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L. K. YERMAN. Russia's Democratic Intelligentsia in the Revolution of 1905 - 1907

The article highlights the part played by Russia's democratic intelligentsia in the most important events of the Revolution of 1905 - 1907. Extensive work among diverse sections of democratic intellectuals was conducted by the Bolsheviks under V. I. Lenin's leadership. They spread their influence to a number of legally-functioning societies of democratic intellectuals and established a number of illegal and semi- legal professional organizations, including the Teachers' Union in St. Petersburg, the Technicians' Union in Moscow, etc. The Bolsheviks waged a consistent and uncompromising struggle against bourgeois liberals, who exerted a strong influence on a fairly large section of the intelligentsia. The author shows how ever wider sections of democratic intellectuals were joining the revolutionary movement under the impact of the struggle waged by the proletariat and the peasantry. The culminating point of the revolution was the armed uprising of the proletariat in December 1905. It was precisely at that time that the contradictions and polarization within the intellectual class reached their peak. The bourgeois-liberal upper crust of the intelligentsia openly sided with tsarism. The democratically-minded intellectuals, on the other hand, supported the proletariat and took part in the nation-wide political strike, while the most selfless intellectuals fought on the barricades side by side with armed workers. The most prominent and progressive-minded representatives of Russian culture, including such eminent writers and poets as Maxim Gorky, A. S. Serafimovich, Alexander Blok, N. G. Garin-Mikhailovsky, M. M. Kotsyubinsky, Lesya Ukrainka and Jan Rainis, sympathized with and supported the armed uprising. Artist S. V. Ivanov joined a detachment of armed workers, sculptors A. S. Golubkina and S. T. Konenkov fought on the barricades. The revolutionary events of 1905 - 1907 in Russia brilliantly confirmed Lenin's prediction that democratic intellectuals can, though not without wavering and vacillation, take the side of the main revolutionary forces - the proletariat and the peasantry-and become an active force in a democratic revolution.

B. N. TOPORNIN. The Historical Experience of the Multi-Party System in Czechoslovakia

The article examines certain aspects of the multi-party system existing in Czechoslovakia since the establishment of popular government. Drawing on his study of Czechoslovak materials, the author comes to the conclusion that the existence of one or several parties in any country depends on concrete historical conditions. The main prerequisites for the existence of a multi-party system in Czechoslovakia were such interconnected factors as the socially heterogeneous composition of society, the broad social base conducive to the struggle for socialism and democracy, and long- standing traditions of political life. Following the defeat of reaction in February 1948, the non-Communist parties purged their ranks of the Right elements and, developing the progressive traditions of the past, began to cooperate actively with the National Front on the basis of a common platform of socialist construction. The membership of these parties began to share actively in the solution of major economic and cultural tasks. Forming an integral part of the National Front, these parties systematically participate in the election of state bodies. Czechoslovakia's non-Communist parties play an exceptionally important part in strengthening the moral and political unity of the people.

A. S. KAHN. Norway's Foreign Policy During World War II

The article examines the specific features of Norway's neutrality in the prewar period and the Norwegian government's foreign policy at the different stages of World War II. Side by side with military and diplomatic activity, the author analyzes the foreign- policy concepts which originated in Norway's official circles under the influence of military experience. The author draws widely on various publications of Norwegian, Soviet, German, Swedish and American diplomatic documents, materials of the 1945 parliamentary investigation, the press and memoirs, as well as on certain materials from the U.S.S.R. Foreign Policy Archive. Criticizing a number of measures and decisions adopted by the Norwegian government before and after April 9, 1940, the author at the same time highlights the role played by Norwegian emigre leaders in repelling the fascist aggressors.

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The author examines the principal changes in Norway's foreign-policy principles resulting from the war: recognition of the need to enhance the country's defence potential; all-round participation in the United Nations Organization as an antithesis of prewar isolationism; supplementing the traditional orientation on Britain by orientation on the U.S.A.; emphasizing in every way the importance of establishing new, friendly relations with the Soviet Union and the role of Norway and the other Scandinavian countries in bringing about a rapprochement between East and West. It is to be regretted that during the cold war period Norway's ruling element departed from some of these principles.

B. G. SAPOZHNIKOV and V. B. VORONTSOV. MacArthur's Memoirs

The article is devoted to the early postwar years - the period when Japan was occupied by the United States, when the efforts of American imperialism were directed towards forming an American-Japanese alliance, towards strengthening America's economic and political positions in that country. The chief architect of the American-Japanese alliance during that period was General MacArthur. In the postwar years, particularly after MacArthur's death in 1964, bourgeois historiography made no little effort to advertise the General's personality and activity. Noteworthy in this respect is the publication in the U.S. and Japan of MacArthur's memoirs, which are largely devoted to extolling the General's contribution to the regeneration of postwar Japan.

The authors of the article expose the highly tendentious character of the main part of the memoirs devoted to the American occupation of Japan. A certain degree of democratization of Japan's social life should be attributed not to MacArthur's effort and ability but to the persevering struggle waged by democratic and progressive forces in all countries, to the freedom-loving aspirations inspired in the consciousness of the peoples by the victories of the Allied Powers over the forces of fascism and reaction. If anything, MacArthur's headquarters did everything in its power to undermine and weaken the democratic trends in Japan's postwar society and made strenuous efforts to carry out measures designed to strengthen the capitalist system in the country...

M. A. BARG. Bourgeois Historiography on the Social Structure of Medieval Society

The author points out that the problem of the origin and development of the functional role of medieval aristocracy has been attracting the attention of medieval history researchers during the past twenty years. The interest in the problem is due to the fact that it has been inadequately investigated, as well as to the influence of the various elite theories that have become fairly widespread in the West of late. The article subjects to a critical analysis a series of works produced by French, Belgian, West- German, Austrian and Swiss historians. The author makes an attempt to single out the principal schools and trends of research in individual aspects of the problem, devoting particular attention to analyzing the schools led by M. Bloch, L. Verriest, G. Tellenbach and Th. Mayer. As distinct from the former, which substantiates the thesis of the elite as a social class newly arising at every stage of the medieval period, Messrs. Verriest and Balon proceed from the thesis of the hereditary and juridical character of the elite in the early medieval period, thereby erasing the boundaries of whole historical epochs and reducing the social history of the elite to a mere genealogy of a certain number of gentes. This school comes very close to Mayer's trend, which has substantiated the thesis on the dominant position held by the elite among the Germanic peoples and on the traditional succession of the Frankish aristocracy. Nevertheless, concrete research in the problem has enriched historical science with extensive new material.

T. Y. BURMISTROVA. The Concept of Nation-Certain Theoretical Questions

The author makes an attempt to elucidate the concept of nation by analyzing the definition of a nation given by J. V. Stalin in 1913, emphasizing its positive aspects and pointing to the need of its further development. The article sets forth the author's attitude to the works and monographs published in the course of the discussion. While essentially sharing the views of their authors on the economic, territorial and linguistic ties characteristic of a nation, T. Y. Burmistrova reveals her own understanding of the content of these ties and offers additional arguments in support of her thesis that the national character and national culture are important indications of a nation. The author believes that the term "national psychology" is unfounded and does not agree with those who regard the community of a nation's "psychological make-up" and statehood as indispensable characteristics of a socialist or any other nation.

In conclusion the author substantiates the correctness of the term "bourgeois nation" and stresses the need for a profound theoretical elaboration and definition of different types of nations: bourgeois nations, nations of the period of transition from capitalism to socialism, socialist nations, communist nations.



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