Libmonster ID: U.S.-1292
Author(s) of the publication: A. V. SARABYEV


Candidate of Historical Sciences

Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences

Yemen Keywords:Socotrasocial structurecultural dynamicsislamizania

The author was able to observe the life of Socotrians while working on the island as part of the Russian integrated expedition in the Republic of Yemen*, the Socotri detachment of which is led by the Director of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences V. V. Naumkin* * - the author of a number of books about Socotra, who began in 1974 to study in detail the culture and language of

Untouched by mainland civilization, an archipelago in the Arabian Sea inhabited by a people who speak a unique unwritten language, the "island of sorcerers", the birthplace of the mysterious" dragon tree " Dam al-Ahawain***, a land without predators and weapons... Such and similar characteristics of Socotra Island, located 300 kilometers south of the Arabian Peninsula and 200 kilometers east of the Horn of Africa, can be found in travel guides and popular publications.

Islam, which has been the official religion of the island's population since the 16th century, has not been able to supplant the Socotrians ' peculiar ideas about the world and their traditions, which are closely related to their original beliefs and rituals. The Arabic language and culture, the mentality of the inhabitants of the South Arabian deserts and oases, their warlike disposition and special code of conduct - all this was quite alien to the Socotrians, who had an ancient and original culture.

A peculiar conservation of Socotra society was observed in the second half of the XX century. Yemen, which included the Sultanate of Socotra in one way or another, did not have a noticeable impact on the culture and lifestyle of Socotrians. Since 1967, the island as an administrative unit was part of the NDRJ****, and then, since 1990, it has been part of the United Republic of Yemen, and the island is divided into two districts that are part of the southern Yemeni province of Hadramaut.

By 1954, the population of the island did not exceed 12 thousand people2, in 1966, and even less - 11220 people3. Until the early 1990s, population growth was very small due to the high infant mortality rate and the prevalence of fatal diseases. Only in the last two decades has there been a significant increase in the population. According to available accurate data, the island's population was 32,285 in 2004, and is currently estimated at 45-50 thousand peoples4.


The structure of Socotri society is similar in general terms to the traditional South Arabian social structure. That is, there is a strict social stratification and division of society according to the tribal principle.

The first included a vertical, at the top of which there were always sayyids*****, who enjoyed unquestionable authority on the scale of the entire society; then - sheikhs, i.e. heads of tribes who defended the interests of their tribesmen and acted as representatives of the tribes in resolving intertribal contradictions. The sheikhs were followed by ordinary members of the tribes, and at the bottom of this social ladder were mainly dark-skinned representatives of the stratum of the so-called Abids (from Arab. the root of abad - to enslave) is said to be the descendants of slaves or immigrants from the African continent.

At present, according to the Socotrians themselves, there are no longer any Seyids on Socotra. However, in the" Sultan " period, i.e. several decades ago, according to local residents, there were their own Socotri sayyids, whose social and religious authority really exceeded the authority of the sheikhs many times over. The remaining strata remain unchanged to this day.

The tribal principle underlies the division of Socotran society into Kabyli members-

* Report on the work of the Russian Integrated Expedition in the Republic of Yemen. Socotra, 2009, 2010 - (editor's note).

** In December 2011, V. V. Naumkin was elected a Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Editor's note).

*** Dam al-ahawain (from Arabic. blood of two brothers) is a tree-like plant that grows in the tropics and subtropics of Africa and on the islands of Southeast Asia. When the bark is cut, a red resinous sap appears, which is called "dragon's blood" or " blood of two brothers "(approx. ed.).

**** The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen; before 1970, the People's Republic of South Yemen (NRUY) (editor's note).

***** Sayyids are considered descendants of the Prophet Muhammad.

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The Hadari are mostly residents of cities and towns that have lost contact with their families and are engaged in trade and handicrafts. The former have an undeniably higher status in society and rely on the support and protection of the entire tribe or clan, even those members who have long lived outside the traditional area or in cities. The second group, the Khadari, is a more vulnerable part of the population, relying mainly on their financial and economic capabilities and connections, as well as on the protection of the authorities. The lowest social stratum of Abid is at the bottom of the Hadari community, doing the most ignoble and dirty work in the city or fishing.

