers either did not take into account or remained misunderstood.

Although there is no clear idea of the boundaries of the Tuba land in the literature, nevertheless, I am unlikely to be mistaken if I say that the land was located along the Tuba, the right tributary of the Yenisei, where the Tuba princes and their Kyshtyms roamed, as well as along the right bank of the Yenisei to the mouth of the Oi River. because the composition and number of ulus (volosts) included in the "Tubinsk zemlitsa" were not constant [Dolgikh, 1960, p.274; Potapov, 1957, p. 95 - 106].

The Yerba River is a left tributary of the Yenisei, and the words "at the Yerba estuary" mean that Mergen-

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taisha stopped on the right bank of the Yenisei River opposite the mouth of the Yerba. To stand "at the mouth of the river "or put" at the mouth of the river "city in the language of the XVI-XVII centuries. meant not in the "mouth" of the river itself, but opposite the mouth. Thus, I. Mansurov, who arrived with a detachment of Streltsy in the autumn of 1585 to help Ermak and no longer found the Cossacks in Siberia, was forced to swim to the Ob, where he set up an Ob town "above the Ob River at the mouth of the Irtish" [Stroganovskaya Chronicle..., 1907, p.40]. The Esipovskaya chronicle says about this event: "Ivan Mansurov... povele set up a small town over the Ob River opposite the Irtishynskovo estuary", i.e. opposite the confluence of the Irtysh with the Ob, on its right bank [Esipovskaya Chronicle..., 1907, p. 151; 1987, p. 64; Miller, 1999, p. 261; Ermolenko, 2004, p.194-196].

The Syda River flows into the Yenisei River on the right side about 5 km above the mouth of the Yerba River, which flows in from the left. Mergen-taisha was apparently fortified on one of the hills on the right bank of the Yenisei, between the mouth of the Syda River and the site of Altyn Khan. How to understand the words of the document about "kamenny gorodok"? Researchers took these words literally, apparently believing that the Mongols either occupied the" town " of the Tuba people, or built their own. In fact, this is not so, because, firstly, the Tuba people did not have such" towns", and secondly, Mergen-Taishi did not have the skills or time to build such a"town".

As for the" architectural "appearance of this fortress, the answer to this question, as it seems to me, can be found in the" Materials on the History of Siberia " by G. N. Potanin. Here is a curious extract from the report of Ensign Shiryaev, who with a detachment of 150 men went up the Charysh River in March 1760 "to exterminate the Kalmyk people". After chasing, the team found the Kalmyks on a high hill, but they shot back. Shiryaev himself, with a small detachment of 24 men, "went after the Kalmyks who had gone to Kan, but the Kalmyks, noticing him, loaded their horses and went up to a high hill, where they had previously lain down from the Mungalians and Kirghiz; and they laid out two hills of stone protection and loopholes on top" [Potanin, 1866, p. 113]. Probably, the tradition of constructing such "defenses and loopholes" was borrowed from the Mongols. Whether there was a similar practice of building "defenses and loopholes" among other nomads of mountain-steppe landscapes is difficult to say. Presumably, the "stone town below the Syda River" also fits into this type of "stone towns". In any case, the Kyrgyz do not have any such documents recorded.

The exact location of Kizilskaya volost is not specified in the literature. According to K. N. Serbina, the parish was located between the rivers Kondoma, Biya and Abakan [2000]. From the point of view of Z. Ya. Boyarshinova, it was located along the Chulym River [1950, p. 37, 40]. B. O. Dolgikh agreed with this definition [1960, pp. 99-100]. However, on the" Map of the settlement of tribes and clans of Siberia in the XVII century", the researcher placed the Kizil volost slightly east of Chulym [Dolgikh, 1968]. L. P. Potapov, having considered the references to the Kizils available in the sources, was more inclined to the opinion of S. U. Remezov [Potapov, 1957, pp. 145-146].

