The article examines the etymology of the word " necklace, beads", which is common in a number of languages of the Pamir-Hindu Kush region: Vakhan, Ishkashim, Yidga, Khovar. We see in it a borrowing from the Sogdian mn. the number " beads, signets ". Historical sources speak quite clearly about the trading activities of Sogdian merchants in the mountainous country between Central Asia, Northern India and Kashgaria, and it can be assumed that for trade with the locals, who until ethnographic times preferred commodity exchange to money, they used beads found in many Pamir monuments (where coin finds are extremely rare).).

Keywords: Pamir languages, Dardic languages, Pamir-Hindu Kush region, Sughd trade, Sughd language, beads, borrowings.

Sogdian merchants, who in the early Middle Ages conducted extremely lively trade along the so - called Silk Road between various regions of the then ecumenical world, penetrated - and, as a result, left their traces in many seemingly remote or inaccessible places.2 One of these areas is the mountainous country of the Pamirs, Hindu Kush and Karakoram, which separates three important regions for Sogdian traders: the Tarim basin, the northern part of the Indian subcontinent and their native Central Asia.

The earliest evidence of Sogdian (and Khwarezmian) activity in this region dates back to the turn of the sixth and fifth centuries BC. The inscription of Darius the Great, which listed the materials used to build his palace in Susa, mentions haya kapautaka stones brought by the Sogdians and haya Khorezmians [DSf, 37-40, Kent, 1953, p. 143-144]. The first of them, haya kapautaka - "blue", is lapis lazuli, the main mines of which were located on the Kokcha River in Badakhshan, Afghanistan. It is less clear what is hidden under the term Apparently, it is a red stone, perhaps a garnet, "Badakhshan ruby" [de la Vaissiere, 2005, p. 18-22]. "Dark haya " in Khorezm is usually translated as "turquoise" 3.

It should be noted that it cannot be a native Old Persian word (it would be expected and borrowed from another Iranian language (north-west or east-Iranian, proto-Sogdian cannot be excluded). Moreover, the ancient Indian cognate term" crystal, glass " also cannot directly correspond to the ancient Iranian one, since the ancient Indian one always corresponds to the ancient Iranian one.-

1 This article is based on a presentation that the author made at the Asian Merchant Cultures at the Crossroads conference at Hofstra University (New York, USA) in March 2006.I would like to express my gratitude to the organizers of the conference, especially Professor A. I. Naimark.

2 De la Vaissiere (2005) is a complete and standard reference book on Sughd trade; for more recent material on Sughd traders, see [Rong 2009] on Sughd activities in East Turkestan; also [Moriyasu 2008].

3 It is interesting that traces of the production of turquoise products are actually found on the Khwarezmian monuments of the Early Iron Age Kuyusas (Vainberg, 1979, p.24) and Dilginje (Vorobyova, 1959, p. 74).

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corresponds to the Iranian language. Karl Hoffmann quite convincingly explains Vedic as a borrowing from the Proto-Nuristan idiom, where the common Aryan "luminous" would regularly give [Hoffmann, 1986, p. 29-33]. Thus, the connection with the Pamir-Hindu Kush region appears once again.

There is much more information about the Sogdians who traded or simply crossed this mountainous country during the heyday of their trade, in the IV-VIII centuries and later.