All residents of the island's capital, Hadibo, and other major localities, as a rule, know the sheikhs of the main tribes by sight, show them respect and recognize their status. Among themselves, sheikhs of different tribes communicate on equal terms, showing respect for each other even in the event of any controversial issues. At the same time, neither the members of the Kabili tribes or clans, nor the sheikhs themselves generally have any distinctive features in their clothing or in anything else that would distinguish them. The local society is permeated, as it were, by invisible but tangible threads of centuries of regulated social relations, which no one can challenge even in the current conditions of continental civilization's offensive on many traditional Socotran foundations.

Today, Socotrians can no longer remain in significant social and cultural isolation, preserving the traditions of their ancestors and the usual way of life. The civilizational "leap" experienced by Socotrians has a very ambiguous effect on the life of this special people. The last two decades have brought large-scale "modernization" and significant economic changes to Socotran society, and the influence of Arab culture and the Muslim religion has significantly increased.

Social changes are becoming more and more noticeable as a result of the influx of Yemeni and foreign investment, the increase in imports after the construction of the Socotra port (so far very modest), the introduction of air links to the mainland after the opening of the Hadibo airport (in 1999), and the development of entrepreneurship and tourism.


Shifts in the economy have also led to changes in the social connections of Socotrians. The gradual replacement of local agricultural products by imported ones (including canned ones) and the appearance of a mass of imported industrial goods on the market inevitably lead to two general sociocultural consequences:

- the decline in interest in traditional methods of management and, accordingly, the displacement from the practical plane of centuries of accumulated knowledge and customs associated with these methods;

- the weakening of social communication between different areas of the island (mountain, valley, coastal), which was largely based on economic exchange, which now boils down more and more to the sale of a small part of locally produced goods in the capital's markets and the purchase of necessary imported goods.

Another danger for the traditional social structure in Socotra is the growing individualization of management associated with active entrepreneurship in large settlements. The rapidly growing commercialization of society leads to the elimination of concern for the rational use of the island's resources (wood, water, etc.), and neglect of the cleanliness of cities and towns. Hence, the catastrophic pollution of streets and the coast with plastic and metal waste from imported goods ' packaging. The Socotran community consciousness is rapidly giving way to the spirit of individualism.

The ability to make quick money from import trading, banking, hotel business, etc. violates the traditional system of social relations among the members of Socotran society. The so-called "strato-tribal" system of relations, which until recently remained on the island, is increasingly recognized as outdated and hinders the conduct of commercial activities.


After the unification of the country, Yemen began to show clear trends towards strengthening the central government on the periphery of the state, including Socotra. In addition, the presence of merchants from different parts of Yemen in the capital has become much more noticeable. This has brought even more changes to the social structure of traditional society.

Immigrants from the mainland quickly became the most successful traders on Socotra. Their resourcefulness and entrepreneurial spirit made these Yemenis stand out sharply from the Socotran population proper - even the residents of the capital. The local population dubbed them the nickname dahbish, which is equivalent in meaning to our concept of "smart", "weasel", but rougher. As often happens when there is an internal cultural conflict, there are a lot of jokes about them in Socotra. For example, in one of the jokes about the hapless dahbish, who traveled around the island for a long time by car and was very annoyed that he could not get to Aden, such a feature of Yemeni entrepreneurs is ridiculed - not to take into account the realities and peculiarities of the place where they deploy their economic activities.

It is natural that Socotrians began to associate them with social and economic problems, showing more and more dissatisfaction with changes in traditional society and centuries-old traditions.-

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in our way of life. Although they do not fit into the traditional social structure, and therefore are outside or rather under the social ladder, these entrepreneurs have nevertheless quickly gained a strong economic position, which makes a major difference in social relations, at least in coastal cities.

It can be assumed that the process of gradual displacement of the "strato-tribal" organization of Socotra urban society is mainly due to the new models of economic relations introduced by traders from Yemen, and the growing position of this alien social group in Socotra society.


One of the bases of national identity of Socotrians is the non-written Socotri language. Until two decades ago, Arabic was practically not spoken on the island: only a small part of the townspeople understood and spoke a little Arabic. Among the highlanders, only those who regularly visited Hadibo and had relations with merchants or with the island's authorities spoke Arabic to some extent. In a relatively short period of time, the Arabic language has become almost ubiquitous.

There is a clear tendency among Socotran youth to cool off somewhat towards their native culture: they adopt only the most famous songs and legends that they have heard since childhood, but do not seek to master the entire rich cultural heritage. Perhaps, in the minds of the younger generation, the island's economic backwardness is subconsciously associated with the cultural code of its society and elements of its native culture. Although "cultural oblivion" is still a long way off, much of Socotran folklore is rapidly being lost.