At the end of the 17th century. The Kizil Yasach volost was located on the right bank of the Chulym River, between the mouths of its two tributaries, the Bolshoy and Maly Syrov rivers. S. U. Remezov marked with a special icon the yurts of the Kizil Yasach people in the lower reaches of the Maly Syr River [1882, p. 11]. In the first third of the XVIII century. Kizilskaya volost was located "30 versts above the mouth of the Serye or Seresh River" (Elert, 1988, p. 81), i.e. approximately in the same place as S. U. Remezov noted it. Thus, S. U. Remezov and G. F. Miller indicated only the location of the Kizil yurt proper; the word "volost" meant mainly the population [Potapov, 1957, p. 143; Kimeev, 1989, p. 75]. However, the territory of the parish was wider: in addition to the habitat, the kizil also had hunting grounds. The latter included a significant part of the Solgon Ridge to the west of Maly Syr. Further down the Chulym River, between the Syrgly River and the mouth of the Syrgly River. Yurts of the Achinsk volost are shown (Remezov, 1882, p. 11). G. F. Miller notes the Achinsk volost "above and below the mouth of the Seresh River" (Elert, 1988, p. 81). It can be assumed that the western border of the territory of Kizil volost was the Syrgly River. The Seryozha River flows out of the White Lake and flows from the left side into the Chulym River about 8-10 km east of the modern town of Nazarovo in the Krasnoyarsk Territory. It has several tributaries on the right side; one of them - the Solgon River-is named Solg on S. U. Remezov's map. The Syrgly river can be identified with the modern Sereul River, since further down only two very small rivers flow into the Seryozha, which are both called Berezovka. It is important for us that between Solgon and Sereul, another river flows into Seryozha that is not marked in S. U. Remezov's drawing - Izyndzhul (Ritter, 1877, p. 547). Without a doubt, this is the Indzul River that I. E. Fischer and L. P. Potapov identified with the Yenik River in our document (Fischer, 1774, p. 513; Potapov, 1957, p. 145-146).

It is extremely difficult to determine the exact location of the town right now. Izyndzhul river, which is about 18 km long, originates on the northern slopes of the Solgon ridge and flows through a treeless hilly area. It can be assumed that the Kirghiz people "settled down in a small town" near the mouth of Izynjul, because after the Mongols left, they "migrated up the Seresh River to the White Lake". The verb "obsekati" in the Russian language of the XVII century had two meanings: 1) cut off, cut off; 2) cut down, cut down near and around the edges of what-

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or [Dictionary..., 1987, p. 167]. The second meaning of this word perfectly characterizes the structure that was cut down to protect against "mughals". This is not a city or a prison, as the Russian people understood them in the XVII century. [Rezun, 1982, p. 16-55], and some territory bordered along the perimeter by fallen, felled trees. Where could this "town"be located? On the right, higher bank of the river there are two hills: one without a name with a height of 372 m, the other is called "Baryshova Pech", its height is 476 m. Both are covered with forest. It is possible that one of them could become a place of refuge for the Kirghiz people from the Mongols of Altyn Khan (Fig.

Among the Kirghiz fortresses L. R. Kyzlasov also refers to the "Kirghiz prison" near the Krasnoyarsk prison, about which the documents known to me are completely silent. As noted above, the researcher justifies this information by referring to the above-quoted reply of M. F. Scriabin. A careful reading of this unsubscribe allows you to understand where the "Kyrgyz prison" came from near Krasnoyarsk. The researcher literally took the following words of unsubscription: "And now the de Kirghiz and all the sovereign's foreigners have come out of the Krasnoyarsk prison from ostrozhku, in which they were cut off, and have wandered up the Seresh River to the White Lake, and Mergen de Taisha has gone to his land beyond the Sayan Stone" [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1974, N 129, p. 383].

Taken out of the context of the entire document, these words became the basis for such a conclusion for L. R. Kyzlasov. The researcher ignored the previous text of the reply, which clearly states that after the Mongols left, the Kirghiz left the town, or "ostrozhek", in the words of the Cossacks, in which they "cut themselves off" on the Yenik River, and wandered along the Seryozha River (see the excerpt from the document above). Service people themselves did not see the town of ostrozhka and described the current situation from the words of the Kyrgyz: "And those de Kirghiz people told them..." [Ibid., p. 381].

A. Abdykalykov, in support of his thesis about the existence of a "town" in each Kyrgyz ulus, refers, judging by the context of the quoted paragraph, to the report of Ya. O. Tukhachevsky from the Siberian Order Foundation of the Central State Academy of Fine Arts (now RGADA): "We took three towns from them." As it turns out, one of these "towns" was the one reported by Ya.Tukhachevsky. The remaining two towns were located in other Kyrgyz ulus, which will be discussed later" [Abdykalykov, 1968, p. 8]. By the latter two, the researcher probably meant "the town below the Syda River" and "the town" on the Yenik River, since he no longer mentions any other towns. What report are we talking about? This refers to the reply of the Tarsky voivode Ya. O. Tukhachevsky to the Siberian order on the results of the campaign to the Kyrgyz land in the summer of 1641.

