London-New York: Routledge, 2010*

The book is devoted to the internal politics of the State of Israel, more precisely-its ethnic aspect. As an ethnologist, I was interested in this work about an issue that was practically not studied in our country. It is written by Asad Ghanem, a senior lecturer at the School of Political Studies at the University of Haifa (Israel). It focuses on Israel's policy towards several groups, which the author refers to as "second-level groups" (secondary groups).: These are the so-called Mizrahim, or Jews from the countries of the East (from Hebrew. mizarch east); religious Jews; so-called Russians, i.e. former Soviet immigrants; Palestinians.

Thus, from the very beginning, the author defines the scope and boundaries of his research. It does not consider and, as it were, "does not notice" several ethnic groups living in the State of Israel; among them, Israeli Arabs, Druze, Circassians, Armenians and a number of others. Moreover, when speaking about Jews originating from North Africa, as well as the Middle East, he does not distinguish among them groups that have pronounced ethno-cultural features (Moroccan, Yemeni, Iraqi Jews, etc.). Nor does he mention other ethnocultural groups of the Jewish population of Israel: Polish, Romanian Jews, etc. This is partly understandable, since the author studies public policy in relation to various "second-level groups". He believes (quite rightly) that the State of Israel does not pursue a special policy towards, say, Moroccan or Polish Jews. But the lack of analysis of ethnic politics in relation to Israeli Arabs, Bedouins, Druze, Circassians and a number of others is still surprising.

* Gansm A. Ethnic politics in the State of Israel. Ashkenazi center and periphery. London-New York: Rutlesj, 2010.

At the same time, A. Ghanem includes orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jews in the field of his research, whom he, like other "second-level groups", considers as an opposition to the Ashkenazi elite that dominates state politics. Based on all this, it would be more correct to title the book "Ethno-confessional (or ethnic and religious) politics in Israel". However, this is due to a different understanding of ethnicity and its derived terms. In Russian science, where the theory of ethnos still holds a strong position among researchers, most groups of the Jewish population of Israel would be called sub-ethnic (i.e., "second-level groups" in relation to the Jewish ethnic group). In Israeli ethnology, Moroccan, Yemeni, Romanian Jews and others are commonly referred to as ethnolinguistic groups. In Western sociocultural anthropology, they are usually referred to as ethnic groups. Without going into theoretical disputes, I will point out that the classical definition of an ethnic group for Jews is very bad, or rather, it does not fit at all, so I prefer to call such groups ethno-cultural, because until recently they had their own cultural characteristics and still have their own identity.

However, the choice of A. Hahnem is also due to the author's concept, according to which the Ashkenazi Jews ¹ are the "center" of political life, the role that they originally played as the founders of the state. He considers them the dominant group (hegemonic group) in Israel and defines their policies as the control and hegemony of the center in relation to the" second-level groups " located on the periphery of this policy. According to A. Ghanem (although he is not the only one who expresses such views), Israel is a state of Ashkenazi hegemony, and the policy implemented by this state is discriminatory towards non-Ashkenazim. Moreover, the author claims that Israel has created a regime that legitimizes the ethnic and religious affiliation of its citizens, which is preferable to civil affiliation. According to the scientist, such a policy indicates the intention to create a single "Israeli people". However, the author believes that on the way to achieving this goal, there are (and will continue to be) four constant obstacles-dangers.

This is a struggle between certain groups: the secular and religious parts of society; Eastern Jews (Mizrahim) and Ashkenazim; "Russians" and other Jews-Israelis; Jews-Israelis and Palestinians. These contradictions, according to A. Ghanem, threaten the stability of the entire society. This is briefly the essence of his concept, and he justifies it in the pages of his book.

In chapter 1, which I think is the most interesting ("Israel as an ethnocratic state and the politics of group identity"), the researcher seeks to provide a theoretical justification for his concept that Israel is a state that pursues a policy of ethnic hegemony, and emphasizes that the roots of this phenomenon go back to the Jewish Yishuv (pre-state period), when Ashkenazi Jews played a leading role in all spheres of life. The author emphasizes that Israel's ethnic policy is fundamentally different from that of most states in the Middle East. He identifies several multi-level factors that determine the requirements of ethnic (by his definition) minorities. The researcher considers the most significant: a) contradictions between the statuses of indigenous groups and immigrants; b) the demographic "weight" of these groups in Israel and their settlement; the ability of a particular group to function as a consolidated ethnic organization; the human factor, i.e., the behavior of the group's leaders. The last factor, according to A. Ganem, is the most important.