One of the useful exercises that Socotri children and teenagers learn at every opportunity is stone throwing. In the almost complete absence of weapons on the island, in addition to the large knife used in the economy, throwing a stone in a certain situation can turn into a formidable weapon of self-defense or help in hunting. In any case, a stone throw, even by a Socotran boy, is always very accurate and very dangerous.

Socotra also retains the traditional greeting - touching noses with each other-after or at the same time as the handshake. It is important to note that only native Socotrians greet each other in this way - this greeting does not apply to foreigners, or even to immigrants from South Yemen.

Socotrians ' clothing remains quite simple. Unlike the minimal clothing of Socotra men described in the literature as early as the 70s of the XX century, which consisted of a loincloth and a rough wool blanket-shaml, thrown over the shoulder, the current costume consists of a sarong skirt (common in Southeast Asia and imported from there), a simple shirt and a Yemeni headscarf., made in Oman or Saudi Arabia.

The clothing of urban women is almost identical to the clothing typical of women in northern Yemen (a kind of metropolitan fashion): a black dress-abaya to the toe and a black niqab headscarf that completely covers the face. In rural areas, women continue to dress quite brightly: bright yellow, orange and red ornaments on spacious light clothes, the same bright hats. However, even at a distance from cities, it became difficult to meet an open female face: women grazing cattle quickly cover their faces as soon as they see strangers. The closed clothing of urban Socotri women and, in general, the current social behavior of women are strikingly different from those described by eyewitnesses in the 70s-80s, when women, on the contrary, sought to demonstrate the beauty of their faces and their elegant clothes. Apparently, these are the innovations that brought with them the Islamization of society in recent decades, which led to fundamental changes in the religious and social consciousness of Socotrians.


A very significant influence on the self-consciousness of Socotrians, especially residents of the coastal part of the island, was exerted by active missionary activity, which was carried out by Muslim preachers from Saudi Arabia in the 90s of the XX century. Dozens of new mosques have been opened, teaching of religious subjects in madrassas has been strengthened, and new madrassah schools have been built with generous private donations from the Gulf states, and many of these funds pay teachers salaries that can be three times higher than the average for the island.

Religious propaganda is carried out so perfectly that one hundred percent of the Muslim population of the island, and especially its capital, can be called a role model in the strictness of religious rites. But three decades ago, Islam in Socotra, especially among the highlanders, was largely a formal religion, and local beliefs played a significant role in the traditions and worldview of Socotrians. Of course, for centuries it was Islam that was recognized as the official religion of the Socotrians, but even at the ritual level there were local peculiarities, for example, it was customary to circumcise boys not in childhood, but by the age of 14-15, often combining this rite with the wedding ceremony.

Witchcraft and witchcraft were widespread everywhere, and there was no strict ban on the activities of sorcerers-healers yet. And now there are still some customs, for example, the treatment of cauterization, the terrible scars from which we have seen in Socotrians.

Currently, there are 45-50 mosques in the island's capital. Local residents themselves admit that this is a lot, while

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the total population of Hadibo numbered, according to official data for 2003, about 5 thousand people, and according to rough estimates for 2009-about 15 thousand 5

On the central street of Hadibo, a new, huge "presidential" mosque was recently erected. A fine example of traditional Muslim architecture, richly decorated and equipped, it towers over the city as a center of spiritual attraction for the citizens. There are also medium-sized mosques in the capital, with one or two minarets, as well as many small, low-key mosques located in residential areas of the city. Each locality on the island must have its own mosque - often a building that does not stand out among residential buildings, except for the obligatory "horns" at the corners of the flat roof.


One cannot but be struck by the breadth of Islamization of the current Socotran society, which leads to the displacement of local traditions by orthodox Muslim customs and codes of conduct. In the books and stories of researchers in the 1950s and 1980s, there was no trace of the extremes in behavior and culture that we now encounter.

Perplexity can be caused by the question that is widely repeated by Socotrians: "Do you pray to Allah?" You can hear it from old and young men in Hadibo Market, whether in the dirty and dark shops selling rags and honey, or in the clean, glass-fronted shops selling watches and office equipment, from respectable heads of families in remote areas of the island, from seven-year-olds and teenagers.