Fig. 3. Map of the Kyzyl volost.

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The construction of the Achinsk prison is discussed in detail in the book by D. Ya. Rezun [1984, p. 43-80].

At the stage of preparing the campaign, Ya. O. Tukhachevsky mentions a "stone town on the Miyusa River", which, according to him, can be "dropped off" by the necessary supplies in ships along the Chulym and Bely Ius [Butanaev and Abdykalykov, 1995, N 20, p. 90; N 24, p. 102]. At the same time, when describing the battles with the Kyrgyz, neither this nor other towns are mentioned in the reply to the results of the campaign [Ibid., No. 25, pp. 102-107].

L. R. Kyzlasov also writes about the three towns of Kirghiz-Khakass with reference to the petition of the Tomsk Cossack B. Tersky, which, in particular, says:: "In the past, sire, in the year 122 (1613/14), sire, your sovereign traitors Kirghiz people and Kyzyl, and Bugasar, and Melesk, and Chyulym came to your sovereign fatherland near the Tomsk city of war." The response to this attack was in "124 (1615/16)-m year" campaign of Tomsk Cossacks "in Kirghiz, and in Dogwood, and in Bugasary", " Kirghiz people, and Kyzyl, and Bugasar three towns were flogged, wives and children were caught in full..."[Miller, 1999, adj., N 88, p. 435].

In another, collective, petition of Tomsk service people, there are significant additions concerning these events. Firstly, the exact date of the attack is given: "in the 122nd year of July on the 8th day", i.e. in 1614; secondly, the social status of the attackers is clarified and their list is expanded: "your sovereign traitors came to the Tomsk city during the war, Kirghiz yasashny people and Tatar servants: Bogasarsky, and the Kyzyl, and the Chyulym, and the Meles, and the Kereksus, and the Kuznetsk people, by war"; thirdly, the campaign against the "Kirghis, and Bagasar, and Kyzyl people" began "in the 124th year of September on the 30th day" [Ibid., adj., N 92, p. 438], i.e. in 1615. The Cossacks write about the results of the campaign: "... and we, sire, your sovereign serfs, by the grace of God and your sovereign happiness, have brought the Kirghiz, Bagasar, and Kyzyl people under your royal high hand to sherta, and now, sire, the Kirghiz, Bagasar, and Kyzylov people serve and direct you, the sovereign, and they pay yasak from themselves, and they caught their wives and children in full, and having caught their mortgages, they brought them to the city" [Ibid.]. The fact that during the campaign, according to B. Tersky, three towns were stormed, the Cossacks are silent. The words "Kirghiz yasash people" emphasize their social status, i.e., the population dependent on someone, in this case on the Russian state, and this dependence is expressed in the payment of yasak. Z. Ya. Boyarshinova noted that in the first two decades of the XVII century, under the term "Kirghiz people", or "Kirghiz lands", in the yasach books, Kizil, Basagar, Kiya, Kereksus and Kimsky volosts of the Tomsk Uyezd were understood. They were called" Kirgiss "because they were kyshtyms of the Yenisei Kirghiz [1950, p. 37, 40]. L. P. Potapov believed that these "five volosts were called" Kirghiz lands" because they were located on lands and nomads that were considered Kirghiz before the Russian development of Siberia " [1957, p. 40]. 142]. Here it should be noted that in the documents the definition of "Kirghiz" in relation to the Kishtyms of the Yenisei Kirghiz, small tribal groups of hunters who lived along the Chulym and their tributaries, is found throughout the XVII century. [Russo-Mongolian Relations..., 1974, No. 127, p. 378; 1996, No. 11, p. 38; Miller, 2000, supplement No. 163, p. 308; Potapov, 1957, p. 14; Dolgikh, 1960, p.99]. These Kishtyms are mentioned under the name "Kirghiz people" in the petition of B. Tersky, and especially in the collective petition of the Tomsk Cossacks.