The author points out that among scholars there are several points of view, according to which Israel is either a legal civil or a colonial state (p.10). It is also a model of "cultural pluralism"; a model of "diversified citizenship"; a model of ethnic democracy, etc. (for a detailed review and critique of these models, see p. 11-16). As I have already said, A. Ghanem sees Israel as a state that is guided in its policy by an ethnic principle-an ethnically oriented state. As such, he compares it to Turkey and the Baltic states, thus disagreeing with those researchers who consider these countries "liberal democracies" and pointing out that liberal democracies, as defined by E. D. Smith, are based on territorial nationalism (p. 6). Therefore, A. Ghanem argues, Israel, Turkey, and the Baltic States can be described more as ethnic states, since their ethnic policies create advantages for the population.

^{Ashkenazim - 1} natives of Europe (from the Hebrew Ashkenaz-the term used in the Middle Ages to denote Northern France and Germany).

I think that this definition is valid for Turkey and, with some reservations, for the Baltic States, where the rights of ethnic minorities are more or less restricted, and State policies ensure the dominance of the ethnic majority in many spheres of life and, as a result, the marginalization of minorities. The situation in Israel today is different.

In chapters 2-5, A. Ghanem analyzes the political situation of the "second-level groups" fighting against Ashkenazi domination. The author examines the specifics of each case and argues that the ethnic state is very sophisticated in restricting the rights of these groups.

Thus, in chapter 2 ("The Palestinian Minority in Israel: Resistance to the Ethnocratic system"), the researcher focuses on the situation of the Palestinians and their struggle against the State of Israel. The author traces the peculiarities of the political, economic and socio-cultural development of the Palestinians for more than 60 years. It is characteristic that A. Ghanem does not go back to an earlier period and does not delve into the ethnic history of the Palestinians, so it is not entirely clear whether, in his opinion, they existed as an ethnic community before the emergence of the State of Israel. He names the factors that have influenced the political development of the Palestinians: internal factors that he calls restrictive and that exist in the Palestinian society itself (among them, he especially highlights the status of the clan, women, family, religious relations and others that are in the process of modernization); relations between Israel and its Palestinian citizens. The author emphasizes that although Palestinians in Israel enjoy full rights and freedoms, this state identifies itself with one ethnic/national group-Jews. Thus, the Palestinians as an ethnic group are deprived of many of the privileges that are available to Jewish citizens. Speaking about the demands of the Palestinians in the context of their recognition of the State of Israel, A. Ghanem notes that, according to the results of the survey, the majority of Palestinians (71.2%) prefer to remain citizens of Israel and would not like to move to a state founded next to it (p.28). At the same time, they are dissatisfied with their living conditions, and along with economic and political factors, Palestinian citizens of Israel consider equality with Jews to be the most important.

It seems strange to me that when speaking of the Jewish-Palestinian opposition, A. Ghanem does not even mention Israeli Arabs as a non-Jewish ethnic minority with their own rights and problems; moreover, it seems that he simply includes them in the Palestinian community. It also seems that when analyzing the ethno-confessional situation in the State of Israel, it is necessary to focus specifically on the situation of Christian Arabs, on state policy and on the attitude of different groups of society towards them.

Chapter 3 ("Mizrahim (the Eastern Jews) in the Ashkenazi political system: the politics of incorporation versus the politics of secession") is dedicated to Eastern Jews as a community. A. Ghanem considers it as an opposition to Ashkenazi Jews and emphasizes that from the very beginning of the mass immigration of the Mizrahim in the late 1940s-1950s in the European-oriented Israeli society and culture, their status was marginal, and they themselves served the goals of the Ashkenazi stratum. Describing the Mizrahim absorption policy, the scholar describes it as an attempt to destroy the Arab culture of Eastern Jews, accompanied by numerous restrictions in the economic and political spheres. All this has led them to feel the injustice shown to them by the state as a minority. A. Ghanem takes into account the growing gap between Mizrahim and Ashkenazim in many areas of life: education, income level, housing, etc. But the discontent of Eastern Jews, in his opinion, was not directed against Zionist policies, but against the Ashkenazi leadership responsible for the policy of absorption.