This question was sometimes asked out of context, sometimes right after the greeting, and sometimes instead of it. The following episode is significant in this respect: a teenager on Hadibo Street, having sat down with us, two foreigners, and decided that we do not speak any language at all, suddenly began to show us the characteristic bows and gestures, pointing to the mosque and not taking a questioning look at us.

Similar questions: "Who is your Lord?" and "Who are your brothers in faith?" - we were also asked by curious children who came to our dig site.

If such questions came from the lips of an adult Socotran, they usually preceded a similar conversation, the meaning of which, unfortunately, was reduced to how it happened that such decent-looking people are still not Muslims?! Sometimes it was necessary to explain that Christianity is also monotheism, and believers perform prayers and observe religious fasts. Sometimes we were asked how Christians pray differently from Muslims, and we were shown, and sometimes asked to recite a text from the Gospel or a prayer from memory.

The mountain tribes, as a rule, did not show such zeal in bringing the lost into the bosom of the true faith, but after the meal they always inquired about our religious affiliation. The religious theme in Socotran conversations is not the main and not the only one, but it seems to be mandatory.

It should be noted that the five-fold prayer is strictly performed by both coastal residents and mountaineers. Such rigor was clearly not present in Socotrians until the missionary "wave" of the last decade and a half of the twentieth century.


Recently, an increasing number of families are trying to give their children an education. Education is provided to children from families of different social strata, who see this as a start for improving the family's material well-being in the future and increasing their social status within the stratum. Of course, the costs of the educational process are quite high, but many well-to-do families of Kabili, Hadari or even some Abid families in the capital are usually able to arrange for a student to live near an educational institution and pay for their education. Often, several wealthy relatives take part in this process.

Socotrians receive their primary education in madrasas. By the beginning of 2010, 7 madrasas were functioning in Khadibo, and a large two - story building of a new madrasa with columns and architectural decorations is being finished. The central madrasah has a large courtyard, galleries,and several-story classrooms. It educates children of both sexes. The students ' clothing is more or less uniform; the girls wear white Muslim headscarves, while the older ones wear face-covering niqabs. There is a mosque attached to the madrasah.

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The only higher education institution in the capital city of Socotra is a branch of Hadhramaut University in Mukalla, on the southern coast of Yemen. The University in Mukalla has various faculties: natural sciences, law, trade, mathematics, etc., but there are no opportunities to create branches of these faculties in Socotra yet. Its branch, in Hadibo, has two faculties - theological and pedagogical, which train teachers of English and Arabic.

Most of the teachers of the branch are visitors from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Syria, and Iraq. The English department is headed by a professor from Australia, who also has 5 or 6 Australian teachers working under him. A Yemeni teacher at the Hadib branch is, oddly enough, a rarity, and of the Socotrians, there is only one teacher who was educated at the medical Faculty of the University of Damascus, and then in Russia.

The appearance of Socotran students-boys and girls-is quite secular, but strict observance of religious precepts is the norm for them.

Graduates of this educational institution face a serious problem of employment. Socotrians who have master's degrees from Hadhramaut University (as well as other Yemeni universities) find it very difficult to find a job. The maximum monthly salary that teachers can expect is 50 - 60 thousand rubles. Yemeni rials ($250-300)*.

Only a few teachers in Socotra have such a salary. It consists of the official salary (budget funds) - 15-25 thousand riyals (about $75 - 125) and subsidies from various funds, mostly private (usually from the United Arab Emirates). More realistic for Socotran teachers is the possibility of earning this amount on the mainland-in Aden, but the high unemployment rate in Yemen as a whole does not give them reason to be optimistic. As a result, many certified graduates of the Socotri branch (who may not have the highest level of education) are forced to work in cafes or private firms in Hadibo.

Most of the students of the pedagogical faculty of the Khadib branch are young representatives of tribes from different parts of the island. A very small part of the students come from wealthy families of the capital's Hadari. During the holidays or religious holidays, most students usually go to their ancestral villages.


The traditional" strato-tribal " structure of Socotran society makes a significant difference in the process of marriage and the arrangement of a young family.

Young Socotrians are very surprised when they learn that in some countries the groom's family does not need to pay for the bride's kalym at all. After a short acquaintance, they are usually interested in whether their interlocutor is married and how many children he has. Then comes a curious question: "How much did you pay?"..