Not far from Chilas, in the upper, high-mountain part of the Indus Valley, about 700 rock inscriptions were found in the Sogdian language in an archaic handwriting, probably dating back to the IV-VI centuries AD. 4 Along with them, numerous inscriptions were discovered on the rocks in the Indian letters of Brahmi and Kharostha, as well as in Tibetan, Chinese and, more rarely,Chinese. in other languages of medieval Asia. As a rule, Sogdian inscriptions from the upper Indus, written with a sharp object on a dark "stone patina", are quite concise and contain the name of the writer, often the name of his father, and/or an adjective formed from a geographical name, whether within the borders of Sogdiana (for example, Kesh, a resident of Sagarch) or in distant countries (Syrian, Indian, Persian, Chinese). However, in the longest inscription (Shati'al tract, n.254), its author Nanevande, son of Narisaf, asks the spirit for mercy (y'n) to quickly reach Harvandan and see his brother. Harvandan, as shown by Yutaka Yoshida, corresponds to the Chinese Tsepantuo early Middle Chinese pronunciation [Pulleyblank, 1991, s. v. v.]), i.e., modern Tashkurgan, which lies at the exit from the Karakoram Mountains to Kashgar and Yarkand, in the Tarim basin (Yoshida 1991; compare Sims-Williams, 1997-1998). In addition, four similar short Sogdian inscriptions were found on rocks in the Hunza River Valley, north of Chilas, along the road to Kashgaria (Sims-Williams, 1992, p. 661-664), and several later Sogdian inscriptions were found even higher up the Indus River, in Ladakh or "Little Tibet" [Sims-Williams, 1993].

A Chinese pilgrim of Korean origin, Hui Chao, who traveled to India in 726, writes that some of the nine princes (vans) of the state of Sh (i.e., Shugnan) sent detachments of two or three hundred of their own people to plunder "non-resident Hu" (i.e., Sogdian merchants who lived outside of China) and embassies. So they took all sorts of silks (chuan, but not knowing how to make clothes out of them, they left them to spoil in their treasury). Such details of the journey clearly show us that the fears of the merchant Nanewande, who wanted to get to Harvandan as soon as possible, were far from unfounded.

There is even an indication of a possible colony of Sogdians in the Pamirs. Anonymous Persian geography of the tenth century mentions the town twice: it is the area adjacent to and [Minorsky, 1937, p. 63], and a large village, the "farthest point" of Transoxiana, where Indians, Tibetans, Wakhans, and Muslims live [Minorsky, 1937, p. 121]8. V. F. Minorsky he correctly pointed out that the toponym is a derivative of Samarkand (Minorsky, 1937, p.369) and that it was located on the territory of the Afghan Wakhan, present-day Sarhadd, and the latter name may be a folk etymology of the old toponym. Note that the name ends with a suffix that probably forms a hypocoristic. So

4 The main edition of the Sogdian inscriptions discovered by the German-Pakistani expedition during the construction of the famous Karakoram Highway remains [Sims-Williams, 1989-1992], minor changes can be found in reprints of Iranian inscriptions belonging to the same author, in the series Materialien zur Archaologie der Nordgebiete Pakistans, Bd. 1-5, especially [Fussman and Konig, 1997].

5 Early Middle Chinese pronunciation [Pulleyblank, 1991, s. v. v.].

6 Hardly "wohllebendes", as Fuchs translates; shin hu means "non - resident Sogdian merchant" in Tang legal contexts, see [Yoshida, 1993, p. 255J.

7 Tripitaka Theiss, N 2089, vol. 51, p. 979 et seq.; German translation [Fuchs, 1938, p. 255]. The author is indebted to E. A. Key for the interpretation of this passage.

8 is mentioned between and Munjan (?) on the one hand, and - on the other.

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So, this is "Little Samarkand", "Samarkandchik", and this name could have been given to it by the Samarqandans who founded the trading post here.

The mountainous region, which is the object of our research, is famous for the extraordinary diversity of languages of its (relatively few) inhabitants. Mountain ranges divide the valleys, where the population speaks Indo-Aryan Dardic languages (Shina, Khovar, Kalasha, Torvali, etc.), Eastern Iranian Pamir languages (Yazgulyam, Shugnan group, Ishkashim, Sanglech, Munjan, Yidga, Vakhan), as well as dialects of Tajik-Dari, Nuristan languages (Kati, Ashkun, prasun, Vaigali, etc.), dialects of Tibetan, Turkic Kyrgyz, and Burushaski, which is a genetic isolate. These languages, despite the lack of genetic kinship or very distant genetic kinship, have a number of similar features at different language levels (syntax, morphology, phonetics, morphology, vocabulary), associated with long-term coexistence (the phenomenon of language convergence), common way of life 10. There are also a number of terms that are present in the vocabulary of several languages of the region, but cannot be etymologized in any of them.