How freely researchers handle documents is shown by the study of another "Kyrgyz town" - the border fortress "Lozanovy Sieges", which was located"at the exit of the Yenisei from the Sayan Mountains". In his special course, L. R. Kyzlasov also points out the source of information about this fortress: approx. 1 to the above-quoted reply by M. F. Scriabin [Russo-Mongolian relations.., 1974, N 129, pp. 380-386]. The authors of the commentary to this document briefly describe Lojan, mentioned in Russian documents, or Lubsan-sayn Erinchin-khuntaiji (1657-1696), the last Altyn Khan, son of Ombo Erdeni - khuntaiji. They point out, in particular, that in 1662 Lubsan "fought with Tushetu Khan, was defeated and was forced to retreat first to the area of the Kemchik River, then to the Upsa River and further north to Krasnoyarsk, where in 1666, at the confluence of the Sizoy River with the Yenisei River, he built a fortress city, known among the Russian people population under the name "Lozanov sieges" "[Golman, Slesarchuk, 1974, p. 427]. This information, the source of which, unfortunately, is not specified, was repeated by G. I. Slesarchuk in the third collection of documents on Russian-Mongolian relations [Slesarchuk, 1996, p. 449].

If you follow the instructions of M. I. Golman and G. I. Slesarchuk, the Sizaya River should flow into the Yenisei, either in the area of Krasnoyarsk, or near the mouth of the Upsa River. In this case, L. R. Kyzlasov is closer to the truth. The Sizaya River flows into the Yenisei not north of the mouth of the Upsa River, but south, but not at the exit of the Yenisei from the Sayan Mountains, as L. R. Kyzlasov claims, but about 8 km higher up the river, opposite the village. Maina [Krasnoyarsk Krai.., 2005, p. 97]. Whether Lubsan built any "sieges" here is unknown. The Lozanov sieges are not mentioned in any document associated with the name of the Mongol ruler [Russo-Mongol relations.., 1996, N 72, 74, 76, 81, 82]. But in one of them, in an extract to the report of December 1666.

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compiled in the Embassy order based on the replies of the Krasnoyarsk voivode G. P. Nikitin, the following is stated:: "And about that prince of Mughal (Lubsan - V. D.), the Kirghiz tell him (Nikitin - V. D.) that he, the prince, is waiting for the zholty mughal war and is standing in the Sayan stone up the Yenisei River and preparing ploughs for escape, so that the zholty mughal war will go under the Red Sea. [yarskoy] prison or to the Kansk land by water... "[Ibid., N 76, p. 162]. As the attentive reader has probably already noticed, the location of this fortress is not correct, its very existence causes distrust, and besides, it has nothing to do with the Kyrgyz.

Another Kyrgyz fortress, on Tagar Island, is also not listed in any documents. It first appeared under the pen of St. John the Baptist. Bakhrushin, and then A. Abdykalykov. The first called it a prison, as mentioned above, and the second - a town.

At the beginning of 1683, the Siberian Order interviewed Tomsk service people "about the campaign to the Kirghiz". Your suggestions about " what places are there and at what time... to go to war with the poor people and how to carry out grain supplies, " they set out in the so-called written list. This painting was sent to the Yenisei voivode K. O. Shcherbatov "for review and making comments" [Additions..., 1867, N 80 / XVI, p. 391]. Yenisei service people reported detailed routes to the Kyrgyz land and pointed out a convenient place for building a prison-Tagyr Island on the Yenisei, above the mouth of the Abakan, which is a natural fortress: "And that de island is estimated to be 5 versts long... And that de island in the middle of the Yenisei River, and from one end to the other there's a stone lying on the island, like a city wall... and the place where the entrance to that stone comes from is across the island... according to the estimate of sazhen with 5, and the same place to put the prison... it will be strong" [Bakhrushin, 1955, pp. 219-220].

S. V. Bakhrushin himself did not provide any documentary evidence that would confirm his thesis about the existence of a prison on Tagar Island. At the same time, when describing the invasions of the troops of Altyn Khan into the Kyrgyz land, he noted: "The Kirghiz, Tuba and their Kyshtym, seized with panic, "fled from the" mughal " Altyn Khan and his nephew "into the stone and into the black forests", and some of them escaped to the territory controlled by the Russians [Ibid., pp. 205-207].

A. Abdykalykov writes: "Close to Uibat on the river. On the Yenisei River there was an island on which, according to service people, there was a "town". This was told by the Krasnoyarsk boyar's son G. Ermolaev in 1684 during an interrogation before the voivode K. O. Shcherbatov, who, in turn, wrote to the tsar that " de island on the Yenisei River from the mouth of the Abakan River to go through the steppe on horses in half a day or less. And that de island on the middle of the Yenisei River, and from the lower de end of the Abakan River on both sides of that island... stone, a verst or less, high like a city business and a fortress de velika. And the parish of de... from kamen only on one side from the upper end of that island, and that de place... stone across the island while that stone lay on the estimate of fathoms." This island was called "Tagyr Island" and was a refuge for Kyrgyz and other "foreigners" during wars" [1968, pp. 9-10].