The fact is that with the average salary on the island of 20 thousand riyals (about $100), the amount of payment from the groom's family at marriage is quite high and can range from 300 to 500 thousand riyals ($1.5-2.5 thousand), and for a bride from a very good (wealthy) family even more. True, these funds, as a rule, become the starting amount in the budget of a young family, but the very need for a one-time payment of such a high amount can not but depress potential suitors.

Marriage, therefore, is often an indicator of a Socotran's economic viability. However, this is not always the case. In poor families, especially among the Hadari of the coastal villages, it sometimes happens that the groom does not pay the bride price: in order to somehow improve the financial situation of a large family, which includes many relatives of different ages, cousin marriages are concluded. In this case, by internal agreement, the kalym may not be paid.

A significant obstacle in the organization of family life of the Ministry of Defense-

* Approximately at the Fall 2010 exchange rate.

page 75

One of the most interesting things about Hadibo is that recently the value of land plots in and around Hadibo has increased significantly. The average cost of a plot on the edge of the city is, in terms of dollars (and often Socotrians immediately count in American currency), about $2.5 thousand, and the construction of a house -$5-7 thousand. Those who want to build a small house near the main street of Hadibo must be prepared to pay at least $30 thousand-an unaffordable amount for a Socotrian who does not have a business or rich relatives abroad. Another thing is the construction of a house for a young family in their native village, where all the land belongs to the tribe and the allotment of the young cell of society is allocated by the decision of the sheikh of the tribe completely free of charge. However, in this case, the family will be forced to continue traditional forms of economic activity - cattle breeding and limited types of agriculture.


In general, the situation of Socotra's population, despite the obvious economic changes, can still be considered depressing. With the extreme difficulty of earning money, the price level on the island can not be called low. Most essential consumer goods are imported and therefore relatively expensive. Traditional products of local production - specially prepared ghee, dates, etc. - harvested and stored for a long time.

The diet of Socotrians remains quite poor and most often consists of rice (imported), traditional tortillas and only occasionally fish or goat meat. Sugar is consumed in very large quantities. In many large Hadari families, a large vat of water is boiled in the morning, where tea and a large amount of sugar are poured out. This drink is consumed throughout the day, which probably serves to fill up the missing calories due to the scarcity of food. A poor Hadari family consisting of several adults and about a dozen children is estimated to consume up to 70 kg of sugar per month. Of course, this can not but lead to the spread of diabetes, which is a real scourge for Socotrians: according to various estimates, up to half of the island's population suffers from this disease.

As before, now the average Socotran family traditionally has 10-15 children. With such a high birth rate, population growth was held back (or rather leveled) by a very high infant mortality rate several decades ago. At present, many diseases that have "mowed down" Socotrians for centuries, such as malaria, have almost been defeated, and the death rate among children has significantly decreased. In addition, the health situation on the island is improving every year, although medicines and doctors are still sorely lacking.

The well-being of a family in Socotra, as before, is estimated by the size of the livestock population and the number of fruit trees. A fairly prosperous farm is considered to have a number of goats and sheep of 200 or more heads. A rich family can own a herd of up to 500 heads, as well as one or more cows, which are very expensive on the island. In addition, a family's wealth is measured by the number of date palms grown on a small irrigated plot of fertile land. A rich mountain family usually has, in addition to a house or houses in their native village, also a house in the city, where the younger members of the family live, studying at a madrasa or university, or working in Khadibo. All family members who go down to the coast on commercial or other business can stay in this house.

Despite the progress in the development of school and religious education in Socotra, unfortunately, the situation in the field of public education does not look good yet. We couldn't find a single bookstore on the island. A few books about the island, intended for foreigners, can only be found in the offices of travel companies. True, there is a certain library (municipal) near the central square, but it was closed during our entire stay on the island. Most likely, the entire education of the vast majority of Socotrians is reduced, at most, to religious and school education.

The island's socio-cultural isolation, which was noted by Russian and foreign researchers in the 20th century, has now been largely overcome. International telephone service points are open. Little by little, satellite television is beginning to appear (so far, mainly in well-to-do homes and hotels in Hadibo). On one of the capital's buildings there is an advertising inscription "Internet".

Until recently, prikho-

page 76

ships arriving at Socotra were unloaded in the roadstead and delivered goods to the shore on sambuk boats, but after the construction of the port, sea communication was revived not only with Yemeni ports, but also with India. Among the imported goods - and textiles from Oman, the distance to which from Socotra is comparable to the distance to South Yemen.