One of these words is the term "beads", which is mentioned in several Iranian and Dardic languages of the region. These are the Ishkashim "beads" [Pakhalina, 1959, p. 218], yidga "silver necklace (from Chitral)" [Morgensierne, 1938, p. 229]; khovar [Morgensierne, 1938, p. 229], "neck decoration" [Naji Khan, 2008, p. 437] 11, Vakhan "beads, small beads "(where it is borrowed from the Arabic-Persian durr "pearls") [Steblin-Kamensky, 1999, p. 155-156]. It is obvious that all these forms go back to one common source, but they are not independent derivatives of the common Indo-Iranian proto-form; rather, it is a cultural word that has penetrated into a number of languages of the Pamir-Hindu Kush Sprachbund, and at the time of borrowing it could sound something like As far as I know, there was no etymology for it.

I suggest that it should be raised to the Sogdian or plural (in direct or indirect case) "pearls, beads, seals". The Sogdian / muze / (transliteration is noted in only one Buddhist text, the Buddhadhyanasamadhisutra. This work is translated from the original Chinese, and is a translation of the Chinese zhu , which, in turn, in Buddhist works is the equivalent of the Sanskrit "pearl, bead" [MacKenzie, 1976, p. 56-57, line 45; p. 188; cf. Soothill and Hodous, 1937, p. 330]. In addition, in Sughd documents of the early eighth century found in the fortress on Mount Mugh in Tajikistan, it is twice mentioned in the expression "clay (impression) seal" [B-4, V7; A-13, 10, Livshits, 1962, pp. 57-58, 62-63, 69-70, cf. Livshits 2008, p. 70]12.

The Sogdian word regularly corresponds to the Old Iranian word "seal" [Henning, 1945, p. 468, p. 4], from which the Parthian, Middle and New Persian muhr "seal, gem" [MacKenzie, 1971, p. 56; Durkin-Meisterernst, 2004, p. 233], Middle Persian muhrag, and New Persian muhra "bead" are also formed., playing chip" [MacKenzie,

9 The text was written in 982, but it is largely based on earlier sources of the 9th and even the second half of the 8th century [Lurje, 2007]. At this time, the population of Sogd proper was already practicing Islam. The "Muslims" who lived in Samarqandak could well have been Muslims from Sogd.

10 The bibliography of this language union, which is referred to as "Pamir", "Pamir-Hindu Kush", and "Central Asian", is quite extensive [Bashir, 2009].

11 "Ornament / jewelry for tying around the neck"; the author is grateful to Elena Bashir (University of Chicago), who kindly pointed out an article in the Naji Khan dictionary, which is not available to me. She also asked Khovar native speaker Rahmat Karim Baig about this word, according to whom "There is indeed the word mentioned by you - PL] but it is not used for bead but it is a piece of ornament [usually silver worn by women] in the past now these things are not used anymore but they arc still in possession of older women. It is now considered an antique" (letter dated 28.03.2011).

12 In A-13, 10 [Bogolyubov and Smirnova, 1963, pp. 71-72] they read "the seal of the people". The etymology and spelling should indicate that the noun had a so-called "light" basis, but the spelling is peculiar to" heavy " bases.

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1971, p. 56]13. In Bactrian, "seal" is noted, a common derivative, etc. "sealed document", as well as" seal-impresser, a person who has impressed his seal on the document " [Sims-Williams, 2007, p. 235], and in the Greek inscription on the crown of the cauldron form from Takhti Sangin, referring to the territory of Bactria, but earlier, the title is found. the same [Ivanchik, in print] 14. In Khotan-Saki "copper coin (Chinese type); gem"; "print" [Bailey, 1979, p. 336-337]. There are derivatives in the Ishkashim "beads(k) a, beads, necklace" [Pakhalina, 1959, p. 217, with references], Yaghnobsky "beads" [Andreev and Peshvereva, 1957, p. 286]. The combination of the meanings "seal" and "bead" in one term is not surprising, especially if we keep in mind that the Iranian peoples in the III-VII centuries were extremely common seals made of a monolithic gem in the form of a so-called false ring, where a small hole was drilled under the working surface. Such seals, apparently, were strung on a thread and worn around the neck along with beads.