The quotation given by both authors from the document stored in the Siberian Order Fund (stb. 715) completely contradicts their statement about the presence of a prison or town of Kirghiz people on Tagar Island. The researchers did not understand that the voivode, according to the words of the service people, evaluated the island itself, and especially the "stone" located on it, as a natural fortress. It was enough only to put a Russian prison on this "stone" to break the resistance of the Kirghiz people. The desire to build a Russian prison at the mouth of the Abakan or somewhere nearby did not give rest to the Moscow authorities throughout the XVII century. The first attempts in this direction date back to the 1630s [Russo-Mongolian relations..., 1974, N 41, pp. 187-188].

At the same time, the Kirghiz princes first saw the Russian state as a force that could protect them from the invasions of Altyn Khan's detachments. In 1629, the Krasnoyarsk Cossack N. Khokhryakov, reprimanding the Kyrgyz princes of their "guilt", reminded them: "But you, the Kyrgyz, said that up the Yenisei River on the Kemchyuk River, the sovereign's people should put a prison for the defense of the Altyn people, and you, the Kyrgyz, would beat the sovereign with your forehead, so that the sovereign would grant, ordered to put up a fortress for the defense of the Altyn people. ostrog". In response, Prince Ishii said :" And on the Kemchik de river, although you put a prison, although you don't. But there is no help for us from Altyn, because Altynov's people will come and kill us and fight us " [Miller, 2000, supplement, N 259, pp. 410-411]. As for his own towns, Ishae didn't even think about them.

Conclusion

Historical and geographical analysis of documents that, according to a number of researchers, mention the" towns " of the Yenisei Kyrgyz, allows us to draw the following conclusions::

First,the established opinion in the literature about the existence of fortified towns in each Kyrgyz ulus-principality, which served as shelters during the period of military danger, is not documented. All the news about the "Kyrgyz towns" is based on a misunderstanding and is caused by an uncritical and superficial reading of documents, in this case only one-the reply of the Krasnoyarsk voivode M. F. Scriabin;

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Secondly, the Kyrgyz "stone town on Bely Miyusy" mentioned in the documents is not one of them. The Cossacks probably took for the "stone town" one of the kurgan complexes of the Tagar culture of the first millennium BC.;

Third, among the" Kyrgyz towns " researchers include the towns of Kishtyms who lived in the mountain taiga area of Kizil, Busagarov and a number of others.

List of literature

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Bakhrushin S. V. Yenisei Kirghizs in the XVII century. Trudy, Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1955, vol. 3, part 2, pp. 176-224.

Boyarshinova Z. Ya. Population of Tomsk uyezd in the first half of the XVII century. Tomsk: Publishing House of the Tomsk State University, 1950, pp. 23-210. (Tr. of the Tomsk State University; vol. 112).

Butanaev V. Ya., Abdykalykov A. Materialy po istorii Khakasii XVII - nachala XVIII V. [Materials on the history of Khakassia in the 17th-early 18th centuries].

Goldenberg L. A. Semyon Ulyanovsk Remezov: Siberian cartographer and geographer. 1642-after 1720-Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1965. 263 p.

Golman M. I., Slesarchuk G. I. Comments // Russko-mongol'skie otnosheniya, 1636-1654: Sb. dokumentov / Sost. M. I. Golman, G. I. Slesarchuk; ed. by I. Ya. Zlatkin, N. V. Ustyugov. - Moscow: Nauka, 1974. - pp. 407-428.

Dolgikh B. O. Generic and tribal composition of the peoples of Siberia in the XVII century, Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1960, 622 p.

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Supplements to historical acts collected and published by the Archeographic Commission. St. Petersburg, 1867, vol. 10, 504 p.

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Esipovskaya letopis po Sychevskogo listu [The Esipovskaya Chronicle according to the Sychevsky list]. St. Petersburg: Archeogr. Commission, 1907, pp. 105-170.

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Miller G. F. Istoriya Sibiri [History of Siberia]. the company " East. lit. " RAS, 1999. - 2nd ed., add. - Vol. 1. - 630 p.; 2000. - Vol. 2. - 796 p.

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Potapov L. P. Origin and formation of the Khakass people. - Abakan: Khak. kn. izd-vo, 1957. - 307 p.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 18.06.07.

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