Speaking about political protests and Mizrahim organizations, the author draws attention to the support they provide to various parties, as well as extra-parliamentary activities and movements ("Black Panthers", "Ohalim", "Tami", etc.), and emphasizes that the ethnic identity of Eastern Jews has not weakened over the years, it is"it is still being reinforced by a sense of discrimination and vulnerability" (p. 78).

In this regard, I would like to draw your attention to the fact that despite the commonality of demands, political movements and organizations, the Mizrahim do not represent a homogeneous ethnic community. The author does not always, in my opinion, reasonably include Sephardim ² and

^{Sephardim -2} (from Hebrew. Sfarad-Spain) - descendants of immigrants from the Iberian Peninsula, who then lived in North Africa, in a number of countries in the Middle East and the Balkans.

Jews from Iraq, Iran and other countries of the Middle East, although these groups until recently had pronounced ethno-cultural features (such as Yemeni, Mountain, Moroccan, Bukharian Jews), not to mention the fact that the Sephardim had their own everyday and behavioral culture and identity. All of them became subjects of the "melting pot" policy that was implemented by the State of Israel in the first decades of its existence and which caused them to feel unfair, which led to mass protests. The ineffectiveness of the "melting pot" policy resulted in the emergence of a dominant model of cultural pluralism. However, A. Ghanem is absolutely right when he speaks about the continuing contradictions between Ashkenazim and Eastern Jews in many spheres of life.

In chapter 4 ("Jewish Religious Groups and Identity Politics in a Secular Jewish State"), A. Ghanem talks about the conflict between religion and the state in Israel. He emphasizes that since its foundation, religion has played a significant role in the political arena. The researcher points out that, although relations between religion and the state in Europe have been difficult before, the new nation-states have presented religious institutions with a double challenge: the emergence of national movements and national identities as alternatives to religion. The scientist emphasizes that over the past century, the Jewish people did not have legitimate political structures in their countries of residence. He notes a series of internal crises at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries and the important status of the Land of Israel for most Jews, emphasizing that the Zionist movement was a new challenge to Jewish religiosity.

A. Ghanem also writes about three theological approaches to Zionism: ultra-Orthodox Jews viewed it as a sin; some religious Zionists saw it as the fulfillment of biblical prophecies; others understood it as the next stage of so-called emancipation (the acquisition of full civil rights by Jews). Consequently, from the very beginning, the declaration of Israel as a Jewish democratic state, the author points out, laid down a contradiction between religion and the state. The author goes on to describe the political demands of religious parties and organizations on various issues: education, military service, the status of Sabbath and Kashrut observance (dietary laws in Judaism), the Law of Return, and other issues that are important for the religious sector, as well as their struggle for spiritual and material resources and support for different segments of society. In particular, the researcher focuses on the activities of the SHAS party, which claims to represent the identity and interests of Mizrahim alone, as well as to act as an opposition to the secular Ashkenazi hegemony.

Thus, the author contrasts all religious groups in general with secular Ashkenazim-in accordance with his concept. However, the religious group he considers also includes religious Ashkenazim represented by the Agudat Yisrael and Degel ha-Torah parties. Finally, as already mentioned, religious groups are not at all identical with ethnic groups. Therefore, this chapter seems to me the most controversial, because it deals more with religious politics (although the ethnic aspect is also present). At the same time, if we cover the religious, or rather ethno-confessional, situation in Israel, we should also focus on non-Jewish religious groups and their problems: Muslims, Christians of various denominations, and Baha'is.

In chapter 5 ("Russian Immigrants: Imposed Multiculturalism in Israel"), A. Ghanem analyzes the problems of Russian-speaking Jews and their attempts to defend their collective interests. The author notes that emigration from the former USSR was due to economic reasons, not being a consequence of the dangers to which Jews were exposed in the countries of the East, and the Zionist beliefs of migrants. He points out that former Soviet Jews were not an ethnically homogeneous group: people from different parts of the USSR were very different from each other. But there were also factors that united them: the Russian language, a sense of superiority and even hostility towards Eastern Jews and Arabs. Following B. Kimmerling, the scientist claims that the Israeli ruling circles used this large migration wave "as part of their demographic war directed against the Palestinians, the Haredim (fundamentalist Jews) and the Mizrahim" (R. Kimmerling). 133). Describing the specifics of Russian-speaking immigrants, A. Ghanem makes an interesting attempt to find out the future prospects for their integration in Israeli society. The researcher notes that unlike the wave of immigration from the USSR in the 1970s, the newcomers of the 1990s were not able to quickly assimilate into Israel. According to A. Ghanem, " this has created a multi-

cultural situation in the places where they (Russian - speaking people) live" (p. 160). This conclusion is the result of an analysis of the political views and demands of Russian-speaking immigrants.