Ancient Iranian corresponds to the ancient Indian "seal, signet ring, stamp, token" (the earliest attestation in the Mahabharata; later developed the meaning of "ritual gesture"), which is also noted in many Middle and New Indian languages, for example, mutra "seal" in documents written by Kharosthi from the Research Institute, Sinhalese mudda " seal, ring", Punjabi mundar "earring", etc. [Turner, 1966, p. 588]. The Sanskrit form is interpreted as a loan from the Iranian languages, which, according to V. Eilers, in turn, is borrowed from the Akkadian "Schrifturkunde" (from the Sumerian mu-sar[a]), through the Old Iranian (for example, Median) *muzra-, which naturally gave *mudra-in Old Persian. The latter form was borrowed into other Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages (Mayrhofer, 1963, p. 653-654).

The old Iranian *dr was naturally implemented in the Sogdian language (Gershevitch, 1954, § 285), and, what is especially important, such a transition, as far as is known, is not attested in other Iranian languages. Thus, and are characteristic Sogdian forms, and in the plural they give or, respectively, an indirect plural case - and The Consonant group is sufficiently complex for articulation, and therefore its simplification in (regressive assimilation on the basis of deafness) when borrowing is quite expected, so that as a local, Pamir proto-form looks quite real.

The elucidation of such borrowing leads us to well-known conclusions of a historical and economic nature. Despite extensive archaeological research in the Pamirs and Karakoram, numismatic material is extremely rare there. 16 The lack of coins indicates that natural exchange flourished in these mountainous regions. Indeed, this situation persisted in the Pamirs for a very long time, until recently, it was repeatedly recorded by ethnographers. Traveler D. F. Ivanov wrote that the Pamir people are not interested in money [Kalandarov, 2004, p. 205], there was not a single permanent bazaar in the whole Pamir, and instead of money, the conventional unit pis / pos / pus (literally "ram")was used [Andreev, 1953, p. 125; Steblin-Kamensky, 1999, p. 271].

13 From Middle and New Persian - numerous borrowings, such as Sughd. "beads", [Henning, 1945, p. 468, p. 4], shugnanskos "sealing wax, seal, stamp" [Karamshosv, 1991, p. 270], etc.

14 The author is grateful to L. I. Ivanchik, who sent his unpublished article.

15 If the base is "heavy". If "light", then the oblique case would be expected

Express is verbis: 16 [Bubnova, 1999, p. 149]; cf. [Jettmar, 1989, p. XIV, p. XLI]. Throughout the Western Pamirs, numismatic finds can be counted on one hand: these are copper Kushanskis coins of Sotsra Msgas: two from the Kasvir burial ground, one from Khorog, one of unknown origin; a hoard of coins from the fortress of Kaakhka 1 (III century BC-VII century AD); an object similar to a corroded copper coin from the Zimudg burial ground III, dating from the IV-beginning of the VI century, Fels 1501-1502 in the sanctuary of Tuisn [Bubnova, 2008, p. 49, 127, 167, 223, 229, 239].

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Beads, on the other hand, are often found in ancient and medieval monuments of the Pamirs. As shown by B. A. Litvinsky, stone beads from Saka burial grounds were imported from India (Litvinsky, 1972: 78-82), and glass beads were also found there. Early medieval monuments are dominated by imported beads made of glass or paste, often quite complex production, and there are also expensive specimens with gold foil [Bubnova, 1999, p. 150; Babaev, 1965, p. 76; Bubnova, 2008, passim]. Moreover, even in the ethnographic period, the Pamir population - both men and women-willingly decorated their outfits with beads and beads, which they bought or exchanged from visiting merchants [Kalandarov, 2004, pp. 225-226].

The above linguistic, historical and archaeological evidence suggests that the Sogdians, trading or traveling with caravans along the routes of the Pamir-Hindu Kush region, could have used beads rather than coins to exchange for local products17, which is generally typical for trade in a pre-monetary society.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

DSf - Darius, Susa, inscription f.

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