A road network is being actively built across the island. The main highways connecting Hadibo with the cities of Socotra have already been built, and they are of a fairly high quality. Pakistani and Iranian engineers were involved in the construction. Currently, roads are being built to remote mountain plateaus and southern regions.

Under the Socotri Department of Nature Management, a large-scale program was implemented within the framework of international projects for about 15 years, during which serious cartographic, geological exploration and environmental work was carried out.

According to our observations, the Socotrians were very positive about all the measures taken by the Yemeni Government to develop the island. Most of them are well aware of the need to introduce technical innovations and update economic relations. They actively use motor transport, communication facilities, and learn new methods of conducting trade and entrepreneurship. Nevertheless, the penetration of an alien spirit of individualism and commercialization sometimes evokes in them a sense of nostalgia for the times when the sultan was the political representative of the entire population, their defender before the English colonial power - a member of Socotri society, who did not stand out among the inhabitants with excessive wealth, lived according to the internal laws of society and knew the local traditions well.

With a certain openness of Socotran society and frequent contacts with foreign specialists in various fields, as well as tourists from different countries who are increasingly visiting Socotra, it is of interest to ask a natural question: do Socotrians have a tendency to emigrate, to seek better material conditions in mainland Yemen or abroad?

Put bluntly, this question elicited a lengthy but unambiguous answer. Our interviewees acknowledged that although economic difficulties on the island often make you think about emigrating, they still considered it impossible for themselves to leave their homeland. They considered the places where their ancestors lived from time immemorial and their families and tribesmen now live to be an integral part of their identity. The desire for native places was constantly emphasized in the conversations of Socotrians with us. Even those who were forced to leave their village for a while to solve a number of important cases in the capital, were homesick, staying in the city longer than they were supposed to.

At the same time, with all their desire for their native places, family, and tribe, Socotrians find it very useful to travel abroad: to Arab countries, European countries, Russia, or the United States. Very pragmatic by nature, they understand the benefits of foreign contacts and expanding the horizon of their knowledge about the world. In addition, many Socotra residents have before their eyes an example of the success of their fellow countrymen abroad. Some relatives work in the Gulf countries, which significantly supports the material well-being of their families, and in addition, increases their status in the eyes of others.

Of course, the most desirable event for most Socotrians is the hajj. In addition to the fact that it is a religious duty of a Muslim, it is also an opportunity for islanders to travel abroad, overcome the circle of everyday life, and gain more respect from their neighbors.

As in many other Arab-Muslim countries, the status of haji for Socotrians is a social marker of material prosperity and well-being in the life of not only a particular person, but also the entire family or clan. According to rough estimates of the residents themselves, every year from 60 to 100 Socotrians go to the hajj. Despite the relative territorial proximity of holy places for all Muslims, very few people can afford to go on the Hajj. As they sadly joke, it is very easy to perform the Hajj, you just need to have relatives in rich Arab countries, for example, in the Emirates. And indeed, such a trip can be very expensive, more than $3 thousand-an unaffordable amount for the average Socotrian.

The main conclusion, which suggests itself even after a short observation of life on Socotra, is the inevitability of deepening changes in Socotra society. Rapid economic changes, changes in trade and economic ties, and a high rate of ideological transformation-all this inevitably affects the life of Socotran society and its culture. The current political transformation in Yemen also has an impact on the lives of the islanders.

What will be the continuation of the story of the" mysterious " Socotra?

1 V. V. Naumkin's book "Islands of the Socotra Archipelago: Expeditions of 1974-2010" is being prepared for publication.

2 Socotra / / Short geographical encyclopedia. Volume 3 (edited by A. A. Grigoriev). Moscow, Sovetskaya entsiklopediya, 1962.

Doe D.B. 3 Socotra: Island of Tranquility. London: Immel, 1992, p. 35.

Hamadi A. 4 Duwar al-amaliyat al-geomorfojiyah fi tashqil mazhar al-ard li jahirat Socotra/Ad doctors praise you. Kulliyat at-tarbiya, Jamiat Bagdad, 2002, p. 6 (Geomorphological studies for constructing the Socotra model/PhD thesis. Faculty of Education, University of Baghdad) - cit. по:

Elie Serge D. 5 Soqotra: The historical Formation of a Communal Polity // Chroniques yemenites, juillet 2010, vol. 16, p. 35.


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