A. Ghanem widely cites the works of M. Al-Hajj, E. Ben-Raphael and other well-known researchers, but he apparently does not know the works of scientists who are recent immigrants from the former USSR. Meanwhile, they do not just study the problems of new immigrants in Israel, but they themselves have gone through a difficult path of adaptation in the host society and know the situation "from the inside". Among them, for example, M. Elenevskaya, M. Niznik, L. Remennik, L. Fialkova, V. Khanin, A. Epstein and others who have published a number of interesting works, including in English [Zilberg, 2001; Fialkova and Yelenevskaya, 2007; Khanin, 2007; Remennick, 2007; Epstein and Khanin, 2007]. These and other works of immigrants from the USSR are, in my opinion, of paramount importance for understanding the problems of Russian-speaking immigrants. It is all the more necessary to take them into account because, at the end of this chapter, A. Hahnem gives a review of the literature, which attempts to explain the specifics of immigration from the former USSR and the political behavior of immigrants themselves, which is the result of their feelings of frustration. The latter, in turn, was the result of the policies of Israel's ruling circles, which, according to the newcomers, "did little to facilitate their integration" (p.162). Another specific feature of Russian speakers in Israel is, according to A. Ghanem, their right-wing political views, "brought" by them from the country of exodus. As additional characteristics, the researcher cites their internal political preferences and ethno-political identity, which differs from the identities of other Israeli ethnic groups.

Being primarily a political scientist, A. Ghanem pays special attention to political factors: the organizations and parties of "second-level groups", the political demands of these groups and the struggle they are waging.

In chapter 6 ("Division into groups, foreign policy conflict, and political instability in Israel after Oslo"), the author examines the differences that threaten the stability of the entire society between various Israeli groups: Ashkenazim, Eastern Jews, religious Jews, Russian - speaking immigrants, and - most of all-Palestinians. He rightly considers the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to be the most acute and threatening to the security of the State of Israel.

In conclusion, A. Ghanem tries to present the evolution of the State of Israel from a model that he calls a quasi-liberal regime to a system of separation of powers, in which all "second-level groups" are part of a single state structure.

As we have seen, the scholar examines the political interaction of several Israeli ethnic and religious groups rather than the ethnic policies pursued by the State of Israel. This is due to his concept of "second-level groups" that fight for their interests with the Ashkenazi elite. This opposition culminates in the case of the Palestinians, who oppose all other Israeli groups.

Despite the controversial nature of the author's approach to understanding ethnicity, as well as a certain terminological incorrectness in defining "second-level groups" in general and as subjects of Israel's ethnic policy in particular, A. Ghanem in his certainly interesting book highlighted certain aspects of the ethnic situation in this country.

list of literature

Epstein A., Khanin V.(Z.) (cds.) Every Sevens in Israel: The Jews of the Former Soviet Union - Patterns of Social and Cultural Integration. Jcrusalcm-Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University, 2007.

Fialkova L., Yelenevskaya M. Ex-Soviets in Israel. From Personal Narratives to a Group Portrait. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. Raphael Patai Scries in Jewish Folklore and Anthropology. 2007.

Khanin Z.(V.) Revival of "Russian" Politics in Israel: the Case of 2006 Elections // Israel Affairs. London, 2007. April. № 13(2).

Remennick L. Russian Jews on Three Continents. Identity, Integration and Conflict. New Brunswick (U.S.A.)-London (U.K.): Transaction Publishers, 2007.

Zilberg N. Why Change Culture? A Trilcmma Confronting Russian Intelligentsia in Israel as Center Stage II Hare P.A. & Krcsscl G.M. (Eds.). A Setting for Social and Religious Enactments. Wcstport-Connccticut-London: Bcrgin & Garvcy, 2001.

Permanent link to this publication: